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  1. DATE: November 6, 2026 at 11:00AM
    SOURCE: PSYPOST.ORG

    ** Research quality varies widely from fantastic to small exploratory studies. Please check research methods when conclusions are very important to you. **
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    TITLE: People high in narcissism show less coordinated brain responses to others’ embarrassment

    URL: psypost.org/people-high-in-nar

    When watching someone else endure harsh, embarrassing criticism, people with low levels of narcissism tend to show brain activity that rises and falls in step with one another in regions involved in taking another person’s perspective. A new neuroimaging study published in Cerebral Cortex indicates that this shared brain response is weaker among individuals with high grandiose narcissism. The findings suggest that narcissistic traits are linked to more variable, less coordinated neural processing when witnessing social threats directed at other people.

    Narcissism is a personality trait marked by an excessive preoccupation with oneself and a reliance on social interactions to boost one’s own self-image. Psychologists distinguish between vulnerable narcissism, which involves insecurity and a strong need for approval, and grandiose narcissism, which is defined by feelings of superiority, entitlement, and a drive for social status and admiration. Both forms are associated with difficulties in empathy, a concept that encompasses both affective empathy, the capacity to share or feel another person’s emotions, and cognitive empathy, the ability to intellectually understand what someone else is thinking or feeling.

    Whether highly narcissistic people lack the ability to understand others or simply lack the motivation to care has been a central question in personality research. In a 2020 meta-analysis of more than 32,000 people, individuals high in grandiose narcissism reported lower levels of both affective and cognitive empathy on questionnaires, yet they did not perform measurably worse than less narcissistic peers on behavioral tests that required understanding another person’s thoughts and feelings. On those tests, the shortfall appeared only in affective empathy. The authors of the new study read this pattern as a sign that grandiose narcissists can take another person’s perspective but may lack the motivation to do so.

    At the same time, physiological and brain-imaging studies indicate that grandiose narcissists are acutely sensitive when their own social standing is challenged. For example, a 2015 brain-imaging study found that when people were left out of a virtual ball-tossing game, those with higher narcissism scores showed heightened activity in brain networks that process social pain and distress. Similarly, a 2023 physiological experiment by three of the same authors showed that individuals high in grandiose narcissism displayed amplified activity in facial muscles linked to anger and frustration when receiving negative evaluation, even though they did not report feeling more upset on questionnaires.

    When emotional distress happens to someone else, however, the neural picture shifts. In a 2024 neuroimaging study in which participants were instructed to empathize with videos of people recounting personal losses or threats, individuals high in grandiose narcissism showed muted activity in emotion-related brain regions during moments of compassion. Yet everyday social life rarely comes with explicit instructions to empathize, and it frequently involves witnessing third parties evaluate or criticize someone else.

    In everyday interactions, people constantly manage what sociologist Erving Goffman called “face,” the positive social image of competence or trustworthiness that a person claims when talking with others. A “face threat” occurs when someone’s projected self-image is challenged or discredited, and Goffman argued that such moments embarrass not only the person whose image is threatened but also the bystanders who witness it.

    To explore how narcissistic traits relate to responses in these moments, study lead author Matias Piispanen and his colleagues conducted the new research as part of the Facing Narcissism project, a collaboration between Aalto University and the University of Helsinki. Piispanen is a doctoral researcher in the Department of Neuroscience and Biomedical Engineering at Aalto University and the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Helsinki.

    “Individuals with strong narcissistic traits tend to place great importance on maintaining a positive self-image and are sensitive to negative feedback,” Piispanen told PsyPost. “We wanted to understand how they respond when witnessing another person’s self-image being threatened.”

    “Previous research on narcissism and empathy has often relied on relatively simple stimuli, such as pictures of emotional facial expressions, or explicitly instructed participants to empathize,” he explained. “Instead, we had participants watch another person receiving negative feedback on their personal stories in a more complex, naturalistic setting, without explicitly asking them to empathize. This allowed us to examine how narcissistic traits are reflected in brain responses as people spontaneously observe and interpret complex social situations that unfold over time and more closely resemble real-life interactions.”

    To investigate this question in a preregistered study (with data available from the corresponding author upon request), the researchers screened 935 adults online using the Narcissistic Personality Inventory, which measures grandiose traits such as exhibitionism, entitlement, and desire for authority. From this pool, the team invited right-handed adults without psychiatric or neurological diagnoses whose scores fell in roughly the top 20 percent or bottom 30 percent of the screened group to undergo functional magnetic resonance imaging, which tracks blood flow in the brain to measure neural activity.

    A total of 73 participants completed the scanning session, and after excluding 15 with excessive head movement, the final brain-imaging sample comprised 28 adults with high grandiose narcissism and 30 with low grandiose narcissism, with women making up about 70 percent of the sample.

    As part of the online screening survey, participants completed the Brief Interpersonal Reactivity Index, a questionnaire that assesses four facets of empathy: empathic concern (warmth and compassion for others), perspective taking (adopting another’s point of view), personal distress (unease when witnessing others’ suffering), and fantasy (identifying with fictional characters). Inside the scanner, participants watched videos of a person, played by an actor, telling four personal stories about feeling either admired or socially excluded in their youth and in the recent past. Each story was followed by a video of an evaluator delivering feedback to the storyteller, and participants were simply instructed to watch the feedback being received.

    In half of the videos, the evaluator gave face-affirming feedback that supported and validated the storyteller’s account. In the other half, the evaluator delivered face-threatening feedback, challenging the storyteller’s self-image by criticizing the story as inadequate or unbelievable. After each feedback clip, participants rated their own emotional pleasantness, emotional intensity, sense of control, and pride on a 1-to-9 scale.

    The researchers focused their brain analysis on three structures involved in different aspects of empathy. One was the anterior insula, a region folded deep within the fissure between the frontal and temporal lobes that helps generate gut emotional feelings and share others’ distress. The other two were the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, an area on the upper outer surface of the front of the brain involved in emotion regulation and perspective-taking, and the posterior cingulate cortex, a structure near the back of the brain’s inner midline that helps link another person’s situation with one’s own personal memories. Using a standard brain atlas, the researchers divided these three regions into 16 smaller subregions and analyzed each separately.

    To examine how participants processed the roughly four minutes of negative feedback videos, the team used a technique called intersubject correlation, which compares the moment-to-moment rise and fall of brain activity between every pair of participants within a group. When two people process a scene in a similar way, their brain activity tends to peak and dip at the same moments, producing a high correlation. An earlier neuroimaging study using this approach found that people with similar personality traits tend to show more synchronized brain activity when watching realistic videos.

    The researchers had also predicted in their preregistration that the high-narcissism group would show weaker overall activation in these regions. To test this, they ran a more traditional analysis that measured the strength of brain activation during six 15-second moments when the evaluator most bluntly dismissed the storyteller’s account.

    On the empathy questionnaire, participants in the high-narcissism group reported lower empathy than those in the low-narcissism group on three of the four scales. Specifically, the high-narcissism group scored lower on perspective taking (averaging 11.4 versus 14.4) and empathic concern (13.0 versus 15.5), as well as personal distress, while the difference on the fantasy scale was not statistically significant.

    In the post-video ratings across all 73 scanned participants, watching negative feedback lowered emotional pleasantness (averaging 5.03 out of 9, compared to 6.26 after supportive feedback), raised emotional intensity, and slightly reduced feelings of pride. Watching supportive feedback after a story about being admired boosted pleasant feelings for participants in the low-narcissism group, an increase that was not statistically significant in the high-narcissism group.

    In the brain-imaging analyses of the negative, face-threatening feedback videos, participants with high grandiose narcissism showed weaker neural synchronization with one another than the low-narcissism group in five subregions of the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex and the posterior cingulate cortex. After correcting for multiple comparisons across all 16 subregions, the difference remained statistically significant in two: a lower section of the left dorsolateral prefrontal cortex and a rear section of the right posterior cingulate cortex. When the researchers analyzed the supportive feedback videos, differences in brain synchronization between the two groups were not statistically significant in any of the tested regions.

    Contrary to the researchers’ initial predictions, brain synchronization in the anterior insula did not differ to a statistically significant degree between the high- and low-narcissism groups while watching the negative feedback videos, although one subregion on the left side came close to the statistical threshold before correction for multiple comparisons. In addition, the traditional analysis examining overall activation strength during the six 15-second peak moments of criticism did not detect statistically significant group differences in any of the three brain areas, meaning that prediction was not supported either.

    In other words, the group differences in the current study showed up in how closely participants’ brain activity matched one another’s over the course of the videos, and were not detected in how strongly these regions responded during the harshest moments. The 2024 neuroimaging study described earlier similarly found no statistically significant link between grandiose narcissism and posterior cingulate activation using a traditional activation analysis.

    Because the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex and posterior cingulate cortex are closely tied to cognitive empathy and perspective-taking, the authors suggest that reduced synchronization in these areas may reflect more variable, less coherent engagement with the other person’s predicament among highly narcissistic observers.

    “Our findings suggest that individuals with strong narcissistic traits may react differently than other people to situations in which another person’s self-image is threatened, potentially reflecting differences in what they pay attention to or how they interpret the situation,” Piispanen said. “In our empathy questionnaire, they also reported being less likely to consider other people’s perspectives. This may make it harder to form genuine connections with others and help explain some of the difficulties and misunderstandings that individuals with strong narcissistic traits experience in social interactions.”

    “One thing that surprised us was that we did not find a statistically significant difference in the anterior insula, a brain region associated with affective empathy, meaning the sharing of another person’s emotions,” Piispanen noted. “One possible explanation is that our experimental setting involved observing and interpreting complex social interactions rather than responding to simple emotional cues, such as facial expressions or another person’s distress. This could help explain why the differences were more pronounced in brain regions associated with interpreting and understanding social situations, rather than those more closely linked to emotional resonance with others.”

    The researchers also point out that earlier studies showing reduced anterior insula activity often explicitly instructed participants to empathize with the people on screen, whereas participants in the current study watched the interaction without instructions on how to feel. The authors add, however, that instructions alone probably do not account for all the differences across studies.

    “Our study highlights the value of examining narcissism and empathy in socially meaningful situations that more closely resemble everyday life,” Piispanen added. “Understanding how narcissistic traits are associated with brain responses in regions associated with empathy during social interactions provides new insights into how these traits are expressed in real-world interactions and may help us understand why social interactions sometimes lead to misunderstandings or unexpected responses.”

    There are a few things to keep in mind when interpreting these results. Lower synchronization means the brain responses of the high-narcissism participants differed more from one another. Synchronization itself is not a direct measure of empathy. As the authors point out, weaker alignment across participants can arise from wandering attention, disengagement, or varied ways of interpreting the scene, such as some highly narcissistic viewers identifying with the harsh evaluator rather than with the embarrassed storyteller.

    The study also did not measure empathy or embarrassment while participants watched, so the link to perspective-taking rests on what these two brain regions typically do. Both regions also support other functions, such as attention and self-related thinking.

    “An important clarification is that we examined narcissism as a personality trait, not narcissistic personality disorder, which is a clinical diagnosis,” he emphasized. “Our purpose was not to identify or diagnose narcissism in individuals, but to better understand how narcissistic traits are associated with differences in brain responses in naturalistic social situations. Furthermore, because participants were selected based on grandiose narcissistic traits, which are what people typically associate with narcissism, our findings cannot be generalized to vulnerable narcissism, which is more strongly associated with shame and sensitivity to social evaluation. It would be interesting to explore how grandiose and vulnerable narcissistic traits differ in their neural responses in similar settings in the future.”

    The authors note that future studies with larger, more diverse samples will be needed to provide greater statistical power and to directly measure social emotions like vicarious embarrassment and humiliation during real-time interactions.

    “Our broader goal is to provide a new perspective on narcissism by examining how narcissistic traits are expressed in social interactions, rather than focusing solely on the individual,” Piispanen said. “In our next study, we examine how narcissistic traits are associated with facial expressions, when individuals receive feedback on their own personal stories.”

    “Narcissism is often discussed in stigmatizing terms, even though narcissistic traits exist on a continuum and are present to varying degrees in everyone,” he concluded. “Although these traits are relatively stable, how they are expressed may vary depending on the social context. Understanding when and why narcissistic behaviors emerge in social interactions may provide a more nuanced understanding of how interpersonal difficulties may arise.”

    The study, “Reduced social brain coupling to others’ face threats in narcissism,” was authored by Matias Piispanen, Jarno Tuominen, Mariel Wuolio, Pentti Henttonen, Ville J. Harjunen, Emmi Koskinen, Elizabeth Krusemark, Enrico Glerean, Pärttyli Rinne, Mikko Sams, Anssi Peräkylä, and Juha Salmi.

    URL: psypost.org/people-high-in-nar

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  2. DATE: November 6, 2026 at 07:00AM
    SOURCE: PSYPOST.ORG

    ** Research quality varies widely from fantastic to small exploratory studies. Please check research methods when conclusions are very important to you. **
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    TITLE: In strained families, extraverted parents are more likely to be cut off by their adult children

    URL: psypost.org/in-strained-famili

    When a relationship between a parent and an adult child becomes deeply strained, enduring personality traits may help explain why some families stay in contact while others cut ties completely. A new study published in Frontiers in Psychology indicates that among people experiencing family tension, more extraverted parents have higher odds of being estranged by an adult child, whereas adult children who score higher in openness to experience have lower odds of initiating a cutoff. The findings suggest that basic temperament may shape how individuals interpret and respond to ongoing family conflict.

    Parent-child estrangement occurs when a parent or an adult child intentionally reduces or completely severs contact with the other, a rupture estimated to affect between 6% and 28% of people at some point in their lives. Past scholarship on why families fracture has largely focused on severe life stressors, such as childhood abuse, parental divorce, or substance misuse, alongside broader demographic patterns. For example, a national longitudinal study of U.S. families found that 26% of adult children reported a period of estrangement from their fathers compared to 6% from their mothers, with rates varying across gender, race, and sexuality.

    Beyond major life disruptions and demographic factors, researchers have examined how clashing beliefs and shifting cultural standards destabilize family bonds. In a 2015 study of mothers and adult children, differences in personal values strongly predicted estrangement, whereas an adult child’s violation of serious social norms did not.

    Expanding on the role of belief systems, the author of a 2025 qualitative study of estranged U.S. adults argued that younger generations increasingly evaluate family ties through a cultural script called “democratized kinship.” Rather than viewing parent-child bonds as permanent obligations requiring unconditional loyalty, this newer framework treats family relationships as conditional on mutual respect, accountability, intentional connection, and emotional safety.

    The authors argue that neither painful family history nor changing cultural expectations can fully account for why one strained relationship ends in estrangement while a similar one endures. Many parents and adult children navigate sharp political disagreements, mismatched expectations, or difficult memories without cutting off contact. Lead author Jag S. Gill of Adler University, working with independent researcher Matthias J. Barker and Carl P. Nienhuis of the University of the Fraser Valley, proposed that individual personality traits help bridge this gap by shaping how people react to both family stress and cultural norms.

    To test this idea, the researchers drew on Five-Factor Theory, a major psychological framework that organizes personality into five broad, biologically rooted dimensions: extraversion (sociability and assertiveness), agreeableness (warmth and cooperativeness), conscientiousness (self-discipline and organization), neuroticism (stress sensitivity and negative emotion), and openness to experience (curiosity and mental flexibility). According to this theory, these core dispositions interact with a person’s environment to shape their relationship expectations, beliefs, and coping habits.

    Previous work has already linked personality tendencies to interpersonal friction and how people handle disagreements. For instance, an earlier survey on personality features and relationship cutoffs found that people with stronger borderline tendencies, which involve emotional instability and volatile attachments, reported a greater number of estranged relationships. Within the standard Big Five traits, a 2020 meta-analysis on conflict resolution linked extraversion to a more dominating conflict style, though also to compromise, while openness and agreeableness were linked to compromise and collaborative problem-solving.

    Although estranged family members in earlier studies often blamed a “clash of personality” for their fallout, no prior study, according to the authors, had quantitatively tested whether the Big Five traits predict parent-child estrangement. To investigate this question, Gill and his colleagues analyzed survey responses from members of an online parent-child estrangement support community founded by Barker.

    Unlike studies that compare estranged families to harmonious, low-conflict households, this cross-sectional design (meaning data were collected at a single point in time) focused entirely on individuals already experiencing family strain, allowing the team to examine what separates strained but ongoing relationships from complete cutoffs.

    Out of roughly 2,000 community members invited by email in the fall of 2024, 582 completed the survey, representing a response rate of about 30%. After removing respondents with missing information, the final sample included 520 U.S. residents: 368 parents (averaging 60 years old, 95% White, and 93% women) and 152 adult children (averaging 39 years old, 82% White, and 87% women) from separate, non-matched families. The anonymized data from the survey are available from the authors upon request rather than posted publicly.

    Participants reported how often they saw their parent or adult child in person and how often they communicated by phone, text, or email. Respondents were classified as estranged if they both saw and spoke with their relative once a year or less (or not at all), while those with more frequent contact were categorized as remaining in a strained, non-estranged relationship.

    Based on this definition, 48% of the parents were estranged (none of whom had willingly initiated the cutoff), and 35% of the adult children were estranged (all of whom had willingly initiated the separation). Everyone also completed a 100-item personality questionnaire that measured the five broad Big Five traits alongside ten narrower sub-traits (two for each broad dimension), and the researchers ran separate statistical models for parents and adult children that adjusted for age, gender, race, education, marital status, and, for adult children, sexual orientation.

    Among parents, extraversion was the only broad personality trait associated with estrangement status. After accounting for demographic characteristics, parents had 79% higher odds of being estranged by an adult child for each one-point increase in extraversion scores. When the researchers looked closer at the two narrower sub-traits that make up extraversion (enthusiasm and assertiveness), each one-point increase in enthusiasm was linked to a 57% increase in the odds of estrangement, whereas assertiveness was not statistically significant. The remaining broad traits (agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, and openness) and their sub-traits were not statistically significant predictors among parents.

    At first glance, the link between parental extraversion and estrangement may seem surprising, since extraversion is commonly associated with warmth and outgoing sociability. Because enthusiasm rather than assertiveness was the sub-trait that predicted estrangement, the authors suggest the link may not be limited to dominance or control.

    In their view, the connection to enthusiasm points to a potential mismatch in relationship needs. The researchers propose that highly enthusiastic parents may seek frequent, emotionally expressive contact, which an adult child in a strained relationship may experience as overwhelming, demanding, or poorly attuned to their need for emotional boundaries.

    A different personality pattern emerged among the adult children in the study, where openness to experience was the sole broad trait linked to estrangement status. Each one-point increase in overall openness was associated with a 78% reduction in the odds of having cut off contact with a parent, and its two narrower sub-traits, intellect (curiosity and engagement with abstract ideas) and openness (receptivity to emotions, aesthetics, and new perspectives), predicted lower odds of estrangement by 60% and 57%, respectively.

    None of the other personality traits or sub-traits were statistically significant predictors for adult children. In the authors’ reading, adult children who score high in openness tend to possess greater mental flexibility and tolerance for differing values, which may help them navigate perceived slights or ideological disagreements with their parents without cutting off contact.

    Several demographic patterns also stood out in the analysis. In the broad-trait model for adult children, respondents holding a master’s or doctoral degree had 72% lower odds of being estranged compared to those with only a high school education, though this educational difference was not statistically significant in the narrower sub-trait model.

    To explain why advanced education might be linked to lower odds of estrangement, the authors offer two possibilities: higher education may foster problem-solving skills and cognitive complexity that help adult children manage difficult family dynamics, or it may provide financial security that buffers families against chronic economic stress.

    Among parents, being divorced was not a statistically significant predictor of estrangement, which the researchers note is likely because divorce and similar family stressors were common across both the estranged and strained-contact groups. An adult child’s own marital status was also not a statistically significant predictor in the adult-child models.

    As with all research, there are some caveats to keep in mind when interpreting these findings. Because the survey captured responses at a single point in time, it cannot establish that personality traits cause estrangement; going through a painful family rupture could also alter how people view and report their own personalities. In addition, the parents and adult children in the sample did not come from the same families, making it impossible to see how a parent’s and child’s personalities interact or whether family members would rate each other’s traits the same way they rate themselves.

    The researchers also ran many statistical tests across two groups, including a relatively small sample of 53 estranged adult children, without adjusting for the chance of false positives, and several of the detected links only barely reached statistical significance, which makes the results best treated as preliminary.

    The makeup of the sample further limits how broadly the results can be applied. Participants were recruited from a single online support community for family estrangement, with about 30% of roughly 2,000 invited members choosing to respond, and the resulting sample was overwhelmingly White, straight, and female. P

    eople who actively join an online support group and opt into a survey may differ in important ways from those who handle family distance privately. For instance, although mothers in the study had more than three times the odds of being estranged compared to fathers, the authors caution that men made up only 7% of the parent sample, meaning the gender gap likely reflects who joins support groups rather than a broader rule about mothers and fathers.

    Finally, although the researchers used Five-Factor Theory to propose that personality traits shape conflict styles and attitudes toward “democratized kinship,” the survey did not directly measure those intermediate beliefs or behaviors. Future studies that track both parents and adult children over time, ideally starting before an estrangement occurs, will be needed to test these proposed pathways directly. Incorporating questionnaires that measure specific conflict habits, expectations around family obligation, and perspectives from multiple family members could further illuminate how basic temperament interacts with family stress.

    The study, “From strain to estrangement: the role of personality in predicting parent-child relational outcomes,” was authored by Jag S. Gill, Matthias J. Barker, and Carl P. Nienhuis.

    URL: psypost.org/in-strained-famili

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