#nagaland — Public Fediverse posts

The Crisis of Kinship: A Critique of the CNTC and the Erosion of Naga Unity

Responding to “CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland” (https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/)

The persistent and vehement opposition by the Central Nagaland Tribes Council (CNTC) regarding the Scheduled Tribe (ST) status of the Rongmei community in Nagaland represents a profound fracture in the foundational vision of Naga unity. By aggressively revisiting a decision that was ostensibly settled through the 2012 recognition and subsequent 2017 withdrawal, the CNTC’s stance highlights a “Naga factor” characterized more by exclusion, protectionism, and internal dispute than by the brotherhood often preached in the highest echelons of Naga political discourse.¹ This debate is not merely an administrative squabble over certificates; it is a fundamental struggle over the soul of what it means to be “Naga” in the twenty-first century.

The Myth of the “Migrant” Naga

The CNTC’s primary argument rests on the preservation of resources for “indigenous” tribes, claiming that granting ST status to 1,313 Rongmei individuals—who have been integrated into the social and physical fabric of Nagaland for over a century—would deprive the youth of livelihood opportunities.² This zero-sum logic is both statistically questionable and philosophically damaging. It ignores the historical reality that the Naga identity is a multi-layered construct built upon a shared struggle for self-determination that deliberately transcends modern state boundaries.³ To categorize fellow Nagas as “migrants” or “immigrants” simply because their ancestral lands fall across the arbitrary administrative lines created by colonial powers is a historical irony of the highest order.

When the British partitioned the Naga hills, they did so for administrative convenience, not out of respect for ethnic homogeneity. By adopting the same logic today, tribal councils like the CNTC are effectively validating colonial borders that the Naga national movement has spent decades trying to dismantle. If the Rongmei, who were present in Nagaland prior to the state’s formation in 1963, are viewed as “outsiders,” it sets a dangerous precedent for every other Naga sub-tribe that might find itself on the “wrong” side of a political boundary.⁴

The Rhetoric of Dehumanization

Furthermore, the rhetoric used to describe the Rongmei community is deeply regressive and historically insensitive. In its media communications, the CNTC has referred to these individuals as descendants of those brought by the British as “scavengers.”⁵ Such labeling is not only an affront to the dignity of a people who have contributed to the social, cultural, and political life of the state for generations, but it also reeks of a caste-like hierarchy that has no place in a supposedly egalitarian Naga society.

To use a community’s historical socio-economic vulnerability as a weapon to deny them modern political rights is a betrayal of the Christian and democratic values many Naga organizations claim to uphold. Instead of recognizing the resilience of a people who have survived the upheavals of the 20th century, the CNTC chooses to define them by a colonial occupational tag. This rhetoric serves only to further polarize a society that is already grappling with systemic tribalism and political fatigue.⁶

The Failure of Dialogue and the “Naga Factor”

At a time when the Naga people should be consolidating their strength through inclusive dialogue and collective bargaining with the Centre, the current atmosphere is instead defined by “war and dispute.” The “Naga factor,” once a term that inspired hope for a pan-Naga identity, has increasingly become synonymous with internal gatekeeping and “crabs-in-a-bucket” syndrome.⁷ Shame is cast upon a system where dialogue is replaced by warnings, ultimatums, and administrative withdrawals.

The CNTC questions the state government’s long-term plan for “indigenous Nagas,” yet it offers no vision of its own that accounts for the reality of Naga integration. If the tribal bodies cannot find the grace or the political imagination to accommodate a small, historically settled population of their own kin—numbering barely over a thousand individuals—the dream of a “Naga Unity” becomes an empty vessel.⁸ One must ask: if we cannot coexist with 1,313 of our own brothers and sisters in Dimapur and Peren, how do we expect to manage a unified administrative setup for millions of Nagas across the region?

Resource Scarcity vs. Identity Integrity

The CNTC’s concern regarding a “resource-starved” state is a valid socioeconomic observation, but it is a poor excuse for ethnic exclusion. Nagaland’s economic woes—unemployment, lack of industry, and infrastructure deficits—are the result of governance failures and political instability, not the presence of a few hundred Rongmei families.⁹ By scapegoating the Rongmei community, the CNTC diverts attention from the real issues affecting Naga youth. It is easier to attack a vulnerable minority than to demand accountability for the systemic corruption that actually drains the state’s resources.

The council’s warning that this move is a “direct challenge” to the youth of Nagaland is a populistic tactic designed to incite fear. In reality, the true challenge to the youth is a fragmented society where merit is secondary to tribal affiliation and where the definition of “belonging” is constantly shrinking.¹⁰

Conclusion: A Call for Higher Ground

The vision of earlier Naga leaders was one of a broad-based brotherhood. They envisioned a people united by common ancestry and a shared future. By narrowing this vision to “jurisdictional” interests and “ancestral land” exclusion, current tribal hohos are dishonoring that legacy. The “Naga factor” must be reclaimed as a force of elevation and mutual support.

It is time to move beyond the politics of “removing opportunities” and start creating them through unity. The state government’s attempt to rectify the ST status of the Rongmei is not a threat; it is an act of administrative justice that aligns with the historical truth of Naga kinship.¹¹ Failure to recognize this is not just a policy error—it is a moral failure that keeps the Naga people locked in an endless cycle of internal strife. We must ask ourselves: if we continue to devour our own, what will be left of the Naga identity to protect?¹²

Footnotes

1. “CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland,” Nagaland Post, May 14, 2026, https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/.
2. Nagaland Post, “CNTC opposes move,” May 14, 2026.
3. Inato Yekheto Shikhu, A Re-discovery of the Naga Heritage (Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 2007), 45-50.
4. Sajal Nag, Contesting Marginality: Ethnicity, Determinsim and Pathological Politics in North-East India (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2002), 188.
5. “CNTC warns against reviving Rongmei ST issue,” The Morung Express, May 14, 2026.
6. U. A. Shimray, Naga Population and Integration Issues (New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2007), 112-115.
7. A. Lanunungsang Ao, From Phizo to Muivah: The Naga National Question in North East India (New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2002), 215.
8. “The Rongmei Settlement Issue,” The Morung Express, June 5, 2017, https://morungexpress.com/the-rongmei-settlement-issue.
9. Charles Chasie, The Naga Imbroglio: A Personal Perspective (Kohima: Standard Printers and Publishers, 1999), 78.
10. N. Venuh, Continuity and Change in the Naga Society (New Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2004), 134.
11. “Government’s Recognition of Rongmei as Indigenous Tribe,” Nagaland Page, October 12, 2012.
12. Kaka D. Iralu, Nagaland and India: The Blood and the Tears (Kohima: N.V. Press, 2000), 402.

Bibliography

Ao, A. Lanunungsang. From Phizo to Muivah: The Naga National Question in North East India. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2002.

Chasie, Charles. The Naga Imbroglio: A Personal Perspective. Kohima: Standard Printers and Publishers, 1999.

“CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland.” Nagaland Post, May 14, 2026. https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/.

Iralu, Kaka D. Nagaland and India: The Blood and the Tears. Kohima: N.V. Press, 2000.

Nag, Sajal. Contesting Marginality: Ethnicity, Determinsim and Pathological Politics in North-East India. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2002.

“The Rongmei Settlement Issue.” The Morung Express, June 5, 2017. https://morungexpress.com/the-rongmei-settlement-issue.

Shikhu, Inato Yekheto. A Re-discovery of the Naga Heritage. Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 2007.

Shimray, U. A. Naga Population and Integration Issues. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2007.

Venuh, N. Continuity and Change in the Naga Society. New Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2004.

The Crisis of Kinship: A Critique of the CNTC and the Erosion of Naga Unity

Responding to “CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland” (https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/)

The persistent and vehement opposition by the Central Nagaland Tribes Council (CNTC) regarding the Scheduled Tribe (ST) status of the Rongmei community in Nagaland represents a profound fracture in the foundational vision of Naga unity. By aggressively revisiting a decision that was ostensibly settled through the 2012 recognition and subsequent 2017 withdrawal, the CNTC’s stance highlights a “Naga factor” characterized more by exclusion, protectionism, and internal dispute than by the brotherhood often preached in the highest echelons of Naga political discourse.¹ This debate is not merely an administrative squabble over certificates; it is a fundamental struggle over the soul of what it means to be “Naga” in the twenty-first century.

The Myth of the “Migrant” Naga

The CNTC’s primary argument rests on the preservation of resources for “indigenous” tribes, claiming that granting ST status to 1,313 Rongmei individuals—who have been integrated into the social and physical fabric of Nagaland for over a century—would deprive the youth of livelihood opportunities.² This zero-sum logic is both statistically questionable and philosophically damaging. It ignores the historical reality that the Naga identity is a multi-layered construct built upon a shared struggle for self-determination that deliberately transcends modern state boundaries.³ To categorize fellow Nagas as “migrants” or “immigrants” simply because their ancestral lands fall across the arbitrary administrative lines created by colonial powers is a historical irony of the highest order.

When the British partitioned the Naga hills, they did so for administrative convenience, not out of respect for ethnic homogeneity. By adopting the same logic today, tribal councils like the CNTC are effectively validating colonial borders that the Naga national movement has spent decades trying to dismantle. If the Rongmei, who were present in Nagaland prior to the state’s formation in 1963, are viewed as “outsiders,” it sets a dangerous precedent for every other Naga sub-tribe that might find itself on the “wrong” side of a political boundary.⁴

The Rhetoric of Dehumanization

Furthermore, the rhetoric used to describe the Rongmei community is deeply regressive and historically insensitive. In its media communications, the CNTC has referred to these individuals as descendants of those brought by the British as “scavengers.”⁵ Such labeling is not only an affront to the dignity of a people who have contributed to the social, cultural, and political life of the state for generations, but it also reeks of a caste-like hierarchy that has no place in a supposedly egalitarian Naga society.

To use a community’s historical socio-economic vulnerability as a weapon to deny them modern political rights is a betrayal of the Christian and democratic values many Naga organizations claim to uphold. Instead of recognizing the resilience of a people who have survived the upheavals of the 20th century, the CNTC chooses to define them by a colonial occupational tag. This rhetoric serves only to further polarize a society that is already grappling with systemic tribalism and political fatigue.⁶

The Failure of Dialogue and the “Naga Factor”

At a time when the Naga people should be consolidating their strength through inclusive dialogue and collective bargaining with the Centre, the current atmosphere is instead defined by “war and dispute.” The “Naga factor,” once a term that inspired hope for a pan-Naga identity, has increasingly become synonymous with internal gatekeeping and “crabs-in-a-bucket” syndrome.⁷ Shame is cast upon a system where dialogue is replaced by warnings, ultimatums, and administrative withdrawals.

The CNTC questions the state government’s long-term plan for “indigenous Nagas,” yet it offers no vision of its own that accounts for the reality of Naga integration. If the tribal bodies cannot find the grace or the political imagination to accommodate a small, historically settled population of their own kin—numbering barely over a thousand individuals—the dream of a “Naga Unity” becomes an empty vessel.⁸ One must ask: if we cannot coexist with 1,313 of our own brothers and sisters in Dimapur and Peren, how do we expect to manage a unified administrative setup for millions of Nagas across the region?

Resource Scarcity vs. Identity Integrity

The CNTC’s concern regarding a “resource-starved” state is a valid socioeconomic observation, but it is a poor excuse for ethnic exclusion. Nagaland’s economic woes—unemployment, lack of industry, and infrastructure deficits—are the result of governance failures and political instability, not the presence of a few hundred Rongmei families.⁹ By scapegoating the Rongmei community, the CNTC diverts attention from the real issues affecting Naga youth. It is easier to attack a vulnerable minority than to demand accountability for the systemic corruption that actually drains the state’s resources.

The council’s warning that this move is a “direct challenge” to the youth of Nagaland is a populistic tactic designed to incite fear. In reality, the true challenge to the youth is a fragmented society where merit is secondary to tribal affiliation and where the definition of “belonging” is constantly shrinking.¹⁰

Conclusion: A Call for Higher Ground

The vision of earlier Naga leaders was one of a broad-based brotherhood. They envisioned a people united by common ancestry and a shared future. By narrowing this vision to “jurisdictional” interests and “ancestral land” exclusion, current tribal hohos are dishonoring that legacy. The “Naga factor” must be reclaimed as a force of elevation and mutual support.

It is time to move beyond the politics of “removing opportunities” and start creating them through unity. The state government’s attempt to rectify the ST status of the Rongmei is not a threat; it is an act of administrative justice that aligns with the historical truth of Naga kinship.¹¹ Failure to recognize this is not just a policy error—it is a moral failure that keeps the Naga people locked in an endless cycle of internal strife. We must ask ourselves: if we continue to devour our own, what will be left of the Naga identity to protect?¹²

Footnotes

1. “CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland,” Nagaland Post, May 14, 2026, https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/.
2. Nagaland Post, “CNTC opposes move,” May 14, 2026.
3. Inato Yekheto Shikhu, A Re-discovery of the Naga Heritage (Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 2007), 45-50.
4. Sajal Nag, Contesting Marginality: Ethnicity, Determinsim and Pathological Politics in North-East India (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2002), 188.
5. “CNTC warns against reviving Rongmei ST issue,” The Morung Express, May 14, 2026.
6. U. A. Shimray, Naga Population and Integration Issues (New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2007), 112-115.
7. A. Lanunungsang Ao, From Phizo to Muivah: The Naga National Question in North East India (New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2002), 215.
8. “The Rongmei Settlement Issue,” The Morung Express, June 5, 2017, https://morungexpress.com/the-rongmei-settlement-issue.
9. Charles Chasie, The Naga Imbroglio: A Personal Perspective (Kohima: Standard Printers and Publishers, 1999), 78.
10. N. Venuh, Continuity and Change in the Naga Society (New Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2004), 134.
11. “Government’s Recognition of Rongmei as Indigenous Tribe,” Nagaland Page, October 12, 2012.
12. Kaka D. Iralu, Nagaland and India: The Blood and the Tears (Kohima: N.V. Press, 2000), 402.

Bibliography

Ao, A. Lanunungsang. From Phizo to Muivah: The Naga National Question in North East India. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2002.

Chasie, Charles. The Naga Imbroglio: A Personal Perspective. Kohima: Standard Printers and Publishers, 1999.

“CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland.” Nagaland Post, May 14, 2026. https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/.

Iralu, Kaka D. Nagaland and India: The Blood and the Tears. Kohima: N.V. Press, 2000.

Nag, Sajal. Contesting Marginality: Ethnicity, Determinsim and Pathological Politics in North-East India. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2002.

“The Rongmei Settlement Issue.” The Morung Express, June 5, 2017. https://morungexpress.com/the-rongmei-settlement-issue.

Shikhu, Inato Yekheto. A Re-discovery of the Naga Heritage. Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 2007.

Shimray, U. A. Naga Population and Integration Issues. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2007.

Venuh, N. Continuity and Change in the Naga Society. New Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2004.

The Crisis of Kinship: A Critique of the CNTC and the Erosion of Naga Unity

Responding to “CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland” (https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/)

The persistent and vehement opposition by the Central Nagaland Tribes Council (CNTC) regarding the Scheduled Tribe (ST) status of the Rongmei community in Nagaland represents a profound fracture in the foundational vision of Naga unity. By aggressively revisiting a decision that was ostensibly settled through the 2012 recognition and subsequent 2017 withdrawal, the CNTC’s stance highlights a “Naga factor” characterized more by exclusion, protectionism, and internal dispute than by the brotherhood often preached in the highest echelons of Naga political discourse.¹ This debate is not merely an administrative squabble over certificates; it is a fundamental struggle over the soul of what it means to be “Naga” in the twenty-first century.

The Myth of the “Migrant” Naga

The CNTC’s primary argument rests on the preservation of resources for “indigenous” tribes, claiming that granting ST status to 1,313 Rongmei individuals—who have been integrated into the social and physical fabric of Nagaland for over a century—would deprive the youth of livelihood opportunities.² This zero-sum logic is both statistically questionable and philosophically damaging. It ignores the historical reality that the Naga identity is a multi-layered construct built upon a shared struggle for self-determination that deliberately transcends modern state boundaries.³ To categorize fellow Nagas as “migrants” or “immigrants” simply because their ancestral lands fall across the arbitrary administrative lines created by colonial powers is a historical irony of the highest order.

When the British partitioned the Naga hills, they did so for administrative convenience, not out of respect for ethnic homogeneity. By adopting the same logic today, tribal councils like the CNTC are effectively validating colonial borders that the Naga national movement has spent decades trying to dismantle. If the Rongmei, who were present in Nagaland prior to the state’s formation in 1963, are viewed as “outsiders,” it sets a dangerous precedent for every other Naga sub-tribe that might find itself on the “wrong” side of a political boundary.⁴

The Rhetoric of Dehumanization

Furthermore, the rhetoric used to describe the Rongmei community is deeply regressive and historically insensitive. In its media communications, the CNTC has referred to these individuals as descendants of those brought by the British as “scavengers.”⁵ Such labeling is not only an affront to the dignity of a people who have contributed to the social, cultural, and political life of the state for generations, but it also reeks of a caste-like hierarchy that has no place in a supposedly egalitarian Naga society.

To use a community’s historical socio-economic vulnerability as a weapon to deny them modern political rights is a betrayal of the Christian and democratic values many Naga organizations claim to uphold. Instead of recognizing the resilience of a people who have survived the upheavals of the 20th century, the CNTC chooses to define them by a colonial occupational tag. This rhetoric serves only to further polarize a society that is already grappling with systemic tribalism and political fatigue.⁶

The Failure of Dialogue and the “Naga Factor”

At a time when the Naga people should be consolidating their strength through inclusive dialogue and collective bargaining with the Centre, the current atmosphere is instead defined by “war and dispute.” The “Naga factor,” once a term that inspired hope for a pan-Naga identity, has increasingly become synonymous with internal gatekeeping and “crabs-in-a-bucket” syndrome.⁷ Shame is cast upon a system where dialogue is replaced by warnings, ultimatums, and administrative withdrawals.

The CNTC questions the state government’s long-term plan for “indigenous Nagas,” yet it offers no vision of its own that accounts for the reality of Naga integration. If the tribal bodies cannot find the grace or the political imagination to accommodate a small, historically settled population of their own kin—numbering barely over a thousand individuals—the dream of a “Naga Unity” becomes an empty vessel.⁸ One must ask: if we cannot coexist with 1,313 of our own brothers and sisters in Dimapur and Peren, how do we expect to manage a unified administrative setup for millions of Nagas across the region?

Resource Scarcity vs. Identity Integrity

The CNTC’s concern regarding a “resource-starved” state is a valid socioeconomic observation, but it is a poor excuse for ethnic exclusion. Nagaland’s economic woes—unemployment, lack of industry, and infrastructure deficits—are the result of governance failures and political instability, not the presence of a few hundred Rongmei families.⁹ By scapegoating the Rongmei community, the CNTC diverts attention from the real issues affecting Naga youth. It is easier to attack a vulnerable minority than to demand accountability for the systemic corruption that actually drains the state’s resources.

The council’s warning that this move is a “direct challenge” to the youth of Nagaland is a populistic tactic designed to incite fear. In reality, the true challenge to the youth is a fragmented society where merit is secondary to tribal affiliation and where the definition of “belonging” is constantly shrinking.¹⁰

Conclusion: A Call for Higher Ground

The vision of earlier Naga leaders was one of a broad-based brotherhood. They envisioned a people united by common ancestry and a shared future. By narrowing this vision to “jurisdictional” interests and “ancestral land” exclusion, current tribal hohos are dishonoring that legacy. The “Naga factor” must be reclaimed as a force of elevation and mutual support.

It is time to move beyond the politics of “removing opportunities” and start creating them through unity. The state government’s attempt to rectify the ST status of the Rongmei is not a threat; it is an act of administrative justice that aligns with the historical truth of Naga kinship.¹¹ Failure to recognize this is not just a policy error—it is a moral failure that keeps the Naga people locked in an endless cycle of internal strife. We must ask ourselves: if we continue to devour our own, what will be left of the Naga identity to protect?¹²

Footnotes

1. “CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland,” Nagaland Post, May 14, 2026, https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/.
2. Nagaland Post, “CNTC opposes move,” May 14, 2026.
3. Inato Yekheto Shikhu, A Re-discovery of the Naga Heritage (Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 2007), 45-50.
4. Sajal Nag, Contesting Marginality: Ethnicity, Determinsim and Pathological Politics in North-East India (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2002), 188.
5. “CNTC warns against reviving Rongmei ST issue,” The Morung Express, May 14, 2026.
6. U. A. Shimray, Naga Population and Integration Issues (New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2007), 112-115.
7. A. Lanunungsang Ao, From Phizo to Muivah: The Naga National Question in North East India (New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2002), 215.
8. “The Rongmei Settlement Issue,” The Morung Express, June 5, 2017, https://morungexpress.com/the-rongmei-settlement-issue.
9. Charles Chasie, The Naga Imbroglio: A Personal Perspective (Kohima: Standard Printers and Publishers, 1999), 78.
10. N. Venuh, Continuity and Change in the Naga Society (New Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2004), 134.
11. “Government’s Recognition of Rongmei as Indigenous Tribe,” Nagaland Page, October 12, 2012.
12. Kaka D. Iralu, Nagaland and India: The Blood and the Tears (Kohima: N.V. Press, 2000), 402.

Bibliography

Ao, A. Lanunungsang. From Phizo to Muivah: The Naga National Question in North East India. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2002.

Chasie, Charles. The Naga Imbroglio: A Personal Perspective. Kohima: Standard Printers and Publishers, 1999.

“CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland.” Nagaland Post, May 14, 2026. https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/.

Iralu, Kaka D. Nagaland and India: The Blood and the Tears. Kohima: N.V. Press, 2000.

Nag, Sajal. Contesting Marginality: Ethnicity, Determinsim and Pathological Politics in North-East India. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2002.

“The Rongmei Settlement Issue.” The Morung Express, June 5, 2017. https://morungexpress.com/the-rongmei-settlement-issue.

Shikhu, Inato Yekheto. A Re-discovery of the Naga Heritage. Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 2007.

Shimray, U. A. Naga Population and Integration Issues. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2007.

Venuh, N. Continuity and Change in the Naga Society. New Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2004.

The Crisis of Kinship: A Critique of the CNTC and the Erosion of Naga Unity

Responding to “CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland” (https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/)

The persistent and vehement opposition by the Central Nagaland Tribes Council (CNTC) regarding the Scheduled Tribe (ST) status of the Rongmei community in Nagaland represents a profound fracture in the foundational vision of Naga unity. By aggressively revisiting a decision that was ostensibly settled through the 2012 recognition and subsequent 2017 withdrawal, the CNTC’s stance highlights a “Naga factor” characterized more by exclusion, protectionism, and internal dispute than by the brotherhood often preached in the highest echelons of Naga political discourse.¹ This debate is not merely an administrative squabble over certificates; it is a fundamental struggle over the soul of what it means to be “Naga” in the twenty-first century.

The Myth of the “Migrant” Naga

The CNTC’s primary argument rests on the preservation of resources for “indigenous” tribes, claiming that granting ST status to 1,313 Rongmei individuals—who have been integrated into the social and physical fabric of Nagaland for over a century—would deprive the youth of livelihood opportunities.² This zero-sum logic is both statistically questionable and philosophically damaging. It ignores the historical reality that the Naga identity is a multi-layered construct built upon a shared struggle for self-determination that deliberately transcends modern state boundaries.³ To categorize fellow Nagas as “migrants” or “immigrants” simply because their ancestral lands fall across the arbitrary administrative lines created by colonial powers is a historical irony of the highest order.

When the British partitioned the Naga hills, they did so for administrative convenience, not out of respect for ethnic homogeneity. By adopting the same logic today, tribal councils like the CNTC are effectively validating colonial borders that the Naga national movement has spent decades trying to dismantle. If the Rongmei, who were present in Nagaland prior to the state’s formation in 1963, are viewed as “outsiders,” it sets a dangerous precedent for every other Naga sub-tribe that might find itself on the “wrong” side of a political boundary.⁴

The Rhetoric of Dehumanization

Furthermore, the rhetoric used to describe the Rongmei community is deeply regressive and historically insensitive. In its media communications, the CNTC has referred to these individuals as descendants of those brought by the British as “scavengers.”⁵ Such labeling is not only an affront to the dignity of a people who have contributed to the social, cultural, and political life of the state for generations, but it also reeks of a caste-like hierarchy that has no place in a supposedly egalitarian Naga society.

To use a community’s historical socio-economic vulnerability as a weapon to deny them modern political rights is a betrayal of the Christian and democratic values many Naga organizations claim to uphold. Instead of recognizing the resilience of a people who have survived the upheavals of the 20th century, the CNTC chooses to define them by a colonial occupational tag. This rhetoric serves only to further polarize a society that is already grappling with systemic tribalism and political fatigue.⁶

The Failure of Dialogue and the “Naga Factor”

At a time when the Naga people should be consolidating their strength through inclusive dialogue and collective bargaining with the Centre, the current atmosphere is instead defined by “war and dispute.” The “Naga factor,” once a term that inspired hope for a pan-Naga identity, has increasingly become synonymous with internal gatekeeping and “crabs-in-a-bucket” syndrome.⁷ Shame is cast upon a system where dialogue is replaced by warnings, ultimatums, and administrative withdrawals.

The CNTC questions the state government’s long-term plan for “indigenous Nagas,” yet it offers no vision of its own that accounts for the reality of Naga integration. If the tribal bodies cannot find the grace or the political imagination to accommodate a small, historically settled population of their own kin—numbering barely over a thousand individuals—the dream of a “Naga Unity” becomes an empty vessel.⁸ One must ask: if we cannot coexist with 1,313 of our own brothers and sisters in Dimapur and Peren, how do we expect to manage a unified administrative setup for millions of Nagas across the region?

Resource Scarcity vs. Identity Integrity

The CNTC’s concern regarding a “resource-starved” state is a valid socioeconomic observation, but it is a poor excuse for ethnic exclusion. Nagaland’s economic woes—unemployment, lack of industry, and infrastructure deficits—are the result of governance failures and political instability, not the presence of a few hundred Rongmei families.⁹ By scapegoating the Rongmei community, the CNTC diverts attention from the real issues affecting Naga youth. It is easier to attack a vulnerable minority than to demand accountability for the systemic corruption that actually drains the state’s resources.

The council’s warning that this move is a “direct challenge” to the youth of Nagaland is a populistic tactic designed to incite fear. In reality, the true challenge to the youth is a fragmented society where merit is secondary to tribal affiliation and where the definition of “belonging” is constantly shrinking.¹⁰

Conclusion: A Call for Higher Ground

The vision of earlier Naga leaders was one of a broad-based brotherhood. They envisioned a people united by common ancestry and a shared future. By narrowing this vision to “jurisdictional” interests and “ancestral land” exclusion, current tribal hohos are dishonoring that legacy. The “Naga factor” must be reclaimed as a force of elevation and mutual support.

It is time to move beyond the politics of “removing opportunities” and start creating them through unity. The state government’s attempt to rectify the ST status of the Rongmei is not a threat; it is an act of administrative justice that aligns with the historical truth of Naga kinship.¹¹ Failure to recognize this is not just a policy error—it is a moral failure that keeps the Naga people locked in an endless cycle of internal strife. We must ask ourselves: if we continue to devour our own, what will be left of the Naga identity to protect?¹²

Footnotes

1. “CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland,” Nagaland Post, May 14, 2026, https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/.
2. Nagaland Post, “CNTC opposes move,” May 14, 2026.
3. Inato Yekheto Shikhu, A Re-discovery of the Naga Heritage (Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 2007), 45-50.
4. Sajal Nag, Contesting Marginality: Ethnicity, Determinsim and Pathological Politics in North-East India (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2002), 188.
5. “CNTC warns against reviving Rongmei ST issue,” The Morung Express, May 14, 2026.
6. U. A. Shimray, Naga Population and Integration Issues (New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2007), 112-115.
7. A. Lanunungsang Ao, From Phizo to Muivah: The Naga National Question in North East India (New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2002), 215.
8. “The Rongmei Settlement Issue,” The Morung Express, June 5, 2017, https://morungexpress.com/the-rongmei-settlement-issue.
9. Charles Chasie, The Naga Imbroglio: A Personal Perspective (Kohima: Standard Printers and Publishers, 1999), 78.
10. N. Venuh, Continuity and Change in the Naga Society (New Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2004), 134.
11. “Government’s Recognition of Rongmei as Indigenous Tribe,” Nagaland Page, October 12, 2012.
12. Kaka D. Iralu, Nagaland and India: The Blood and the Tears (Kohima: N.V. Press, 2000), 402.

Bibliography

Ao, A. Lanunungsang. From Phizo to Muivah: The Naga National Question in North East India. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2002.

Chasie, Charles. The Naga Imbroglio: A Personal Perspective. Kohima: Standard Printers and Publishers, 1999.

“CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland.” Nagaland Post, May 14, 2026. https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/.

Iralu, Kaka D. Nagaland and India: The Blood and the Tears. Kohima: N.V. Press, 2000.

Nag, Sajal. Contesting Marginality: Ethnicity, Determinsim and Pathological Politics in North-East India. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2002.

“The Rongmei Settlement Issue.” The Morung Express, June 5, 2017. https://morungexpress.com/the-rongmei-settlement-issue.

Shikhu, Inato Yekheto. A Re-discovery of the Naga Heritage. Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 2007.

Shimray, U. A. Naga Population and Integration Issues. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2007.

Venuh, N. Continuity and Change in the Naga Society. New Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2004.

The Crisis of Kinship: A Critique of the CNTC and the Erosion of Naga Unity

Responding to “CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland” (https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/)

The persistent and vehement opposition by the Central Nagaland Tribes Council (CNTC) regarding the Scheduled Tribe (ST) status of the Rongmei community in Nagaland represents a profound fracture in the foundational vision of Naga unity. By aggressively revisiting a decision that was ostensibly settled through the 2012 recognition and subsequent 2017 withdrawal, the CNTC’s stance highlights a “Naga factor” characterized more by exclusion, protectionism, and internal dispute than by the brotherhood often preached in the highest echelons of Naga political discourse.¹ This debate is not merely an administrative squabble over certificates; it is a fundamental struggle over the soul of what it means to be “Naga” in the twenty-first century.

The Myth of the “Migrant” Naga

The CNTC’s primary argument rests on the preservation of resources for “indigenous” tribes, claiming that granting ST status to 1,313 Rongmei individuals—who have been integrated into the social and physical fabric of Nagaland for over a century—would deprive the youth of livelihood opportunities.² This zero-sum logic is both statistically questionable and philosophically damaging. It ignores the historical reality that the Naga identity is a multi-layered construct built upon a shared struggle for self-determination that deliberately transcends modern state boundaries.³ To categorize fellow Nagas as “migrants” or “immigrants” simply because their ancestral lands fall across the arbitrary administrative lines created by colonial powers is a historical irony of the highest order.

When the British partitioned the Naga hills, they did so for administrative convenience, not out of respect for ethnic homogeneity. By adopting the same logic today, tribal councils like the CNTC are effectively validating colonial borders that the Naga national movement has spent decades trying to dismantle. If the Rongmei, who were present in Nagaland prior to the state’s formation in 1963, are viewed as “outsiders,” it sets a dangerous precedent for every other Naga sub-tribe that might find itself on the “wrong” side of a political boundary.⁴

The Rhetoric of Dehumanization

Furthermore, the rhetoric used to describe the Rongmei community is deeply regressive and historically insensitive. In its media communications, the CNTC has referred to these individuals as descendants of those brought by the British as “scavengers.”⁵ Such labeling is not only an affront to the dignity of a people who have contributed to the social, cultural, and political life of the state for generations, but it also reeks of a caste-like hierarchy that has no place in a supposedly egalitarian Naga society.

To use a community’s historical socio-economic vulnerability as a weapon to deny them modern political rights is a betrayal of the Christian and democratic values many Naga organizations claim to uphold. Instead of recognizing the resilience of a people who have survived the upheavals of the 20th century, the CNTC chooses to define them by a colonial occupational tag. This rhetoric serves only to further polarize a society that is already grappling with systemic tribalism and political fatigue.⁶

The Failure of Dialogue and the “Naga Factor”

At a time when the Naga people should be consolidating their strength through inclusive dialogue and collective bargaining with the Centre, the current atmosphere is instead defined by “war and dispute.” The “Naga factor,” once a term that inspired hope for a pan-Naga identity, has increasingly become synonymous with internal gatekeeping and “crabs-in-a-bucket” syndrome.⁷ Shame is cast upon a system where dialogue is replaced by warnings, ultimatums, and administrative withdrawals.

The CNTC questions the state government’s long-term plan for “indigenous Nagas,” yet it offers no vision of its own that accounts for the reality of Naga integration. If the tribal bodies cannot find the grace or the political imagination to accommodate a small, historically settled population of their own kin—numbering barely over a thousand individuals—the dream of a “Naga Unity” becomes an empty vessel.⁸ One must ask: if we cannot coexist with 1,313 of our own brothers and sisters in Dimapur and Peren, how do we expect to manage a unified administrative setup for millions of Nagas across the region?

Resource Scarcity vs. Identity Integrity

The CNTC’s concern regarding a “resource-starved” state is a valid socioeconomic observation, but it is a poor excuse for ethnic exclusion. Nagaland’s economic woes—unemployment, lack of industry, and infrastructure deficits—are the result of governance failures and political instability, not the presence of a few hundred Rongmei families.⁹ By scapegoating the Rongmei community, the CNTC diverts attention from the real issues affecting Naga youth. It is easier to attack a vulnerable minority than to demand accountability for the systemic corruption that actually drains the state’s resources.

The council’s warning that this move is a “direct challenge” to the youth of Nagaland is a populistic tactic designed to incite fear. In reality, the true challenge to the youth is a fragmented society where merit is secondary to tribal affiliation and where the definition of “belonging” is constantly shrinking.¹⁰

Conclusion: A Call for Higher Ground

The vision of earlier Naga leaders was one of a broad-based brotherhood. They envisioned a people united by common ancestry and a shared future. By narrowing this vision to “jurisdictional” interests and “ancestral land” exclusion, current tribal hohos are dishonoring that legacy. The “Naga factor” must be reclaimed as a force of elevation and mutual support.

It is time to move beyond the politics of “removing opportunities” and start creating them through unity. The state government’s attempt to rectify the ST status of the Rongmei is not a threat; it is an act of administrative justice that aligns with the historical truth of Naga kinship.¹¹ Failure to recognize this is not just a policy error—it is a moral failure that keeps the Naga people locked in an endless cycle of internal strife. We must ask ourselves: if we continue to devour our own, what will be left of the Naga identity to protect?¹²

Footnotes

1. “CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland,” Nagaland Post, May 14, 2026, https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/.
2. Nagaland Post, “CNTC opposes move,” May 14, 2026.
3. Inato Yekheto Shikhu, A Re-discovery of the Naga Heritage (Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 2007), 45-50.
4. Sajal Nag, Contesting Marginality: Ethnicity, Determinsim and Pathological Politics in North-East India (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2002), 188.
5. “CNTC warns against reviving Rongmei ST issue,” The Morung Express, May 14, 2026.
6. U. A. Shimray, Naga Population and Integration Issues (New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2007), 112-115.
7. A. Lanunungsang Ao, From Phizo to Muivah: The Naga National Question in North East India (New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2002), 215.
8. “The Rongmei Settlement Issue,” The Morung Express, June 5, 2017, https://morungexpress.com/the-rongmei-settlement-issue.
9. Charles Chasie, The Naga Imbroglio: A Personal Perspective (Kohima: Standard Printers and Publishers, 1999), 78.
10. N. Venuh, Continuity and Change in the Naga Society (New Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2004), 134.
11. “Government’s Recognition of Rongmei as Indigenous Tribe,” Nagaland Page, October 12, 2012.
12. Kaka D. Iralu, Nagaland and India: The Blood and the Tears (Kohima: N.V. Press, 2000), 402.

Bibliography

Ao, A. Lanunungsang. From Phizo to Muivah: The Naga National Question in North East India. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2002.

Chasie, Charles. The Naga Imbroglio: A Personal Perspective. Kohima: Standard Printers and Publishers, 1999.

“CNTC opposes move to revive Rongmei ST issue in Nagaland.” Nagaland Post, May 14, 2026. https://nagalandpost.com/cntc-opposes-move-to-revive-rongmei-st-issue-in-nagaland/.

Iralu, Kaka D. Nagaland and India: The Blood and the Tears. Kohima: N.V. Press, 2000.

Nag, Sajal. Contesting Marginality: Ethnicity, Determinsim and Pathological Politics in North-East India. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2002.

“The Rongmei Settlement Issue.” The Morung Express, June 5, 2017. https://morungexpress.com/the-rongmei-settlement-issue.

Shikhu, Inato Yekheto. A Re-discovery of the Naga Heritage. Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 2007.

Shimray, U. A. Naga Population and Integration Issues. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2007.

Venuh, N. Continuity and Change in the Naga Society. New Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2004.

#News: #Nagaland’s “mega” oil palm expansion is state-backed mass #ecocide disguised as progress 🌴🤮☠️🔥 Corporate giants grab land while #indigenous communities face #deforestation and ruin. Stop the greenwashing #BoycottPalmOil @palmoildetectives https://www.uniindia.com/news/east/agriculture-nagaland-mega-oil-plantation-drive/3781890.html?utm_source=mastodon&utm_medium=Palm+Oil+Detectives&utm_campaign=publer

Indigenous Konyak Naga Herbal Medicine Shows Promising Anti-Cancer Potential, Study Finds

Researchers from Nagaland University, Berhampur University, and Saveetha Medical College have, in a preliminary investigation, identified traditional herbal…
#NewsBeep #News #Medication #cancer #Cancertreatment #Health #Herbs #Indigenousknowledge #KonyakNaga #Nagaland #NagalandUniversity #UK #UnitedKingdom
https://www.newsbeep.com/uk/533830/

https://www.europesays.com/ie/435847/ Indigenous Konyak Naga Herbal Medicine Shows Promising Anti-Cancer Potential, Study Finds #cancer #CancerTreatment #Éire #Health #Herbs #IE #IndigenousKnowledge #Ireland #KonyakNaga #Medication #Nagaland #NagalandUniversity

Indigenous Konyak Naga Herbal Medicine Shows Promising Anti-Cancer Potential, Study Finds

Researchers from Nagaland University, Berhampur University, and Saveetha Medical College have, in a preliminary investigation, identified traditional herbal…
#NewsBeep #News #Medication #CA #Canada #cancer #CancerTreatment #Health #Herbs #Indigenousknowledge #KonyakNaga #Nagaland #NagalandUniversity
https://www.newsbeep.com/ca/604792/

Japan Says No To Cherry Blossom Festival Due To Overtourism; Here're 5 Places To Witness Spring’s Splendour In India

https://web.brid.gy/r/https://in.mashable.com/culture/105698/japan-says-no-to-cherry-blossom-festival-due-to-overtourism-herere-5-places-to-witness-springs-splen

@Natasha_Jay
Reminded me of this door I clicked in #Nagaland, #India.
These figures on the door are to seek their forefather's blessing.
More interesting reading: https://villagesquare.in/carved-gates-illustrate-naga-tribal-culture/

Another masterpiece 🧡.

This guy is literally gold when it comes to #tourism and #travel #vlogging in #india.

#nagaland

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=winzzRq7Yg4

Telegraph India: Portal unveiled at Asiatic Society provides peek into way of life five of Naga tribes. “A website and an app celebrating the culture and heritage of Nagaland were unveiled at a symposium cum exhibition at Asiatic Society recently. The portal is the result of a year-long initiative that aims to document living traditions, lifestyle, crafts, textile, performing arts and cuisine […]

https://rbfirehose.com/2025/04/21/telegraph-india-portal-unveiled-at-asiatic-society-provides-peek-into-way-of-life-five-of-naga-tribes/

‘Shetland’ Star Douglas Henshall Boards Indie Feature Set in 1960s Nagaland (EXCLUSIVE)
#Variety #Asia #Global #News #DouglasHenshall #India #Nagaland #Shetland

https://variety.com/2025/film/news/shetland-douglas-henshall-nagaland-1236361775/

India’s Palm Oil Plans Wreak Havoc On The Ground

#India’s aggressive push for #palmoil plantations in #Nagaland, #Assam and #Mizoram is wreaking havoc on both the environment and local communities. The government plans to ramp up oil palm cultivation in the northeast, locking away land that could be used for diverse food production for decades. Palm oil monoculture threatens soil health, drains precious water resources, and marginalises indigenous communities. Farmers in the north east of India are facing dire challenges, from delayed subsidies to inadequate payments for their crops, leaving them questioning the viability of oil palm farming. A rethink is necessary to protect India’s ecosystems, animals and people. To help raise awareness and empower change, make sure that you #BoycottPalmOil #Boycott4Wildlife every time you shop.

In #Nagaland and #Mizoram, #India 🇮🇳 an ongoing battle is raging for #farmers’ rights to feed their families and not suffer penniless for #palmoil in a barren wasteland #Boycottpalmoil 🌴🪔🚫 #Boycott4Wildlife #humanrights @palmoildetect https://palmoildetectives.com/2024/10/06/indias-palm-oil-plans-wreak-havoc-on-the-ground/

In lush North East #India 🇮🇳🪷 a battle is being waged, between sowing native seeds versus industrial #palmoil #monoculture 🌴🔥 that threatens rare #ecosystems #animals and an ancient way of life. #ecology #Boycottpalmoil #Boycott4Wildlife @palmoildetect https://palmoildetectives.com/2024/10/06/indias-palm-oil-plans-wreak-havoc-on-the-ground/

https://youtu.be/8QsAC79ptFY

Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info on August 12, 2024. Written by Dr Ravi Chellam is a wildlife biologist and conservation scientist based in Bengaluru along with senior journalist Rupa Chinai and Robert Solo is a member of the Naga civil society organisation, Kezekevi Thehou Ba (KTB) which works with communities, the government and the civil society in Nagaland. Read the original article.

The push for large-scale monoculture plantations like palm oil in India is taking a heavy toll on the environment and on people’s economic and social security.

Oil palm plantations lock in precious land resources for a long time, from a 4-5 year gestation period to 25 years for production, a problem in a densely populated country like India.

In late July, an unusual newspaper headline did the rounds: “If India gives land, we will work together to produce palm oil here, says visiting Malaysian Minister.”

Foreign politicians do not often ask the country they are visiting to give land, in particular for cultivating a plant which produces oil seeds.

In this case, the seeds refer to the oil palm, a species native to West Africa and now widely cultivated, especially in Southeast Asia. Oil palm is seen as the world’s most important oil crop, supplying approximately 40 percent of global demand for vegetable oil.

Clearly, the pressure is building on big palm oil-producing countries such as Malaysia and Indonesia to clean up their act.

The European Union has taken a strong stance on cleaning up supply chains to prevent deforestation, environmental degradation and negative impacts on local communities.

India is the world’s largest importer of edible oils but this was not always the case.

Indians have traditionally used a wide variety of edible oils, a reflection of India’s rich agro-ecological heritage and cultural diversity. In the early 1990s, India was self-sufficient in edible oils but thanks to changes in government policies, that situation has reversed.

Palm oil now dominates India’s edible oil imports, representing more than half of all edible oil imports. In 2021, palm oil import was valued at approximately $US8.63 billion.

Due to this significant dependence on imports, there has been a strong push by the Indian government to rapidly increase the cultivation of oil palm, especially in India’s northeast, through the National Mission on Edible Oils — Oil Palm.

It has set ambitious goals to increase the area of oil palm cultivation in India to one million hectares by 2025-26 from 350,000ha in 2019-20.

However, the government’s efforts in promoting oil palm plantations in the northeast, which are strengthened by substantial subsidies, are playing havoc with tribal society.

Land is a scarce resource in the northeast and existing land, often community-owned and managed, has traditionally been used for subsistence farming with an eye on food security. This is changing and creating social disruption.

Challenges of growing oil palm

More than 50 percent of the proposed increase in the area of cultivation, 328,000ha, is planned in the northeastern states, as identified in an assessment by the Indian Institute of Oil Palm Research in 2020.

The plan is also to increase the production of crude palm oil from 27,000 tonnes in 2019-20 to 1.12 million tonnes by 2025-26.

While the ambition and goals of the oil palm mission are lofty, the on-the-ground situation in the northeast tells a completely different story.

Mizoram was the first state to start planting oil palm in the northeast. Plantations were established in seven districts of the state and at least some of these date back to 2005.

Over the last two decades, oil palm plantations have invariably resulted in setbacks and failures for everyone involved.

Given their intrinsically high requirements of water and nutrients, oil palm plantations have devastated soil health and the quality and availability of groundwater in the state.

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Sloth Bear Melursus ursinus

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Another issue is the long gestation period of the crop. The oil palm takes at least four to five years before it starts producing fruit, followed by a productive period of 20 to 25 years.

This adds up to 25 to 30 years, a long time to lock in precious land resources, especially in a densely populated country such as India.

The challenges with environmental sustainability, productivity, transport, failings of the government and corporate behaviour have meant that both farmers and the companies have had to deal with large-scale failures and heavy losses.

The rugged terrain and remote location of the plantations, coupled with the relatively poor road network and the absence of oil mills close to many of the plantations poses severe challenges to the farmers.

The nuts have to be processed within 48 hours, which currently is a logistical nightmare, especially for many small-scale farmers.

Many companies haven’t honoured their commitments to farmers be it on purchase price or timely payments. Government subsidies have also been often delayed.

The land question

Land is the central issue for the palm oil enterprise.

Be it terrain, with hilly terrain not being suitable for oil palm plantations; rapidly depleting soil fertility or reduced access to land owned by small landholders because of the three decade lock-in period.

In several cases, people have had to sell their land due to the extensive financial losses they’ve suffered while cultivating oil palm.

The capture of common lands for planting oil palm by the elite of the society is a large-scale problem, especially in Arunachal Pradesh, another northeastern state.

The fear is that more and more of community land will get converted into at least de facto private property when planted with oil palm due to the decades-long lock-in period.

This dispossession is likely to result in further marginalisation of the poorer sections of society and could potentially lead to social turmoil and conflict.

The problems are many and widespread.

Farmers across the northeast are not readily taking up planting of oil palm as they have started to realise the environmental costs, the meagre and very often delayed economic returns and the three-decade-long lock-in period of their land.

Sikkim and Meghalaya have decided to stay away from planting oil palm.

A recent report seems to indicate that at least some farmers in Arunachal Pradesh are starting to gain benefits from their oil palm plantations. These are still very early days to reach any definite conclusion about the situation in Arunachal, unlike the much longer Mizoram experience.

Since January 2023, researchers have engaged with tribal elders and civil society members in Nagaland which has provided them a close view of how things are playing out for oil palm in the state.

Nagaland seems to be following a similar path to Arunachal Pradesh, with the wealthy consolidating landholdings to establish plantations, resulting in small landholders losing out.

It is clear that oil palm is a capital-intensive and very long-term crop. Deep pockets are required to survive and succeed.

Almost everyone researchers interacted with expressed their disappointment at the delays, reduction or even complete stoppage of payment of the committed government subsidies.

Farmer frustrations

Farmers’ experiences in dealing with private companies that had committed to buy oil palm fruit has been an even greater disappointment.

The purchase price for these bunches is much lower than what was initially indicated and payments are unduly delayed.

Even the picking up of fresh fruit bunches, a perishable commodity which has to be processed within 24 to 48 hours post-harvesting, is poorly coordinated and there is a lack of reliable information and guidance for farmers.

The environmental and social issues associated with oil palm plantations are also playing out in Nagaland, including depleting soils, water shortages, the increasing use of hazardous agro-chemicals, rapidly increasing labour costs, women losing out on employment opportunities and shifts in land tenure and ownership.

Recent fieldwork in Nagaland through meetings and conversations with farmers presents a mixed picture.

Several farmers confirmed their fresh fruit bunches have not been picked up by companies. They believe it might have something to do with the company’s assessment of the quality of the fruit.

This is not in line with the commitment that was made to these farmers and is resulting in tremendous losses for them.

A few others are receiving the government subsidies and their fresh fruit bunches have also been picked up by the companies and they have been paid Rs13 a kilogram, approximately $USD 0.16.

Course correction

The longer-term experience with oil palm hasn’t been good for farmers in India’s northeast both from financial and social perspectives.

When also considering the environmental impacts, it is clear that the push for large-scale cultivation of oil palm in the region is taking a toll on the environment as well on people’s economic and social security.

Government policy would benefit from encouraging local and ecologically-appropriate oil-bearing crops rather than massively supporting oil palm.

Even the government’s own estimates do not predict India gaining self-sufficiency in edible oil by cultivating oil palm in India.

Rethinking this policy may be required so that India can regain self-sufficiency in edible oils, a position we enjoyed not so long ago.

Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info on August 12, 2024. Written by Dr Ravi Chellam is a wildlife biologist and conservation scientist based in Bengaluru along with senior journalist Rupa Chinai and Robert Solo is a member of the Naga civil society organisation, Kezekevi Thehou Ba (KTB) which works with communities, the government and the civil society in Nagaland. Read the original article.

ENDS

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How do we stop the world’s ecosystems from going into a death spiral? A #SteadyState Economy

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3. Supermarket sleuthing: Next time you’re in the supermarket, take photos of products containing palm oil. Share these to social media along with the hashtags to call out the greenwashing and ecocide of the brands who use palm oil. You can also take photos of palm oil free products and congratulate brands when they go palm oil free.

https://twitter.com/CuriousApe4/status/1526136783557529600?s=20

https://twitter.com/PhillDixon1/status/1749010345555788144?s=20

https://twitter.com/mugabe139/status/1678027567977078784?s=20

4. Take to the streets: Get in touch with Palm Oil Detectives to find out more.

5. Donate: Make a one-off or monthly donation to Palm Oil Detectives as a way of saying thank you and to help pay for ongoing running costs of the website and social media campaigns. Donate here

#animals #Assam #BoycottPalmOil #Boycott4wildlife #BoycottPalmOil #corruption #deforestation #ecology #ecosystems #farmers #humanRights #HumanRights #hunger #India #Mizoram #monoculture #Nagaland #PalmOil #palmOilDeforestation #palmoil #poverty #workersRights #WorkersRights

Beef-eating majority state Nagaland denies permission to hold 'Gau Mahasabha'
#Nagaland #GauMahasabha #MastIndia #MastodonIndians #India @mastodonindians
https://reddit.com/r/india/comments/1fefq4z/beefeating_majority_state_nagaland_denies/

Just #Nagaland things. #IndependenceDay #India

Courtesy, my good Naga friend. Their family paddy field in Khuzama village, #Nagaland. Near Dzüko Valley.

Nagaland’s Night Marcher: Why Reading Kaka Iralu Matters

At a time when it was practically unimaginable, Kaka Iralu critically examined Nagaland’s relationship with India. His anarchist spirit of inquiry serves well to illuminate pressing questions of the environment, food sovereignty, and religious politics in the region. Varun Sharma writes.

#nagaland #KakaIralu #NagalandInsurgency #IndianArmy #IndianArmedForces #nagas #history #histodon #books #bookstodon #india

https://www.theindiaforum.in/history/nagalands-night-marcher-why-reading-kaka-iralu-matters

ZUMZIN peach #Wine. Product of #Bhutan. From a friend who recently returned from a trip to #Nagaland (of all the places - Nagaland is a dry state).

Nagaland's Chakhesang tribe traditional attire. Love the embroidery that Nagas come up with for their shawls but it's a tad heavy for my taste.

#Nagaland #Handmade #Tradition #Handicraft

:instagram: nuvelutetseo

The Momos sold at Zunheboto Night Carnival, #Nagaland 😂 #funny #humor

🔊 warning

#Christmas on song in #Nagaland, #India

Enjoyed every minute of the event. Had same feeling in October when I was visiting #Thiruvannamalai and there was live performance of #Bharatnatyam at the temple on the occasion of #Dasara festival.

Just goes on to show that #art and #culture are not tied to a religion. All you need is a open heart to experience something divine, because art is the nearest thing we have to #God. Creating something #positive from scratch.

AFSPA extended in four Assam districts, withdrawn from four others

The Act will now only apply to the districts of Dibrugarh, Tinsukia, Sivasagar and Charaideo.

https://scroll.in/latest/1056877/afspa-extended-in-four-assam-districts-withdrawn-from-four-others

#assam #AFSPA #IndianArmedForces #nagaland #mon #india

⚡️ Update: Tragic incident in Nagaland's Chumoukedima district as two people were killed and three injured when giant rocks fell from a mountain, crushing their car. Heavy rain triggered the rockslide near Patkai bridge on National Highway-29. Three other cars were also partially damaged. A viral video captured the accident. Condolences to the victims' families. #Nagaland #Rockslide https://www.riskmap.com/incidents/1847391/articles/182889994/?utm_source=dlvr.it&utm_medium=mastodon

Japfu Peak, #Nagaland’s 2nd highest (as viewed from #Kohima city) for #SilentSunday. Was a great view to start the day. Not the #trekking type but was told it’s popular with trekkers and campers. Altitude ~ 3,048 meters.

#Fujifilm #Photography #Fotografia #Fotographie #マストドン写真部 #Nature #Mountains #Hills #NoEdit #India

1.2 crore MGNREGS workers will not be paid because they are not on Aadhaar-based wage system

The fourth extension for mandatory payments under Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme via Aadhaar Based Payments System ends on August 31. As the numbers stand, out of the total 26 crore job card holders, 41.1% are still not eligible for this mode of payment. The Ministry of Rural Development has ruled out any more extensions, arguing that among the active workers, only 18.3% are ineligible.

https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/many-nregs-workers-out-of-aadhaar-based-wage-system/article67249057.ece

#MGNREGS #ABPS #aadhaar #RuralDevelopment #wages #labour #NPCI #UIDAI #assam #nagaland #india

Ramachandra Guha: A fact-check for Assam CM as he blames a long-dead scholar for North East problems

Verrier Elwin’s biographer debunks the lies about the anthropologist’s ‘pact’ with Nehru and more.

https://scroll.in/article/1054940/ramachandra-guha-a-fact-check-for-assam-cm-as-he-blames-a-long-dead-scholar-for-north-east-problems

#manipur #ManipurViolence #meiteis #kukis #HimantaBiswaSarma #BJP #VerrierElwin #JawaharlalNehru #RamachandraGuha #anthropology #ethnography #history #christianity #nagaland #assam #missionaries #hindutva #india #histodon

Nagaland village councils pledge to stir against Forest (Conservation) Amendment Act

The Nagaland Community Conserved Area Forum had earlier panned the Act for going against the interests of the indigenous communities.

#nagaland #ForestConservationAct #NCCAF #ForestRights #TribalRights #environment #ForestConservation #biodiversity #wildlife #india

https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/nagaland-village-councils-pledge-to-stir-against-forest-conservation-amendment-act/article67196829.ece