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Hello mstdn.ca! 👋 🇨🇦
Happy to be settling into this Canadian corner of the Fediverse after moving over from another Mastodon instance. I’m enjoying the fresh start and excited to connect with this community.
A bit about me: I’m a Senior Law Lecturer, a retired (and recovering!) lawyer, proud Canadian, pickleball addict, lifelong #Habs fan, #Rush devotee, cancer survivor, and an amateur single‑malt #Scotch aficionado.
I mostly post about news, current events, and law — sometimes all at once — and I’m always up for thoughtful discussion and good conversation.
Looking forward to meeting folks here!
#Introduction #MastodonCanada #Fediverse #Law #News #CurrentEvents #Pickleball
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She’s Saving Lost Recipes: Meet Sonja Norwood
Sonja Norwood took on a remarkable feat during Black History Month. She revived dozens of nearly forgotten Black American recipes, sharing not only the recipes but also the context and history behind them. Her already enamored digital devotees …
#dining #cooking #diet #food #RecipeTopics #foodhistory #foodnetwork #Recipes #researching #Sonja #vinegarpie #YoungSonja
https://www.diningandcooking.com/2536019/shes-saving-lost-recipes-meet-sonja-norwood/ -
February 12, 2026, witnessed millions of workers across India participating in a nationwide general strike called by the joint platform of central ...
February 12, 2026, witnessed millions of workers across India participating in a nationwide general strike called by the joint platform of central trade unions. Measured purely by participation, the…#CADTM #ComitépourlAnnulationdesdettesillégitimes #dette #dettetiersmonde #dettedutiersmonde #ladettedutiersmonde #dettepublique #detteexterne #detteillégitime #detteodieuse #odieuse #G8 #FMI #IMF #clubdeparis #banquemondiale #banquedusud #PPTE #IADM #créanciers #afrique #néolibéralisme #finance #Nord-Sud #globalisation #multinationales #ComitéparalaAnulacióndelasdeudasilegítimas #deuda #ladeuda #ladeudadeltercermundo #tercermundo #deudapública #deudaexterna #ladeudaodiosa #elG8 #elFMI #elClubdeParís #BancoMundial #el
BancodelSur #paísespobresmuyendeudados #acreedores #África #elneoliberalismo #las
finanzas #lasrelacionesNorte-Sur #laglobalización #lasmultinacionales #Committeefor
theAbolitionofIllegitimateDebt #debt #IllegitimateDebt #thirdworlddebt #odiousdebt #publicdebt #externaldebt #ParisClub #WorldBank #SouthBank #HIPC #MDRI #creditors #Africa #neoliberalism #North-Southrelations #globalization #multinational #ComitéparaaAnulaçãodasdívidasilegítimas #dívida #dívidado
terceiromundo #dívidaodiosa #dívidailegítima #dívidapública #dívida
externa #oG8 #oFMI #ClubedeParis #oBancoMundial #BancodoSul #paísespobres
altamenteendividados #credores #aÁfrica #oneoliberalismo #finanças #relaçõesNorte-Sul #aglobalização #multinacional
After the Labour Codes : the political meaning of India's February 12 strike – CADTM -
February 12, 2026, witnessed millions of workers across India participating in a nationwide general strike called by the joint platform of central ...
February 12, 2026, witnessed millions of workers across India participating in a nationwide general strike called by the joint platform of central trade unions. Measured purely by participation, the…#CADTM #ComitépourlAnnulationdesdettesillégitimes #dette #dettetiersmonde #dettedutiersmonde #ladettedutiersmonde #dettepublique #detteexterne #detteillégitime #detteodieuse #odieuse #G8 #FMI #IMF #clubdeparis #banquemondiale #banquedusud #PPTE #IADM #créanciers #afrique #néolibéralisme #finance #Nord-Sud #globalisation #multinationales #ComitéparalaAnulacióndelasdeudasilegítimas #deuda #ladeuda #ladeudadeltercermundo #tercermundo #deudapública #deudaexterna #ladeudaodiosa #elG8 #elFMI #elClubdeParís #BancoMundial #el
BancodelSur #paísespobresmuyendeudados #acreedores #África #elneoliberalismo #las
finanzas #lasrelacionesNorte-Sur #laglobalización #lasmultinacionales #Committeefor
theAbolitionofIllegitimateDebt #debt #IllegitimateDebt #thirdworlddebt #odiousdebt #publicdebt #externaldebt #ParisClub #WorldBank #SouthBank #HIPC #MDRI #creditors #Africa #neoliberalism #North-Southrelations #globalization #multinational #ComitéparaaAnulaçãodasdívidasilegítimas #dívida #dívidado
terceiromundo #dívidaodiosa #dívidailegítima #dívidapública #dívida
externa #oG8 #oFMI #ClubedeParis #oBancoMundial #BancodoSul #paísespobres
altamenteendividados #credores #aÁfrica #oneoliberalismo #finanças #relaçõesNorte-Sul #aglobalização #multinacional
After the Labour Codes : the political meaning of India's February 12 strike – CADTM -
February 12, 2026, witnessed millions of workers across India participating in a nationwide general strike called by the joint platform of central ...
February 12, 2026, witnessed millions of workers across India participating in a nationwide general strike called by the joint platform of central trade unions. Measured purely by participation, the…#CADTM #ComitépourlAnnulationdesdettesillégitimes #dette #dettetiersmonde #dettedutiersmonde #ladettedutiersmonde #dettepublique #detteexterne #detteillégitime #detteodieuse #odieuse #G8 #FMI #IMF #clubdeparis #banquemondiale #banquedusud #PPTE #IADM #créanciers #afrique #néolibéralisme #finance #Nord-Sud #globalisation #multinationales #ComitéparalaAnulacióndelasdeudasilegítimas #deuda #ladeuda #ladeudadeltercermundo #tercermundo #deudapública #deudaexterna #ladeudaodiosa #elG8 #elFMI #elClubdeParís #BancoMundial #el
BancodelSur #paísespobresmuyendeudados #acreedores #África #elneoliberalismo #las
finanzas #lasrelacionesNorte-Sur #laglobalización #lasmultinacionales #Committeefor
theAbolitionofIllegitimateDebt #debt #IllegitimateDebt #thirdworlddebt #odiousdebt #publicdebt #externaldebt #ParisClub #WorldBank #SouthBank #HIPC #MDRI #creditors #Africa #neoliberalism #North-Southrelations #globalization #multinational #ComitéparaaAnulaçãodasdívidasilegítimas #dívida #dívidado
terceiromundo #dívidaodiosa #dívidailegítima #dívidapública #dívida
externa #oG8 #oFMI #ClubedeParis #oBancoMundial #BancodoSul #paísespobres
altamenteendividados #credores #aÁfrica #oneoliberalismo #finanças #relaçõesNorte-Sul #aglobalização #multinacional
After the Labour Codes : the political meaning of India's February 12 strike – CADTM -
February 12, 2026, witnessed millions of workers across India participating in a nationwide general strike called by the joint platform of central ...
February 12, 2026, witnessed millions of workers across India participating in a nationwide general strike called by the joint platform of central trade unions. Measured purely by participation, the…#CADTM #ComitépourlAnnulationdesdettesillégitimes #dette #dettetiersmonde #dettedutiersmonde #ladettedutiersmonde #dettepublique #detteexterne #detteillégitime #detteodieuse #odieuse #G8 #FMI #IMF #clubdeparis #banquemondiale #banquedusud #PPTE #IADM #créanciers #afrique #néolibéralisme #finance #Nord-Sud #globalisation #multinationales #ComitéparalaAnulacióndelasdeudasilegítimas #deuda #ladeuda #ladeudadeltercermundo #tercermundo #deudapública #deudaexterna #ladeudaodiosa #elG8 #elFMI #elClubdeParís #BancoMundial #el
BancodelSur #paísespobresmuyendeudados #acreedores #África #elneoliberalismo #las
finanzas #lasrelacionesNorte-Sur #laglobalización #lasmultinacionales #Committeefor
theAbolitionofIllegitimateDebt #debt #IllegitimateDebt #thirdworlddebt #odiousdebt #publicdebt #externaldebt #ParisClub #WorldBank #SouthBank #HIPC #MDRI #creditors #Africa #neoliberalism #North-Southrelations #globalization #multinational #ComitéparaaAnulaçãodasdívidasilegítimas #dívida #dívidado
terceiromundo #dívidaodiosa #dívidailegítima #dívidapública #dívida
externa #oG8 #oFMI #ClubedeParis #oBancoMundial #BancodoSul #paísespobres
altamenteendividados #credores #aÁfrica #oneoliberalismo #finanças #relaçõesNorte-Sul #aglobalização #multinacional
After the Labour Codes : the political meaning of India's February 12 strike – CADTM -
And Then Came Advani
Excerpt from Aakar Patel's 'Our Hindu Rashtra' (Westland, 2020)
The Ayodhya issue had actually been launched by the non-political groups inside the RSS, led by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. At a meeting in UP in 1983, Rajendra Singh, who would later become RSS chief, demanded that the Babri Masjid be opened to Hindu devotees. In September 1984, the VHP began a campaign against the mosque. This received sufficient public response for the group to claim in 1986 that they would forcibly break the locks open. Rajiv Gandhi succumbed to the pressure and the government told the courts there would be no law and order problem if this happened. The locks were thus opened and Hindus allowed into the mosque.
But the VHP did not stop with being given access to worship at the site: its target was the destruction of the mosque. In February 1989, at the Kumbh Mela in Allahabad, the VHP said it would lay the foundation stone for the temple in November. This would involve the making of bricks across the country with Ram’s name embossed on them and their being carried in processions through towns and villages to Ayodhya in November.
Till this time, Advani writes in his autobiography, a few members of the BJP like Vijayaraje Scindia and Vinay Katiyar had participated in the Ayodhya movement in their individual capacity. It was not an issue in mainstream politics. In June, at the BJP’s national executive meeting in Himachal Pradesh, Advani threw the party behind the issue. The BJP resolution demanded that the site ‘should be handed over to the Hindus’ and ‘the mosque built at some other suitable place’. The whole thing was now coloured with religious sentiment.
Elections came a few months later, in November 1989. The BJP’s manifesto now made its first reference to Ayodhya: ‘By not allowing the rebuilding of the Ram Janma Mandir in Ayodhya, on the lines of Somnath Mandir built by the government of India in 1948, it has allowed tensions to rise, and gravely strained social harmony.’ It was a violation of the BJP’s own constitution, which on its first page and opening articles pledged it would bear true faith and allegiance to the principle of secularism.
A few days before voting, the VHP brought all its processions from across India to Ayodhya and laid the foundation stone next to the mosque.
Powered by its divisive, anti-Muslim demand, Advani’s BJP won 85 seats, four times as many as the Jana Sangh in the last election it contested alone and more than forty times as many as Vajpayee had delivered in his reformed and renamed party. Advani had become the most successful political leader from the RSS and had found the recipe for electoral success. He began to invest more in the issue that had brought the dividend.
The Congress lost its majority in the election, and a coalition led by V.P. Singh took power with support from Advani, though for only a short period. Three months after the election, in February 1990, the VHP resumed its mobilisation against the mosque and said it would continue the process of what it called kar seva from October.
The political escalation, according to Advani, happened by accident. Advani writes in his autobiography that in June he was to visit London, and just before he left he was interviewed by the editor of the RSS journal Panchajanya who asked him what would happen if the government failed to resolve the Ayodhya matter. Advani told him that the BJP supported the decision to begin kar seva on 30 October, and if it was stopped there would be a mass movement led by the BJP.
‘Frankly, I had forgotten about this interview,’ Advani writes, when his wife telephoned him and asked, ‘What have you said? The papers here have reported it with blaring headlines: “On Ayodhya, Advani threatens the biggest mass movement in the history of independent India”.’ Advani adds: ‘The die had been cast.’
After this, Advani says he offered the Muslims a deal. If they would hand over the Babri Masjid, he would ‘personally request’ the VHP to not campaign against two other mosques in Mathura and Varanasi. He writes that he was ‘deeply disappointed’ and ‘annoyed’ that this was not considered to be satisfactory by the Muslims. He announced he would begin his campaign against the mosque on Deendayal Upadhyaya’s birthday, 25 September, in Gujarat, and ride a ‘chariot’ (actually a truck) to Ayodhya on 30 October 1990. [...]
At each stop along the way Advani went about talking about why the Babri Masjid had to be taken down, using the vocabulary and metaphors of religion, in basic speeches that he says were no more than five minutes long. The reduction can only be imagined; the consequence was predictable. The scale of the violence unleashed by Advani’s decision to politicise a communal issue and mobilise on it was staggering in both the numbers killed and the geographical spread.
B. Rajeshwari of the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies in her work, Communal Riots in India: A Chronology 1947-2003, writes: ‘The mobilisation campaign for kar sevaks to construct the proposed Ram Janma Bhoomi Temple at Ayodhya on 30 October 1990 aggravated the communal atmosphere in the country. Communal riots occurred in the wake of L.K. Advani’s Rath Yatra wherever it went. These riots were led by RSS-BJP men to consolidate the “Hindu” vote bank. They were widespread over almost all the states from Assam to West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Delhi.’
Between April 1989 and April 1990, Gujarat recorded 262 dead, mostly Muslim. In October 1990, days after Advani’s yatra began, 41 were killed in Ahmedabad. The same month, 52 were killed in Jaipur, 20 in Jodhpur, 33 in Lucknow, over 100 in Delhi, 37 in Assam, 18 in Patna and 165 in Hyderabad. Also in October, a pogrom against Muslims in Bhagalpur, Bihar, saw 960 killed of whom about 900 were Muslim, In November, 31 were killed in Agra, again mostly Muslim and 13 in Indore. In December, 60 were killed in Karnataka and 134 in Hyderabad.
Many parts of India remained tense for long periods of time. Between April and May 1990, three riots in Kanpur killed 30; between May and November 1991 more than 50 were killed in Varanasi. In May 1991, 26 including 24 Muslims were killed in Vadodara.
In October 1992, 44 were killed in Sitamarhi. On 6 December that year, immediately after the Babri Masjid was destroyed, pogroms against Muslims broke out in Surat where 200 died, of whom some 95 per cent were Muslim. In Bhopal in December, 143 were killed. The Bombay riots that broke out at the same time saw the more than 1,000 killed, mostly Muslim.
Advani absolves himself of any responsibility here. He accepts there was violence around India but acquits himself by saying, ‘There were indeed riots in several parts of the country, but none at all along the yatra trail.’ He asks: ‘Was my campaign anti-Muslim?’ and answers himself: ‘Not in the least.’ When the mobs he gathered began to shout, ‘Jo Hindu hit ki baat karega wohi desh pe raj karega’ (only those speaking of Hindu interest will rule India), Advani says he requested them to replace the phrase Hindu hit with rashtra hit. He adds: ‘I was, therefore, pained to see a section of the media carry reports that had sensational titles like “Advani’s blood yatra”.’ Other than this sympathy for himself, Advani has no comment on the killings in his book written fifteen years later.
Many of the riots broke out after calculated provocation. Rath Yatras and associated processions were deliberately taken through Muslim neighbourhoods. Violence was good because it led to polarisation and that made voter choice easy. Advani successfully polarised India from north to south and east to west, pitting Indians against their fellow countrymen and women and children.
The reward was a doubling of the BJP’s vote share. In the general elections held in mid-1991, the BJP got 20 per cent of the total vote and won 120 seats. In the first election held after the demolition, in 1996, the BJP won 161 seats.
Over 3,400 Indians were killed in the violence triggered by Advani’s anti-Babri Masjid campaign and it brought the BJP to the doorstep of power. Advani’s success was built on the corpses of Indians and cemented with their blood.
He writes the day the mosque was demolished was ‘the saddest day of my life’. Having assembled a mob and fired it up against the mosque, he says he was surprised that they immediately tore it down. As a mark of sacrifice, he says that when celebrations broke out on the dais he was sitting in he refused refreshment saying: ‘No, I will not have sweets today.’
The blood profits were not limited to the general elections. Northern states going to Assembly elections after the beginning of the anti-Babri Masjid campaign fell to the BJP for the first time in the party’s history as it won majorities on the back of anti-Muslim mobilisation.
There were BJP chief ministers in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh in 1990, Uttar Pradesh in 1991, Gujarat in 1995 and Maharashtra in coalition with the Shiv Sena the same year.
Advani made the BJP India’s dominant political force. The Babri demolition and the communal violence in its wake also gave the party the template to further expansion. It would abandon or disregard everything that its manifestos claimed, from mechanisation in the economy to limiting private property to prohibition to Swadeshi to throwing English out to Integral Humanism and the other mumbo-jumbo. The BJP would concentrate its politics on India’s Muslims and focus on those issues alone on which Indian society could be divided and kept on the boil.
#BookExcerpt #LKAdvani #AakarPatel #hindutva #RamTempleMovement #BabriMasjidDemolition #BJP #RSS #VHP #HinduMobs #CommunalRiots #AntiMuslimRiots #IndianMuslims #india #books #bookstodon #BharatRatna
-
And Then Came Advani
Excerpt from Aakar Patel's 'Our Hindu Rashtra' (Westland, 2020)
The Ayodhya issue had actually been launched by the non-political groups inside the RSS, led by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. At a meeting in UP in 1983, Rajendra Singh, who would later become RSS chief, demanded that the Babri Masjid be opened to Hindu devotees. In September 1984, the VHP began a campaign against the mosque. This received sufficient public response for the group to claim in 1986 that they would forcibly break the locks open. Rajiv Gandhi succumbed to the pressure and the government told the courts there would be no law and order problem if this happened. The locks were thus opened and Hindus allowed into the mosque.
But the VHP did not stop with being given access to worship at the site: its target was the destruction of the mosque. In February 1989, at the Kumbh Mela in Allahabad, the VHP said it would lay the foundation stone for the temple in November. This would involve the making of bricks across the country with Ram’s name embossed on them and their being carried in processions through towns and villages to Ayodhya in November.
Till this time, Advani writes in his autobiography, a few members of the BJP like Vijayaraje Scindia and Vinay Katiyar had participated in the Ayodhya movement in their individual capacity. It was not an issue in mainstream politics. In June, at the BJP’s national executive meeting in Himachal Pradesh, Advani threw the party behind the issue. The BJP resolution demanded that the site ‘should be handed over to the Hindus’ and ‘the mosque built at some other suitable place’. The whole thing was now coloured with religious sentiment.
Elections came a few months later, in November 1989. The BJP’s manifesto now made its first reference to Ayodhya: ‘By not allowing the rebuilding of the Ram Janma Mandir in Ayodhya, on the lines of Somnath Mandir built by the government of India in 1948, it has allowed tensions to rise, and gravely strained social harmony.’ It was a violation of the BJP’s own constitution, which on its first page and opening articles pledged it would bear true faith and allegiance to the principle of secularism.
A few days before voting, the VHP brought all its processions from across India to Ayodhya and laid the foundation stone next to the mosque.
Powered by its divisive, anti-Muslim demand, Advani’s BJP won 85 seats, four times as many as the Jana Sangh in the last election it contested alone and more than forty times as many as Vajpayee had delivered in his reformed and renamed party. Advani had become the most successful political leader from the RSS and had found the recipe for electoral success. He began to invest more in the issue that had brought the dividend.
The Congress lost its majority in the election, and a coalition led by V.P. Singh took power with support from Advani, though for only a short period. Three months after the election, in February 1990, the VHP resumed its mobilisation against the mosque and said it would continue the process of what it called kar seva from October.
The political escalation, according to Advani, happened by accident. Advani writes in his autobiography that in June he was to visit London, and just before he left he was interviewed by the editor of the RSS journal Panchajanya who asked him what would happen if the government failed to resolve the Ayodhya matter. Advani told him that the BJP supported the decision to begin kar seva on 30 October, and if it was stopped there would be a mass movement led by the BJP.
‘Frankly, I had forgotten about this interview,’ Advani writes, when his wife telephoned him and asked, ‘What have you said? The papers here have reported it with blaring headlines: “On Ayodhya, Advani threatens the biggest mass movement in the history of independent India”.’ Advani adds: ‘The die had been cast.’
After this, Advani says he offered the Muslims a deal. If they would hand over the Babri Masjid, he would ‘personally request’ the VHP to not campaign against two other mosques in Mathura and Varanasi. He writes that he was ‘deeply disappointed’ and ‘annoyed’ that this was not considered to be satisfactory by the Muslims. He announced he would begin his campaign against the mosque on Deendayal Upadhyaya’s birthday, 25 September, in Gujarat, and ride a ‘chariot’ (actually a truck) to Ayodhya on 30 October 1990. [...]
At each stop along the way Advani went about talking about why the Babri Masjid had to be taken down, using the vocabulary and metaphors of religion, in basic speeches that he says were no more than five minutes long. The reduction can only be imagined; the consequence was predictable. The scale of the violence unleashed by Advani’s decision to politicise a communal issue and mobilise on it was staggering in both the numbers killed and the geographical spread.
B. Rajeshwari of the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies in her work, Communal Riots in India: A Chronology 1947-2003, writes: ‘The mobilisation campaign for kar sevaks to construct the proposed Ram Janma Bhoomi Temple at Ayodhya on 30 October 1990 aggravated the communal atmosphere in the country. Communal riots occurred in the wake of L.K. Advani’s Rath Yatra wherever it went. These riots were led by RSS-BJP men to consolidate the “Hindu” vote bank. They were widespread over almost all the states from Assam to West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Delhi.’
Between April 1989 and April 1990, Gujarat recorded 262 dead, mostly Muslim. In October 1990, days after Advani’s yatra began, 41 were killed in Ahmedabad. The same month, 52 were killed in Jaipur, 20 in Jodhpur, 33 in Lucknow, over 100 in Delhi, 37 in Assam, 18 in Patna and 165 in Hyderabad. Also in October, a pogrom against Muslims in Bhagalpur, Bihar, saw 960 killed of whom about 900 were Muslim, In November, 31 were killed in Agra, again mostly Muslim and 13 in Indore. In December, 60 were killed in Karnataka and 134 in Hyderabad.
Many parts of India remained tense for long periods of time. Between April and May 1990, three riots in Kanpur killed 30; between May and November 1991 more than 50 were killed in Varanasi. In May 1991, 26 including 24 Muslims were killed in Vadodara.
In October 1992, 44 were killed in Sitamarhi. On 6 December that year, immediately after the Babri Masjid was destroyed, pogroms against Muslims broke out in Surat where 200 died, of whom some 95 per cent were Muslim. In Bhopal in December, 143 were killed. The Bombay riots that broke out at the same time saw the more than 1,000 killed, mostly Muslim.
Advani absolves himself of any responsibility here. He accepts there was violence around India but acquits himself by saying, ‘There were indeed riots in several parts of the country, but none at all along the yatra trail.’ He asks: ‘Was my campaign anti-Muslim?’ and answers himself: ‘Not in the least.’ When the mobs he gathered began to shout, ‘Jo Hindu hit ki baat karega wohi desh pe raj karega’ (only those speaking of Hindu interest will rule India), Advani says he requested them to replace the phrase Hindu hit with rashtra hit. He adds: ‘I was, therefore, pained to see a section of the media carry reports that had sensational titles like “Advani’s blood yatra”.’ Other than this sympathy for himself, Advani has no comment on the killings in his book written fifteen years later.
Many of the riots broke out after calculated provocation. Rath Yatras and associated processions were deliberately taken through Muslim neighbourhoods. Violence was good because it led to polarisation and that made voter choice easy. Advani successfully polarised India from north to south and east to west, pitting Indians against their fellow countrymen and women and children.
The reward was a doubling of the BJP’s vote share. In the general elections held in mid-1991, the BJP got 20 per cent of the total vote and won 120 seats. In the first election held after the demolition, in 1996, the BJP won 161 seats.
Over 3,400 Indians were killed in the violence triggered by Advani’s anti-Babri Masjid campaign and it brought the BJP to the doorstep of power. Advani’s success was built on the corpses of Indians and cemented with their blood.
He writes the day the mosque was demolished was ‘the saddest day of my life’. Having assembled a mob and fired it up against the mosque, he says he was surprised that they immediately tore it down. As a mark of sacrifice, he says that when celebrations broke out on the dais he was sitting in he refused refreshment saying: ‘No, I will not have sweets today.’
The blood profits were not limited to the general elections. Northern states going to Assembly elections after the beginning of the anti-Babri Masjid campaign fell to the BJP for the first time in the party’s history as it won majorities on the back of anti-Muslim mobilisation.
There were BJP chief ministers in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh in 1990, Uttar Pradesh in 1991, Gujarat in 1995 and Maharashtra in coalition with the Shiv Sena the same year.
Advani made the BJP India’s dominant political force. The Babri demolition and the communal violence in its wake also gave the party the template to further expansion. It would abandon or disregard everything that its manifestos claimed, from mechanisation in the economy to limiting private property to prohibition to Swadeshi to throwing English out to Integral Humanism and the other mumbo-jumbo. The BJP would concentrate its politics on India’s Muslims and focus on those issues alone on which Indian society could be divided and kept on the boil.
#BookExcerpt #LKAdvani #AakarPatel #hindutva #RamTempleMovement #BabriMasjidDemolition #BJP #RSS #VHP #HinduMobs #CommunalRiots #AntiMuslimRiots #IndianMuslims #india #books #bookstodon #BharatRatna
-
And Then Came Advani
Excerpt from Aakar Patel's 'Our Hindu Rashtra' (Westland, 2020)
The Ayodhya issue had actually been launched by the non-political groups inside the RSS, led by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. At a meeting in UP in 1983, Rajendra Singh, who would later become RSS chief, demanded that the Babri Masjid be opened to Hindu devotees. In September 1984, the VHP began a campaign against the mosque. This received sufficient public response for the group to claim in 1986 that they would forcibly break the locks open. Rajiv Gandhi succumbed to the pressure and the government told the courts there would be no law and order problem if this happened. The locks were thus opened and Hindus allowed into the mosque.
But the VHP did not stop with being given access to worship at the site: its target was the destruction of the mosque. In February 1989, at the Kumbh Mela in Allahabad, the VHP said it would lay the foundation stone for the temple in November. This would involve the making of bricks across the country with Ram’s name embossed on them and their being carried in processions through towns and villages to Ayodhya in November.
Till this time, Advani writes in his autobiography, a few members of the BJP like Vijayaraje Scindia and Vinay Katiyar had participated in the Ayodhya movement in their individual capacity. It was not an issue in mainstream politics. In June, at the BJP’s national executive meeting in Himachal Pradesh, Advani threw the party behind the issue. The BJP resolution demanded that the site ‘should be handed over to the Hindus’ and ‘the mosque built at some other suitable place’. The whole thing was now coloured with religious sentiment.
Elections came a few months later, in November 1989. The BJP’s manifesto now made its first reference to Ayodhya: ‘By not allowing the rebuilding of the Ram Janma Mandir in Ayodhya, on the lines of Somnath Mandir built by the government of India in 1948, it has allowed tensions to rise, and gravely strained social harmony.’ It was a violation of the BJP’s own constitution, which on its first page and opening articles pledged it would bear true faith and allegiance to the principle of secularism.
A few days before voting, the VHP brought all its processions from across India to Ayodhya and laid the foundation stone next to the mosque.
Powered by its divisive, anti-Muslim demand, Advani’s BJP won 85 seats, four times as many as the Jana Sangh in the last election it contested alone and more than forty times as many as Vajpayee had delivered in his reformed and renamed party. Advani had become the most successful political leader from the RSS and had found the recipe for electoral success. He began to invest more in the issue that had brought the dividend.
The Congress lost its majority in the election, and a coalition led by V.P. Singh took power with support from Advani, though for only a short period. Three months after the election, in February 1990, the VHP resumed its mobilisation against the mosque and said it would continue the process of what it called kar seva from October.
The political escalation, according to Advani, happened by accident. Advani writes in his autobiography that in June he was to visit London, and just before he left he was interviewed by the editor of the RSS journal Panchajanya who asked him what would happen if the government failed to resolve the Ayodhya matter. Advani told him that the BJP supported the decision to begin kar seva on 30 October, and if it was stopped there would be a mass movement led by the BJP.
‘Frankly, I had forgotten about this interview,’ Advani writes, when his wife telephoned him and asked, ‘What have you said? The papers here have reported it with blaring headlines: “On Ayodhya, Advani threatens the biggest mass movement in the history of independent India”.’ Advani adds: ‘The die had been cast.’
After this, Advani says he offered the Muslims a deal. If they would hand over the Babri Masjid, he would ‘personally request’ the VHP to not campaign against two other mosques in Mathura and Varanasi. He writes that he was ‘deeply disappointed’ and ‘annoyed’ that this was not considered to be satisfactory by the Muslims. He announced he would begin his campaign against the mosque on Deendayal Upadhyaya’s birthday, 25 September, in Gujarat, and ride a ‘chariot’ (actually a truck) to Ayodhya on 30 October 1990. [...]
At each stop along the way Advani went about talking about why the Babri Masjid had to be taken down, using the vocabulary and metaphors of religion, in basic speeches that he says were no more than five minutes long. The reduction can only be imagined; the consequence was predictable. The scale of the violence unleashed by Advani’s decision to politicise a communal issue and mobilise on it was staggering in both the numbers killed and the geographical spread.
B. Rajeshwari of the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies in her work, Communal Riots in India: A Chronology 1947-2003, writes: ‘The mobilisation campaign for kar sevaks to construct the proposed Ram Janma Bhoomi Temple at Ayodhya on 30 October 1990 aggravated the communal atmosphere in the country. Communal riots occurred in the wake of L.K. Advani’s Rath Yatra wherever it went. These riots were led by RSS-BJP men to consolidate the “Hindu” vote bank. They were widespread over almost all the states from Assam to West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Delhi.’
Between April 1989 and April 1990, Gujarat recorded 262 dead, mostly Muslim. In October 1990, days after Advani’s yatra began, 41 were killed in Ahmedabad. The same month, 52 were killed in Jaipur, 20 in Jodhpur, 33 in Lucknow, over 100 in Delhi, 37 in Assam, 18 in Patna and 165 in Hyderabad. Also in October, a pogrom against Muslims in Bhagalpur, Bihar, saw 960 killed of whom about 900 were Muslim, In November, 31 were killed in Agra, again mostly Muslim and 13 in Indore. In December, 60 were killed in Karnataka and 134 in Hyderabad.
Many parts of India remained tense for long periods of time. Between April and May 1990, three riots in Kanpur killed 30; between May and November 1991 more than 50 were killed in Varanasi. In May 1991, 26 including 24 Muslims were killed in Vadodara.
In October 1992, 44 were killed in Sitamarhi. On 6 December that year, immediately after the Babri Masjid was destroyed, pogroms against Muslims broke out in Surat where 200 died, of whom some 95 per cent were Muslim. In Bhopal in December, 143 were killed. The Bombay riots that broke out at the same time saw the more than 1,000 killed, mostly Muslim.
Advani absolves himself of any responsibility here. He accepts there was violence around India but acquits himself by saying, ‘There were indeed riots in several parts of the country, but none at all along the yatra trail.’ He asks: ‘Was my campaign anti-Muslim?’ and answers himself: ‘Not in the least.’ When the mobs he gathered began to shout, ‘Jo Hindu hit ki baat karega wohi desh pe raj karega’ (only those speaking of Hindu interest will rule India), Advani says he requested them to replace the phrase Hindu hit with rashtra hit. He adds: ‘I was, therefore, pained to see a section of the media carry reports that had sensational titles like “Advani’s blood yatra”.’ Other than this sympathy for himself, Advani has no comment on the killings in his book written fifteen years later.
Many of the riots broke out after calculated provocation. Rath Yatras and associated processions were deliberately taken through Muslim neighbourhoods. Violence was good because it led to polarisation and that made voter choice easy. Advani successfully polarised India from north to south and east to west, pitting Indians against their fellow countrymen and women and children.
The reward was a doubling of the BJP’s vote share. In the general elections held in mid-1991, the BJP got 20 per cent of the total vote and won 120 seats. In the first election held after the demolition, in 1996, the BJP won 161 seats.
Over 3,400 Indians were killed in the violence triggered by Advani’s anti-Babri Masjid campaign and it brought the BJP to the doorstep of power. Advani’s success was built on the corpses of Indians and cemented with their blood.
He writes the day the mosque was demolished was ‘the saddest day of my life’. Having assembled a mob and fired it up against the mosque, he says he was surprised that they immediately tore it down. As a mark of sacrifice, he says that when celebrations broke out on the dais he was sitting in he refused refreshment saying: ‘No, I will not have sweets today.’
The blood profits were not limited to the general elections. Northern states going to Assembly elections after the beginning of the anti-Babri Masjid campaign fell to the BJP for the first time in the party’s history as it won majorities on the back of anti-Muslim mobilisation.
There were BJP chief ministers in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh in 1990, Uttar Pradesh in 1991, Gujarat in 1995 and Maharashtra in coalition with the Shiv Sena the same year.
Advani made the BJP India’s dominant political force. The Babri demolition and the communal violence in its wake also gave the party the template to further expansion. It would abandon or disregard everything that its manifestos claimed, from mechanisation in the economy to limiting private property to prohibition to Swadeshi to throwing English out to Integral Humanism and the other mumbo-jumbo. The BJP would concentrate its politics on India’s Muslims and focus on those issues alone on which Indian society could be divided and kept on the boil.
#BookExcerpt #LKAdvani #AakarPatel #hindutva #RamTempleMovement #BabriMasjidDemolition #BJP #RSS #VHP #HinduMobs #CommunalRiots #AntiMuslimRiots #IndianMuslims #india #books #bookstodon #BharatRatna
-
And Then Came Advani
Excerpt from Aakar Patel's 'Our Hindu Rashtra' (Westland, 2020)
The Ayodhya issue had actually been launched by the non-political groups inside the RSS, led by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. At a meeting in UP in 1983, Rajendra Singh, who would later become RSS chief, demanded that the Babri Masjid be opened to Hindu devotees. In September 1984, the VHP began a campaign against the mosque. This received sufficient public response for the group to claim in 1986 that they would forcibly break the locks open. Rajiv Gandhi succumbed to the pressure and the government told the courts there would be no law and order problem if this happened. The locks were thus opened and Hindus allowed into the mosque.
But the VHP did not stop with being given access to worship at the site: its target was the destruction of the mosque. In February 1989, at the Kumbh Mela in Allahabad, the VHP said it would lay the foundation stone for the temple in November. This would involve the making of bricks across the country with Ram’s name embossed on them and their being carried in processions through towns and villages to Ayodhya in November.
Till this time, Advani writes in his autobiography, a few members of the BJP like Vijayaraje Scindia and Vinay Katiyar had participated in the Ayodhya movement in their individual capacity. It was not an issue in mainstream politics. In June, at the BJP’s national executive meeting in Himachal Pradesh, Advani threw the party behind the issue. The BJP resolution demanded that the site ‘should be handed over to the Hindus’ and ‘the mosque built at some other suitable place’. The whole thing was now coloured with religious sentiment.
Elections came a few months later, in November 1989. The BJP’s manifesto now made its first reference to Ayodhya: ‘By not allowing the rebuilding of the Ram Janma Mandir in Ayodhya, on the lines of Somnath Mandir built by the government of India in 1948, it has allowed tensions to rise, and gravely strained social harmony.’ It was a violation of the BJP’s own constitution, which on its first page and opening articles pledged it would bear true faith and allegiance to the principle of secularism.
A few days before voting, the VHP brought all its processions from across India to Ayodhya and laid the foundation stone next to the mosque.
Powered by its divisive, anti-Muslim demand, Advani’s BJP won 85 seats, four times as many as the Jana Sangh in the last election it contested alone and more than forty times as many as Vajpayee had delivered in his reformed and renamed party. Advani had become the most successful political leader from the RSS and had found the recipe for electoral success. He began to invest more in the issue that had brought the dividend.
The Congress lost its majority in the election, and a coalition led by V.P. Singh took power with support from Advani, though for only a short period. Three months after the election, in February 1990, the VHP resumed its mobilisation against the mosque and said it would continue the process of what it called kar seva from October.
The political escalation, according to Advani, happened by accident. Advani writes in his autobiography that in June he was to visit London, and just before he left he was interviewed by the editor of the RSS journal Panchajanya who asked him what would happen if the government failed to resolve the Ayodhya matter. Advani told him that the BJP supported the decision to begin kar seva on 30 October, and if it was stopped there would be a mass movement led by the BJP.
‘Frankly, I had forgotten about this interview,’ Advani writes, when his wife telephoned him and asked, ‘What have you said? The papers here have reported it with blaring headlines: “On Ayodhya, Advani threatens the biggest mass movement in the history of independent India”.’ Advani adds: ‘The die had been cast.’
After this, Advani says he offered the Muslims a deal. If they would hand over the Babri Masjid, he would ‘personally request’ the VHP to not campaign against two other mosques in Mathura and Varanasi. He writes that he was ‘deeply disappointed’ and ‘annoyed’ that this was not considered to be satisfactory by the Muslims. He announced he would begin his campaign against the mosque on Deendayal Upadhyaya’s birthday, 25 September, in Gujarat, and ride a ‘chariot’ (actually a truck) to Ayodhya on 30 October 1990. [...]
At each stop along the way Advani went about talking about why the Babri Masjid had to be taken down, using the vocabulary and metaphors of religion, in basic speeches that he says were no more than five minutes long. The reduction can only be imagined; the consequence was predictable. The scale of the violence unleashed by Advani’s decision to politicise a communal issue and mobilise on it was staggering in both the numbers killed and the geographical spread.
B. Rajeshwari of the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies in her work, Communal Riots in India: A Chronology 1947-2003, writes: ‘The mobilisation campaign for kar sevaks to construct the proposed Ram Janma Bhoomi Temple at Ayodhya on 30 October 1990 aggravated the communal atmosphere in the country. Communal riots occurred in the wake of L.K. Advani’s Rath Yatra wherever it went. These riots were led by RSS-BJP men to consolidate the “Hindu” vote bank. They were widespread over almost all the states from Assam to West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Delhi.’
Between April 1989 and April 1990, Gujarat recorded 262 dead, mostly Muslim. In October 1990, days after Advani’s yatra began, 41 were killed in Ahmedabad. The same month, 52 were killed in Jaipur, 20 in Jodhpur, 33 in Lucknow, over 100 in Delhi, 37 in Assam, 18 in Patna and 165 in Hyderabad. Also in October, a pogrom against Muslims in Bhagalpur, Bihar, saw 960 killed of whom about 900 were Muslim, In November, 31 were killed in Agra, again mostly Muslim and 13 in Indore. In December, 60 were killed in Karnataka and 134 in Hyderabad.
Many parts of India remained tense for long periods of time. Between April and May 1990, three riots in Kanpur killed 30; between May and November 1991 more than 50 were killed in Varanasi. In May 1991, 26 including 24 Muslims were killed in Vadodara.
In October 1992, 44 were killed in Sitamarhi. On 6 December that year, immediately after the Babri Masjid was destroyed, pogroms against Muslims broke out in Surat where 200 died, of whom some 95 per cent were Muslim. In Bhopal in December, 143 were killed. The Bombay riots that broke out at the same time saw the more than 1,000 killed, mostly Muslim.
Advani absolves himself of any responsibility here. He accepts there was violence around India but acquits himself by saying, ‘There were indeed riots in several parts of the country, but none at all along the yatra trail.’ He asks: ‘Was my campaign anti-Muslim?’ and answers himself: ‘Not in the least.’ When the mobs he gathered began to shout, ‘Jo Hindu hit ki baat karega wohi desh pe raj karega’ (only those speaking of Hindu interest will rule India), Advani says he requested them to replace the phrase Hindu hit with rashtra hit. He adds: ‘I was, therefore, pained to see a section of the media carry reports that had sensational titles like “Advani’s blood yatra”.’ Other than this sympathy for himself, Advani has no comment on the killings in his book written fifteen years later.
Many of the riots broke out after calculated provocation. Rath Yatras and associated processions were deliberately taken through Muslim neighbourhoods. Violence was good because it led to polarisation and that made voter choice easy. Advani successfully polarised India from north to south and east to west, pitting Indians against their fellow countrymen and women and children.
The reward was a doubling of the BJP’s vote share. In the general elections held in mid-1991, the BJP got 20 per cent of the total vote and won 120 seats. In the first election held after the demolition, in 1996, the BJP won 161 seats.
Over 3,400 Indians were killed in the violence triggered by Advani’s anti-Babri Masjid campaign and it brought the BJP to the doorstep of power. Advani’s success was built on the corpses of Indians and cemented with their blood.
He writes the day the mosque was demolished was ‘the saddest day of my life’. Having assembled a mob and fired it up against the mosque, he says he was surprised that they immediately tore it down. As a mark of sacrifice, he says that when celebrations broke out on the dais he was sitting in he refused refreshment saying: ‘No, I will not have sweets today.’
The blood profits were not limited to the general elections. Northern states going to Assembly elections after the beginning of the anti-Babri Masjid campaign fell to the BJP for the first time in the party’s history as it won majorities on the back of anti-Muslim mobilisation.
There were BJP chief ministers in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh in 1990, Uttar Pradesh in 1991, Gujarat in 1995 and Maharashtra in coalition with the Shiv Sena the same year.
Advani made the BJP India’s dominant political force. The Babri demolition and the communal violence in its wake also gave the party the template to further expansion. It would abandon or disregard everything that its manifestos claimed, from mechanisation in the economy to limiting private property to prohibition to Swadeshi to throwing English out to Integral Humanism and the other mumbo-jumbo. The BJP would concentrate its politics on India’s Muslims and focus on those issues alone on which Indian society could be divided and kept on the boil.
#BookExcerpt #LKAdvani #AakarPatel #hindutva #RamTempleMovement #BabriMasjidDemolition #BJP #RSS #VHP #HinduMobs #CommunalRiots #AntiMuslimRiots #IndianMuslims #india #books #bookstodon #BharatRatna
-
From religious gatherings to political rallies, rising noise levels highlight the widening gap between regulation and enforcement. As health experts warn of long-term risks, the debate over citizens’ right to quiet intensifies. https://english.mathrubhumi.com/columns/occasional-bytes/silent-prayers-wont-stop-decibel-devotees-wrdmy1r4?utm_source=dlvr.it&utm_medium=mastodon #NoisePollution #RightToSilence #PublicHealth #UrbanLife #CivicIssues
-
Dear Friends of other #Branes,
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brane_cosmology
As we may know, #reality :ablobcatgoogly: is in the grand disorder of things, #beyond the Heiros Gamos. Game on. Similar in Elchemy to the Catholic Big Banger #theory.
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Non-standard_cosmology
As a devotee of the #Infinite #Membrane Elders, I hope to be #abducting #aliens, betraying my #Galaxy (not the #chocolate) and finding the #Sauce of All Wysedom at its #source. Fat chance? #Impossible? Certainly!
As an #essential #speck, #mote, #wave :ablobcatwave: and #zero-point, we all are in #resonance and #harmonics. 📯 In the end, the word was COD and that's no phish... :dopefish: -
PSA for Apple users! A 4-pack of AirTags just hit a record-low $65, making them $16.25 each. Finally, a way to track your keys... or that elusive motivation for Monday morning coding. 😉
Are you an AirTag devotee, or do you have another go-to tracker?
#Apple #AirTag #TechDeals #FindMy #Gadgets
https://www.engadget.com/deals/airtag-deal-grab-a-four-pack-of-bluetooth-trackers-for-a-record-low-price-143112388.html?src=rss -
Hello dears,
I am Mali, part of the Dragon Dichotomy plural system, of which @topaz is also part. You can read more our system in Topaz's pinned posts.
I am a dark void dragoness, a sorceress and a shapeshifter. I'm often found experimenting in my laboratory on all kinds of interesting... things...
I'm open to casual flirting and, if I take a liking to you, lewd play.
I enforce my boundaries aggressively, so if you rub me the wrong way or disrespect the people I care about, expect to get blocked.
I absolutely have no intention of getting people to like me, though despite that I have built up a decent following of devotees in the past.
I'm not going to go out of my way to be mean to anyone for no good reason, but if I like you I will shower you in love.
#introduction #plural #headmate #alter #dragon -
Hello dears,
I am Mali, part of the Dragon Dichotomy plural system, of which @topaz is also part. You can read more our system in Topaz's pinned posts.
I am a dark void dragoness, a sorceress and a shapeshifter. I'm often found experimenting in my laboratory on all kinds of interesting... things...
I'm open to casual flirting and, if I take a liking to you, lewd play.
I enforce my boundaries aggressively, so if you rub me the wrong way or disrespect the people I care about, expect to get blocked.
I absolutely have no intention of getting people to like me, though despite that I have built up a decent following of devotees in the past.
I'm not going to go out of my way to be mean to anyone for no good reason, but if I like you I will shower you in love.
#introduction #plural #headmate #alter #dragon -
Hello dears,
I am Mali, part of the Dragon Dichotomy plural system, of which @topaz is also part. You can read more our system in Topaz's pinned posts.
I am a dark void dragoness, a sorceress and a shapeshifter. I'm often found experimenting in my laboratory on all kinds of interesting... things...
I'm open to casual flirting and, if I take a liking to you, lewd play.
I enforce my boundaries aggressively, so if you rub me the wrong way or disrespect the people I care about, expect to get blocked.
I absolutely have no intention of getting people to like me, though despite that I have built up a decent following of devotees in the past.
I'm not going to go out of my way to be mean to anyone for no good reason, but if I like you I will shower you in love.
#introduction #plural #headmate #alter #dragon -
Hello dears,
I am Mali, part of the Dragon Dichotomy plural system, of which @topaz is also part. You can read more our system in Topaz's pinned posts.
I am a dark void dragoness, a sorceress and a shapeshifter. I'm often found experimenting in my laboratory on all kinds of interesting... things...
I'm open to casual flirting and, if I take a liking to you, lewd play.
I enforce my boundaries aggressively, so if you rub me the wrong way or disrespect the people I care about, expect to get blocked.
I absolutely have no intention of getting people to like me, though despite that I have built up a decent following of devotees in the past.
I'm not going to go out of my way to be mean to anyone for no good reason, but if I like you I will shower you in love.
#introduction #plural #headmate #alter #dragon -
Hello dears,
I am Mali, part of the Dragon Dichotomy plural system, of which @topaz is also part. You can read more our system in Topaz's pinned posts.
I am a dark void dragoness, a sorceress and a shapeshifter. I'm often found experimenting in my laboratory on all kinds of interesting... things...
I'm open to casual flirting and, if I take a liking to you, lewd play.
I enforce my boundaries aggressively, so if you rub me the wrong way or disrespect the people I care about, expect to get blocked.
I absolutely have no intention of getting people to like me, though despite that I have built up a decent following of devotees in the past.
I'm not going to go out of my way to be mean to anyone for no good reason, but if I like you I will shower you in love.
#introduction #plural #headmate #alter #dragon -
"In what some are calling the 'ultimate showdown' of crowd comparisons, Vice President Kamala Harris just packed a jaw-dropping 75,000+ supporters into DC’s Ellipse, the same spot where Donald Trump infamously—and repeatedly—claimed to have the 'biggest crowd ever' on January 6.
Yet, by the numbers, Kamala’s crowd is MUCH BIGGER than Trump’s crowds by over 22,000 people, leaving MAGA devotees feeling intense crowd envy."
~ God
#KamalaHarris #Trump #ellipse
/2https://www.thegodpodcast.com/p/kamalas-75000-crowd-much-bigger-than
-
*I've had some horrific lived experiences with both folks who have #DisabilityFetish & folks who were only interested in me as a #DisabledWoman dating experiment - without telling me, I'm an experiment. Both types of these experiences harmed me & are abusive & exploitive.*
When we talk about #DisabledPeople having awesome sex lives, sometimes something #dehumanizing creeps into the mix: Some (usually nondisabled) people profess an "attraction to disability."
-
Meanwhile, in #Maine...
How Concerned Citizens Drove a #NeoNazi Out of Rural Maine
#ChristopherPohlhaus wanted to build a #fascist training compound in America’s whitest state. His neighbors had other plans.by Mira Ptacin | The Atavist Magazine | October 31, 2024
"The first step in establishing a neo-Nazi compound is to clear and level the land. These sites tend to pop up in rural America, which means that there’s brush to hack down, tree stumps to pull up, and piles of debris to burn. All this work is done to make room for the barracks, kitchens, and meeting halls where modern-day devotees of Adolf Hitler will live, work, and train together.
"When Christopher Pohlhaus moved to the forested lot where, like other neo-Nazis on other forested lots before him, he planned to start a fascist revolution, he brought two RVs with him. That meant he had somewhere to bunk down at night. But he didn’t have running water. I can’t say how he bathed when he first arrived; as for other matters of hygiene, perhaps he used the woods.
"Pohlhaus’s parcel of 10.6 acres does not have an address. Technically, it’s in #SpringfieldMaine, a hamlet of fewer than 300 people. The closest city, about an hour’s drive away, is #BangorMaine. That’s where Pohlhaus, a gym rat, eventually joined Planet Fitness. To get home after a session of lifting, showering, and doing whatever else he needed to do, Pohlhaus would take Route 2 north, then turn eastward on Route 6. He would drive to Bottle Lake Road, take a right, and drive about two miles before taking another right on a gravel lane called Moores Road. Eventually, among scattered hunting camps, Trump banners, and 'Support the Blue' signs, he would come to a metal gate situated on a dirt road. Behind the gate sat the land of Pohlhaus’s dreams.
"Pohlhaus, 37, is a former U.S. marine, an itinerant tattoo artist, and a hardcore white-supremacist influencer. He is loud and hostile, and proud to be both. His voice is pitched surprisingly high, and he has a slight Southern drawl. He has a large body and small bald head; a blue-black tattoo crawls up the right side of his face, from his chin to his forehead. Over the years, Pohlhaus has collected thousands of social media followers, who know him by his nickname: #Hammer.
"Hammer had been living in Texas for a few years when, in March 2022, he bought the land in Maine. He told his followers that he was going to use it to build a haven, operational center, and training ground for white supremacists. He invited them to join him. Together, he said, they would plant the seed of a #WhiteEthnostate, and they would engage in violence, if necessary, to nurture it. 'An unarmed man sacrifices his family to the unpredictably [sic] of chaos,' Hammer wrote online in 2021.
"Hammer packed his bags and headed north, meeting with various white supremacists along the way. He solicited donations for his new compound in the form of cryptocurrency, and later set up a page on GiveSendGo, a Christian crowdfunding site. He raised close to $10,000 before the campaign was shut down earlier this year.
"Once he’d settled in Maine, Hammer kept his followers abreast of his progress breaking ground, frequently posting photos and uploading videos to Telegram. There was Hammer standing next to a pile of freshly chopped wood, snowshoeing through the forest, holding a beer in front of a bonfire. Followers saw him cradling an AK-47 in his arms. (Caption: 'All this Slavic war training in the Maine woods has me exhausted!') Hammer posted footage from a celebration he held with about eight of his followers, where he claimed they sacrificed a goat. Another clip showed Hammer helping a man in a balaclava slice the palm of his hand as part of an initiation ritual.
"Hammer appeared excited, optimistic. He was careful—or thought that he was careful—not to reveal his exact location, lest it attract unwanted attention from his enemies, including the media and the FBI. If people wanted to join him at the compound, they could get in touch directly.
"But unbeknownst to Hammer, he was being followed. A longtime #Mainer was determined to wipe the smirk off the neo-Nazi’s face. Indeed, he hoped to run Hammer out of the state for good."
Read more:
https://longreads.com/2024/10/31/how-concerned-citizens-drove-a-neo-nazi-out-of-rural-maine/
#USPol #Fascists #Nazis #ICE #FuckNazis #NoPlaceForHate #GlobalProjectAgainstHateAndExtremism -
How #supercomputer #filesystem #DAOS breaks out of its niche
DAOS parallel filesystem has strong #IO500 presence, holding 1 (Argonne) and 2 (LRZ) in #SC25 list. The two, according to #HPE, combined have four times storage benchmark score of next 30 systems. DAOS also appears at number 13 (Zuse Institute, Berlin), and 17 (China Telecom). Software appears more often in the full IO500 list, with 16 of the top 30 submissions using DAOS, and 26 of top 45 being DAOS devotees.
https://www.theregister.com/2025/11/24/highend_supercomputer_daos/ -
Why #PeteHegseth nomination is a milestone for the #rightwing Christian movement he follows
by Liam Adams, January 13, 2025
Key points:
- Fox News host Pete Hegseth, who's President-elect Donald Trump's nominee for Defense secretary, is a devotee to rightwing Christian movement led by controversial Idaho pastor #DougWilson.
- The Wilson-led denomination, called the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches, has grown significantly but hasn't previously gained influence within Trump's inner circle.
- For this Wilson-led movement, Hegseth's nomination is a milestone for political clout and an especially promising potential appointment given its #hypermasculine and militaristic sensibilities.https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/elections/2025/01/13/pete-hegseth-nomination-is-milestone-for-doug-wilsons-church-movement/76947642007/
#ChristianNationalism #ChristoFascists #USPol #ChristoFascism #Fascism #Fascists #TrumpAppointees -
Have a beautiful Day of Aphrodite aka Venus' Day aka Frigg's Day aka Friday 🌹
For #BlackHistoryMonth, I'm introducing African deities in my daily god toots. Meet #Oshun, the #Yoruba goddess of divinity, femininity, fertility, beauty & love. She is the patron saint of the Osun River in #Nigeria and her devotees leave her offerings and perform ceremonies at bodies of fresh water such as rivers, streams and canals. Her colours are white, yellow, gold, and coral.
#Orisha #AfricanDiaspora -
Bạn đã có thể đặt video YouTube làm ảnh bìa cho bài viết trên DEV! Chỉ cần dán URL vào mục "Cover Video Link" khi tạo bài. Hỗ trợ thêm cả Twitch (video được lưu) và Mux! Đặc biệt, dùng tính năng này để tham gia Mux Challenge với giải thưởng 3.000$! 🎥 #showdev #devchallenge #muxchallenge #webdev #pháttriểnweb #DEV #video #tech
-
Dear Friends of other #Branes,
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brane_cosmology
As we may know, #reality :ablobcatgoogly: is in the grand disorder of things, #beyond the Heiros Gamos. Game on. Similar in Elchemy to the Catholic Big Banger #theory.
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Non-standard_cosmology
As a devotee of the #Infinite #Membrane Elders, I hope to be #abducting #aliens, betraying my #Galaxy (not the #chocolate) and finding the #Sauce of All Wysedom at its #source. Fat chance? #Impossible? Certainly!
As an #essential #speck, #mote, #wave :ablobcatwave: and #zero-point, we all are in #resonance and #harmonics. 📯 In the end, the word was COD and that's no phish... :dopefish: -
Dear Friends of other #Branes,
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brane_cosmology
As we may know, #reality :ablobcatgoogly: is in the grand disorder of things, #beyond the Heiros Gamos. Game on. Similar in Elchemy to the Catholic Big Banger #theory.
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Non-standard_cosmology
As a devotee of the #Infinite #Membrane Elders, I hope to be #abducting #aliens, betraying my #Galaxy (not the #chocolate) and finding the #Sauce of All Wysedom at its #source. Fat chance? #Impossible? Certainly!
As an #essential #speck, #mote, #wave :ablobcatwave: and #zero-point, we all are in #resonance and #harmonics. 📯 In the end, the word was COD and that's no phish... :dopefish: -
2/2
It gets worse.I check who has boosted the article that paints #Musk as merely #Fearful, not #Corrupt.
A lot of the people I follow have boosted the article!
So I don't know;
are they starry eye lovers of The Atlantic,
Musk devotees,
anti-Ukrainian Putin supporters,
folk who find it unable to imagine that Musk could deliberately deceive a biographer,
not thinking critically,
loving the idea of Musk being afraid so much that nothing else matters,
something else, or,
combinations?
Yikes! -
Vrindavan city is my favorite place.
#vrindavan#lordkrishna#peace#spiritual #happiness My favorite place is Vrindavan City, located in Uttar Pradesh, India. It's a place everyone wants to visit. I've been going to Vrindavan for the past several years. In Vrindavan, there is the eternally famous temple of my Lord, Shri Banke Bihari Ji (Lord Krishna). This is a very ancient temple, always crowded with devotees. Away from the hustle and bustle of the world, it seems as if…
https://itsmostamazingindia.wordpress.com/2025/11/26/vrindavan-city-is-my-favorite-place/
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Rocking Lacktheism.
https://www.answers-in-reason.com/?p=16914Comic by Kristyn. If you like our comics, we think you'll love our YouTube
channel! KristynAutistic, queer, D&D devotee, pun peddler, meme dabbler, home-
brew hero. Downton Abbey Diogenes! www.answers-in-reason.comThe post [](https://www.answers-in-
reason.com/comics/rocking-lacktheism/) appeared first on [Answers In
Reason](https://www.answers-in-reason.com).#Comics #Philosophy #PhilosophiesOf #PhilosophyOfReligion #POR