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#abolitionism — Public Fediverse posts

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  1. #introduction
    We are abolish! - a political festival in Bern focused on abolitionism.

    on here: information and updates about the “Abolish!” political month in Anstadt (Bern) from May 22 to June 7, 2026.

    abolish.ch

    Against borders, racial profiling, police violence, patriarchy, criminal justice and the discriminatory system! For the development of emancipatory alternatives and radical care.

    #abolish #Bern #abolitionism

  2. #introduction
    We are abolish! - a political festival in Bern focused on abolitionism.

    on here: information and updates about the “Abolish!” political month in Anstadt (Bern) from May 22 to June 7, 2026.

    abolish.ch

    Against borders, racial profiling, police violence, patriarchy, criminal justice and the discriminatory system! For the development of emancipatory alternatives and radical care.

    #abolish #Bern #abolitionism

  3. #introduction
    We are abolish! - a political festival in Bern focused on abolitionism.

    on here: information and updates about the “Abolish!” political month in Anstadt (Bern) from May 22 to June 7, 2026.

    abolish.ch

    Against borders, racial profiling, police violence, patriarchy, criminal justice and the discriminatory system! For the development of emancipatory alternatives and radical care.

    #abolish #Bern #abolitionism

  4. 'Lewis takes up a debate with several Black feminists who have, at various times, questioned the idea of family abolition, whose central argument has been that, very often, Black families have been sites of resistance against racism. Similarly, we could point to many experiences of class struggle in which sectors of working families have played a key role against the attacks of capital: supporting strikes, establishing relations of solidarity between factories and neighborhoods, staging rent strikes, maintaining soup kitchens, creating movements in defense of public services, and many other forms of resistance. The tradition of “women’s commissions” in strikes, for example, has allowed the working class to articulate fighting forces far beyond the workplace.

    'To this criticism Lewis responds that, even so, we should not cease working for the abolition of the family, since we would not need its “protective shield” if we managed to build a society without racism. The argument contains a grain of truth, but it stops halfway. It fails to contemplate the role that the family relations within sectors of the working class and oppressed can play in moments of heightened class struggle. On another level, it doesn’t account for the fact that capitalism, while it needs such a “social cell” for its own reproduction, constantly undermines working families’ very conditions of existence. Marx and Engels remarked on this in the mid-19th century, pointing to the length of the working day, the lack of decent housing, and the general precariousness of working class life.'

    Josefina L. Martínez : leftvoice.org/love-and-care-be

    #property #gender #subordination #dependence #family #debates #debate #abolition #antiCapitalism #Fourier #Lewis #sociology #anthropology #communities #feminism #feminisms #chores #care #queer #rainbowMafia #historyOfIdeas #Marxism #relationships #abolitionism #culturalism #radicalFeminism #materialism #classes #revolution #domesticWork #classStruggle #careWork #historyOfFeminism

  5. 'Lewis takes up a debate with several Black feminists who have, at various times, questioned the idea of family abolition, whose central argument has been that, very often, Black families have been sites of resistance against racism. Similarly, we could point to many experiences of class struggle in which sectors of working families have played a key role against the attacks of capital: supporting strikes, establishing relations of solidarity between factories and neighborhoods, staging rent strikes, maintaining soup kitchens, creating movements in defense of public services, and many other forms of resistance. The tradition of “women’s commissions” in strikes, for example, has allowed the working class to articulate fighting forces far beyond the workplace.

    'To this criticism Lewis responds that, even so, we should not cease working for the abolition of the family, since we would not need its “protective shield” if we managed to build a society without racism. The argument contains a grain of truth, but it stops halfway. It fails to contemplate the role that the family relations within sectors of the working class and oppressed can play in moments of heightened class struggle. On another level, it doesn’t account for the fact that capitalism, while it needs such a “social cell” for its own reproduction, constantly undermines working families’ very conditions of existence. Marx and Engels remarked on this in the mid-19th century, pointing to the length of the working day, the lack of decent housing, and the general precariousness of working class life.'

    Josefina L. Martínez : leftvoice.org/love-and-care-be

    #property #gender #subordination #dependence #family #debates #debate #abolition #antiCapitalism #Fourier #Lewis #sociology #anthropology #communities #feminism #feminisms #chores #care #queer #rainbowMafia #historyOfIdeas #Marxism #relationships #abolitionism #culturalism #radicalFeminism #materialism #classes #revolution #domesticWork #classStruggle #careWork #historyOfFeminism

  6. 'Lewis takes up a debate with several Black feminists who have, at various times, questioned the idea of family abolition, whose central argument has been that, very often, Black families have been sites of resistance against racism. Similarly, we could point to many experiences of class struggle in which sectors of working families have played a key role against the attacks of capital: supporting strikes, establishing relations of solidarity between factories and neighborhoods, staging rent strikes, maintaining soup kitchens, creating movements in defense of public services, and many other forms of resistance. The tradition of “women’s commissions” in strikes, for example, has allowed the working class to articulate fighting forces far beyond the workplace.

    'To this criticism Lewis responds that, even so, we should not cease working for the abolition of the family, since we would not need its “protective shield” if we managed to build a society without racism. The argument contains a grain of truth, but it stops halfway. It fails to contemplate the role that the family relations within sectors of the working class and oppressed can play in moments of heightened class struggle. On another level, it doesn’t account for the fact that capitalism, while it needs such a “social cell” for its own reproduction, constantly undermines working families’ very conditions of existence. Marx and Engels remarked on this in the mid-19th century, pointing to the length of the working day, the lack of decent housing, and the general precariousness of working class life.'

    Josefina L. Martínez : leftvoice.org/love-and-care-be

    #property #gender #subordination #dependence #family #debates #debate #abolition #antiCapitalism #Fourier #Lewis #sociology #anthropology #communities #feminism #feminisms #chores #care #queer #rainbowMafia #historyOfIdeas #Marxism #relationships #abolitionism #culturalism #radicalFeminism #materialism #classes #revolution #domesticWork #classStruggle #careWork #historyOfFeminism

  7. "There! Now the country can struggle with entrenched white supremacy for a few hundred years!"

  8. "There! Now the country can struggle with entrenched white supremacy for a few hundred years!"

  9. We all choose which heritage to embrace, and which to reject. It says a lot about us.

  10. We all choose which heritage to embrace, and which to reject. It says a lot about us.

  11. Whipping scars of a former Mississippi slave, US Civil War, 1863

  12. If only the best American to ever live had a little more time

  13. If only the best American to ever live had a little more time

  14. Hello, Based Department?

    From the professor’s actual piece:

    Every few weeks a white person, usually well-meaning, writes to me asking how to be a better ally. They list the right books they’ve read, the relatives they’ve blocked, the marches they’ve attended. They tell me how many friends they’ve lost for saying the right things, how lonely it feels to be the one white person in their circle who “gets it.”

    And then, they ask the same exhausting question: “What else can I do?”

    It’s a question that always lands heavy. Not because I doubt their sincerity, but because the question itself is still a form of protection that centers the asker’s confusion instead of the target’s danger. It’s a request to be taught, forgiven, and reassured, again and again. It’s another round of homework assigned to the wounded.

    It’s exhausting as hell because it’s still a form of emotional outsourcing. Even the well-intentioned versions drag you back into the same cycle of having to translate pain into curriculum. It’s the paradox of white “goodness.” They want to be seen trying, but the trying itself becomes another demand on the people that are already harmed.

    That’s why the question feels heavy. It’s not that their heart isn’t in the right place. It’s that the framing still centers them. How do I show support? How do I signal I’m good? How do I prove I’m different and one of the good ones? It’s still about optics, not redistribution. It’s the emotional equivalent of white philanthropy: “Tell me how to fix what my people broke, but in a way that makes me feel righteous, not complicit.”

    What would be revolutionary is for white folks to stop asking us what to do and start asking other white folks why they refuse to do it. To stop seeking moral instructions from the wounded and start wounding the system that keeps making new victims. To stop requesting permission to be decent and just go do the damn work!

  15. Hello, Based Department?

    From the professor’s actual piece:

    Every few weeks a white person, usually well-meaning, writes to me asking how to be a better ally. They list the right books they’ve read, the relatives they’ve blocked, the marches they’ve attended. They tell me how many friends they’ve lost for saying the right things, how lonely it feels to be the one white person in their circle who “gets it.”

    And then, they ask the same exhausting question: “What else can I do?”

    It’s a question that always lands heavy. Not because I doubt their sincerity, but because the question itself is still a form of protection that centers the asker’s confusion instead of the target’s danger. It’s a request to be taught, forgiven, and reassured, again and again. It’s another round of homework assigned to the wounded.

    It’s exhausting as hell because it’s still a form of emotional outsourcing. Even the well-intentioned versions drag you back into the same cycle of having to translate pain into curriculum. It’s the paradox of white “goodness.” They want to be seen trying, but the trying itself becomes another demand on the people that are already harmed.

    That’s why the question feels heavy. It’s not that their heart isn’t in the right place. It’s that the framing still centers them. How do I show support? How do I signal I’m good? How do I prove I’m different and one of the good ones? It’s still about optics, not redistribution. It’s the emotional equivalent of white philanthropy: “Tell me how to fix what my people broke, but in a way that makes me feel righteous, not complicit.”

    What would be revolutionary is for white folks to stop asking us what to do and start asking other white folks why they refuse to do it. To stop seeking moral instructions from the wounded and start wounding the system that keeps making new victims. To stop requesting permission to be decent and just go do the damn work!

  16. Hello, Based Department?

    From the professor’s actual piece:

    Every few weeks a white person, usually well-meaning, writes to me asking how to be a better ally. They list the right books they’ve read, the relatives they’ve blocked, the marches they’ve attended. They tell me how many friends they’ve lost for saying the right things, how lonely it feels to be the one white person in their circle who “gets it.”

    And then, they ask the same exhausting question: “What else can I do?”

    It’s a question that always lands heavy. Not because I doubt their sincerity, but because the question itself is still a form of protection that centers the asker’s confusion instead of the target’s danger. It’s a request to be taught, forgiven, and reassured, again and again. It’s another round of homework assigned to the wounded.

    It’s exhausting as hell because it’s still a form of emotional outsourcing. Even the well-intentioned versions drag you back into the same cycle of having to translate pain into curriculum. It’s the paradox of white “goodness.” They want to be seen trying, but the trying itself becomes another demand on the people that are already harmed.

    That’s why the question feels heavy. It’s not that their heart isn’t in the right place. It’s that the framing still centers them. How do I show support? How do I signal I’m good? How do I prove I’m different and one of the good ones? It’s still about optics, not redistribution. It’s the emotional equivalent of white philanthropy: “Tell me how to fix what my people broke, but in a way that makes me feel righteous, not complicit.”

    What would be revolutionary is for white folks to stop asking us what to do and start asking other white folks why they refuse to do it. To stop seeking moral instructions from the wounded and start wounding the system that keeps making new victims. To stop requesting permission to be decent and just go do the damn work!

  17. Hello, Based Department?

    From the professor’s actual piece:

    Every few weeks a white person, usually well-meaning, writes to me asking how to be a better ally. They list the right books they’ve read, the relatives they’ve blocked, the marches they’ve attended. They tell me how many friends they’ve lost for saying the right things, how lonely it feels to be the one white person in their circle who “gets it.”

    And then, they ask the same exhausting question: “What else can I do?”

    It’s a question that always lands heavy. Not because I doubt their sincerity, but because the question itself is still a form of protection that centers the asker’s confusion instead of the target’s danger. It’s a request to be taught, forgiven, and reassured, again and again. It’s another round of homework assigned to the wounded.

    It’s exhausting as hell because it’s still a form of emotional outsourcing. Even the well-intentioned versions drag you back into the same cycle of having to translate pain into curriculum. It’s the paradox of white “goodness.” They want to be seen trying, but the trying itself becomes another demand on the people that are already harmed.

    That’s why the question feels heavy. It’s not that their heart isn’t in the right place. It’s that the framing still centers them. How do I show support? How do I signal I’m good? How do I prove I’m different and one of the good ones? It’s still about optics, not redistribution. It’s the emotional equivalent of white philanthropy: “Tell me how to fix what my people broke, but in a way that makes me feel righteous, not complicit.”

    What would be revolutionary is for white folks to stop asking us what to do and start asking other white folks why they refuse to do it. To stop seeking moral instructions from the wounded and start wounding the system that keeps making new victims. To stop requesting permission to be decent and just go do the damn work!

  18. John Brown never intentionally killed any innocent man 🙏

  19. John Brown never intentionally killed any innocent man 🙏