home.social

#nickel — Public Fediverse posts

Live and recent posts from across the Fediverse tagged #nickel, aggregated by home.social.

  1. "I wouldn't go out with you," she said furiously "for all the tea in China!"

    He furrowed his brow. "Hmm... how about for all the oranges in Spain?"

    "What? No!"

    "All the mahogany in Peru?"

    "Definitely not."

    "Fine. How about metals. Maybe all the silver in Mexico?"

    "No!"

    "All the #nickel in Indonesia?"

    "Nickel? You're coming at me with nickel?"

    He sighed. "Fine then. Gemstones. All the emeralds in Colombia?"

    She hesitated. "Well. Maybe for *all* of them."

    #wss366 #microfiction

  2. "I wouldn't go out with you," she said furiously "for all the tea in China!"

    He furrowed his brow. "Hmm... how about for all the oranges in Spain?"

    "What? No!"

    "All the mahogany in Peru?"

    "Definitely not."

    "Fine. How about metals. Maybe all the silver in Mexico?"

    "No!"

    "All the #nickel in Indonesia?"

    "Nickel? You're coming at me with nickel?"

    He sighed. "Fine then. Gemstones. All the emeralds in Colombia?"

    She hesitated. "Well. Maybe for *all* of them."

    #wss366 #microfiction

  3. "I wouldn't go out with you," she said furiously "for all the tea in China!"

    He furrowed his brow. "Hmm... how about for all the oranges in Spain?"

    "What? No!"

    "All the mahogany in Peru?"

    "Definitely not."

    "Fine. How about metals. Maybe all the silver in Mexico?"

    "No!"

    "All the #nickel in Indonesia?"

    "Nickel? You're coming at me with nickel?"

    He sighed. "Fine then. Gemstones. All the emeralds in Colombia?"

    She hesitated. "Well. Maybe for *all* of them."

    #wss366 #microfiction

  4. "I wouldn't go out with you," she said furiously "for all the tea in China!"

    He furrowed his brow. "Hmm... how about for all the oranges in Spain?"

    "What? No!"

    "All the mahogany in Peru?"

    "Definitely not."

    "Fine. How about metals. Maybe all the silver in Mexico?"

    "No!"

    "All the #nickel in Indonesia?"

    "Nickel? You're coming at me with nickel?"

    He sighed. "Fine then. Gemstones. All the emeralds in Colombia?"

    She hesitated. "Well. Maybe for *all* of them."

    #wss366 #microfiction

  5. "I wouldn't go out with you," she said furiously "for all the tea in China!"

    He furrowed his brow. "Hmm... how about for all the oranges in Spain?"

    "What? No!"

    "All the mahogany in Peru?"

    "Definitely not."

    "Fine. How about metals. Maybe all the silver in Mexico?"

    "No!"

    "All the #nickel in Indonesia?"

    "Nickel? You're coming at me with nickel?"

    He sighed. "Fine then. Gemstones. All the emeralds in Colombia?"

    She hesitated. "Well. Maybe for *all* of them."

    #wss366 #microfiction

  6. Cuba, Canada, and critical minerals: GEM Mining Consulting

    GEM Mining Consulting reveals there is a less visible vulnerability in Western critical mineral supply chains, following the…
    #Canada #Cobalt #Criticalminerals #cuba #minerals #Nickel
    europesays.com/canada/124108/

  7. The big reason I wanted to make something like this was... well, there were two reasons, I guess? One for stability. That's just obvious I think. But the _second_ reason was that the leads from my power supply were getting kind of corroded just from the fumes of the electrolyte being energised and I'm very pleased to say that this clearly stops that problem entirely. A+++ would print again.

    Also I can report that the plastic seemed as unaffected by all of this as one would think and hope. But it's good to see it work as hoped.

    #3dPrinting #electroplating #nickel

  8. The big reason I wanted to make something like this was... well, there were two reasons, I guess? One for stability. That's just obvious I think. But the _second_ reason was that the leads from my power supply were getting kind of corroded just from the fumes of the electrolyte being energised and I'm very pleased to say that this clearly stops that problem entirely. A+++ would print again.

    Also I can report that the plastic seemed as unaffected by all of this as one would think and hope. But it's good to see it work as hoped.

    #3dPrinting #electroplating #nickel

  9. The big reason I wanted to make something like this was... well, there were two reasons, I guess? One for stability. That's just obvious I think. But the _second_ reason was that the leads from my power supply were getting kind of corroded just from the fumes of the electrolyte being energised and I'm very pleased to say that this clearly stops that problem entirely. A+++ would print again.

    Also I can report that the plastic seemed as unaffected by all of this as one would think and hope. But it's good to see it work as hoped.

    #3dPrinting #electroplating #nickel

  10. The big reason I wanted to make something like this was... well, there were two reasons, I guess? One for stability. That's just obvious I think. But the _second_ reason was that the leads from my power supply were getting kind of corroded just from the fumes of the electrolyte being energised and I'm very pleased to say that this clearly stops that problem entirely. A+++ would print again.

    Also I can report that the plastic seemed as unaffected by all of this as one would think and hope. But it's good to see it work as hoped.

    #3dPrinting #electroplating #nickel

  11. The big reason I wanted to make something like this was... well, there were two reasons, I guess? One for stability. That's just obvious I think. But the _second_ reason was that the leads from my power supply were getting kind of corroded just from the fumes of the electrolyte being energised and I'm very pleased to say that this clearly stops that problem entirely. A+++ would print again.

    Also I can report that the plastic seemed as unaffected by all of this as one would think and hope. But it's good to see it work as hoped.

    #3dPrinting #electroplating #nickel

  12. well that used a lot of nickel in kind of an interesting pattern

    I _think_ the end - which was just as protected as these sides - got entirely drawn off, so I'm quite happy about that really

    (continued from mastodon.murkworks.net/@moira/ )

    I was a little worried that I'd end up with two solid bars of untouched metal down the sides but it clearly gets thinner on the way down so I think despite the lesser access to the electrolyte, it still gets picked up for plating and that's good!

    #electroplating #nickel #3dPrinting

  13. well that used a lot of nickel in kind of an interesting pattern

    I _think_ the end - which was just as protected as these sides - got entirely drawn off, so I'm quite happy about that really

    (continued from mastodon.murkworks.net/@moira/ )

    I was a little worried that I'd end up with two solid bars of untouched metal down the sides but it clearly gets thinner on the way down so I think despite the lesser access to the electrolyte, it still gets picked up for plating and that's good!

    #electroplating #nickel #3dPrinting

  14. well that used a lot of nickel in kind of an interesting pattern

    I _think_ the end - which was just as protected as these sides - got entirely drawn off, so I'm quite happy about that really

    (continued from mastodon.murkworks.net/@moira/ )

    I was a little worried that I'd end up with two solid bars of untouched metal down the sides but it clearly gets thinner on the way down so I think despite the lesser access to the electrolyte, it still gets picked up for plating and that's good!

    #electroplating #nickel #3dPrinting

  15. well that used a lot of nickel in kind of an interesting pattern

    I _think_ the end - which was just as protected as these sides - got entirely drawn off, so I'm quite happy about that really

    (continued from mastodon.murkworks.net/@moira/ )

    I was a little worried that I'd end up with two solid bars of untouched metal down the sides but it clearly gets thinner on the way down so I think despite the lesser access to the electrolyte, it still gets picked up for plating and that's good!

    #electroplating #nickel #3dPrinting

  16. well that used a lot of nickel in kind of an interesting pattern

    I _think_ the end - which was just as protected as these sides - got entirely drawn off, so I'm quite happy about that really

    (continued from mastodon.murkworks.net/@moira/ )

    I was a little worried that I'd end up with two solid bars of untouched metal down the sides but it clearly gets thinner on the way down so I think despite the lesser access to the electrolyte, it still gets picked up for plating and that's good!

    #electroplating #nickel #3dPrinting

  17. I made a new nickel strip holder for electroplating

    hopefully the plastic is okay to use, i will find out

    #electroplating #nickel #3dPrinting

  18. I made a new nickel strip holder for electroplating

    hopefully the plastic is okay to use, i will find out

    #electroplating #nickel #3dPrinting

  19. I made a new nickel strip holder for electroplating

    hopefully the plastic is okay to use, i will find out

    #electroplating #nickel #3dPrinting

  20. I made a new nickel strip holder for electroplating

    hopefully the plastic is okay to use, i will find out

    #electroplating #nickel #3dPrinting

  21. I made a new nickel strip holder for electroplating

    hopefully the plastic is okay to use, i will find out

    #electroplating #nickel #3dPrinting

  22. Der europäische Doppel-Wumms: Gold- und Batteriemetalle mit hohem Entwicklungspotenzial! | wallstreetONLINE

    – Anzeige/Werbung – Dieser Artikel erscheint im Auftrag von Aurania Resources Ltd.! · Bezahlte Beziehung: SRC swiss resource…
    #EuropeSays #EU #Europa #AuraniaResourcesChart #Europäisch #Europäische #Gold #Kupfer #Nickel #Silber
    europesays.com/europa/62326/

  23. europesays.com/afrique/143987/ Minerais critiques : la BERD accorde 26 millions d’euros à des projets de nickel en Côte d’Ivoire #2026 #26 #accorde #BERD #Côte #CôteD'Ivoire #critiques #d’euros #d’Ivoire #LaTribuneAfrique #millions #minerais #Nickel #projets

  24. #Lateinamerika muss sich vor dem Ansturm auf Mineralien schützen #Bergbau #Rohstoffe
    Die Energiewende hat Mineralien wie #Kupfer, #Lithium und #Nickel zu strategischen Rohstoffen für die Weltwirtschaft gemacht, die nun auf eine kontinuierliche und stabile Versorgung mit diesen Ressourcen angewiesen ist. In Lateinamerika befinden sich einige der weltweit größten Vorkommen an kritischen Mineralien. Auf #Chile und #Peru entfallen etwa 40 % der Kupferreserven.
    latina-press.com/news/345599-l

  25. #Lateinamerika muss sich vor dem Ansturm auf Mineralien schützen #Bergbau #Rohstoffe
    Die Energiewende hat Mineralien wie #Kupfer, #Lithium und #Nickel zu strategischen Rohstoffen für die Weltwirtschaft gemacht, die nun auf eine kontinuierliche und stabile Versorgung mit diesen Ressourcen angewiesen ist. In Lateinamerika befinden sich einige der weltweit größten Vorkommen an kritischen Mineralien. Auf #Chile und #Peru entfallen etwa 40 % der Kupferreserven.
    latina-press.com/news/345599-l

  26. Canada Nickel appoints SB1 Markets for US$600 million facility

    Canada Nickel (TSX:CNC) has selected SB1 Markets AS as exclusive adviser to arrange debt financing of up to…
    #Canada #Capital #debt #FinalInvestmentDecision #financing #Investment #Nickel
    europesays.com/canada/103121/

  27. EU treibt neuen Rohstoff-Brückenkopf in Brasilien voran

    Brüssel, Brasília, Viridis und Solvay knüpfen an einer neuen industriellen Wertschöpfungskette. Das Vorhaben ist politisch gewollt, praktisch greifbar…
    #EuropeSays #EU #Europa #Brasilien #EuropäischeUnion #Graphit #Lithium #Nickel #SelteneErden #Silizium #Suedamerika
    europesays.com/europa/56688/

  28. Japan Anti-Dumping Duties on Nickel-Containing Stainless Steel from China and Taiwan | 2026 – News and Statistics

    Jun 23, 2026 The Japanese authorities have declared their intention to apply anti-dumping tariffs on nickel-bearing cold-rolled stainless…
    #EuropeSays #Japan #JP #coils/coil #cold-rolled #Japanese #JFESteel #NasuSteelStrip #Nickel #NIPPONKINZOKU #NipponSteel #NipponYakinKogyo #sheets/sheet #stainlesssteel
    europesays.com/japan/45874/

  29. Des batteries de voiture aux missiles : quand une raffinerie «verte» sert l’ #industrie #militaire

    Présentée comme un fleuron de l’industrie verte, une #raffinerie de #cobalt et de #nickel destinés aux batteries électriques va naître près de #Bordeaux. Mais derrière cette vitrine, l’entreprise servira aussi l’industrie militaire. reporterre.net/Sous-couvert-de

    Le projet #Emme pour Electro Mobility Materials #Europe emme-sas.com/

    #guerre #armee #actu #actualite #info #information

  30. Des batteries de voiture aux missiles : quand une raffinerie «verte» sert l’ #industrie #militaire

    Présentée comme un fleuron de l’industrie verte, une #raffinerie de #cobalt et de #nickel destinés aux batteries électriques va naître près de #Bordeaux. Mais derrière cette vitrine, l’entreprise servira aussi l’industrie militaire. reporterre.net/Sous-couvert-de

    Le projet #Emme mastodon.social/@la_voix/tagge

    emme-sas.com/

    #guerre #armee #actu #actualite #info #information

  31. Des batteries de voiture aux missiles : quand une raffinerie «verte» sert l’ #industrie #militaire

    Présentée comme un fleuron de l’industrie verte, une #raffinerie de #cobalt et de #nickel destinés aux batteries électriques va naître près de #Bordeaux. Mais derrière cette vitrine, l’entreprise servira aussi l’industrie militaire. reporterre.net/Sous-couvert-de

    Le projet #Emme mastodon.social/@la_voix/tagge

    emme-sas.com/

    #guerre #armee #actu #actualite #info #information

  32. Des batteries de voiture aux missiles : quand une raffinerie «verte» sert l’ #industrie #militaire

    Présentée comme un fleuron de l’industrie verte, une #raffinerie de #cobalt et de #nickel destinés aux batteries électriques va naître près de #Bordeaux. Mais derrière cette vitrine, l’entreprise servira aussi l’industrie militaire. reporterre.net/Sous-couvert-de

    Le projet #Emme mastodon.social/@la_voix/tagge

    emme-sas.com/

    #guerre #armee #actu #actualite #info #information

  33. Des batteries de voiture aux missiles : quand une raffinerie «verte» sert l’ #industrie #militaire

    Présentée comme un fleuron de l’industrie verte, une #raffinerie de #cobalt et de #nickel destinés aux batteries électriques va naître près de #Bordeaux. Mais derrière cette vitrine, l’entreprise servira aussi l’industrie militaire. reporterre.net/Sous-couvert-de

    Le projet #Emme mastodon.social/@la_voix/tagge

    emme-sas.com/

    #guerre #armee #actu #actualite #info #information

  34. Indonesia fails to stop importation of goods made with forced labor: USTR

    Indonesia Included in USTR Findings and Proposes Action in Investigations into Failures to Take Action on Trade in Goods Made with Forced Labor

    USTR Makes Findings and Proposes Action in 60 Section 301 Investigations Relating to Failures to Take Action on Trade in Forced Labor Goods

    On June 02, 2026, the U. S. Trade Representative issued a decision “under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 that the acts … of 60 economies related to the failure to impose and effectively enforce a prohibition on the importation of goods produced with forced labor is unreasonable and burdens or restricts U.S. commerce, and are thus actionable under Section 301(b) of the Trade Act.”

    “USTR has prepared a comprehensive report, Acts, Policies, and Practices of Various Economies Related to the Failure to Impose and Effectively Enforce a Prohibition on the Importation of Goods Produced with Forced Labor, that supports the findings in each investigation.”

    The USTR decided that “the failure of each of the 60 investigated economies to impose and effectively enforce a forced labor import prohibition is unreasonable or discriminatory and burdens or restricts U.S. commerce, and thus is actionable under Section 301(b)(1) of the Trade Act.”

    “In particular, the U.S. Trade Representative determined:

    • The following 54 economies have failed to impose and effectively enforce a prohibition on the importation of goods produced with forced labor: Algeria; Angola; Argentina; Australia; the Bahamas; Bahrain; Bangladesh; Brazil; Cambodia; Chile; China, People’s Republic of; Colombia; Costa Rica; Dominican Republic; Egypt; El Salvador; Guatemala; Guyana; Honduras; Hong Kong, China; India; Iraq; Israel; Japan; Jordan; Kazakhstan; Kuwait; Libya; Malaysia; Morocco; New Zealand; Nicaragua; Nigeria; Norway; Oman; Peru; the Philippines; Qatar; Russia; Saudi Arabia; Singapore; South Africa; South Korea; Sri Lanka; Switzerland; Taiwan; Thailand; Trinidad and Tobago; Türkiye; United Arab Emirates; United Kingdom; Uruguay; Venezuela; and Vietnam.
    • The following six economies have failed to effectively enforce a prohibition on the importation of goods produced with forced labor: Canada; Ecuador, the European Union; Indonesia; Mexico; and Pakistan.”

    According to the decision, “The failure of each of the investigated economies to impose and effectively enforce a forced labor import prohibition is unreasonable because it: (1) undermines the universal aim of eliminating forced labor; (2) permits firms that avail themselves of forced labor to produce goods at lower cost and thereby distort market conditions for firms that do not use forced labor; (3) undermines the profitability of firms that do not use forced labor; and (4) contributes to the circumvention of existing forced labor import prohibitions.”

    “The failure of each of the above-listed economies to impose and effectively enforce a forced labor import prohibition burdens or restricts U.S. commerce by subjecting U.S. producers to unfair competition from forced labor goods both in export markets and the U.S. market, and by displacing foreign goods produced without forced labor or forced labor inputs into the United States and other markets.”

    Call for written comment

    “The U.S. Trade Representative has also determined to propose responsive actions in these investigations. As set out in the Federal Register notice, the public is invited to provide written comments by July 6, 2026, on the proposed actions.”

    Hearings into failure to enforce ban on goods produced using forced labor

    USTR will hold hearings about the proposed actions on July 7, 2026. As set out in the Federal Register notice, interested persons are invited to submit requests to appear at the hearing by June 22.”

    Related news:

    In earlier news…

    Indonesia–China partnership more fragile than it appears

    By Klaus Heinrich Raditio, Driyarkara School of Philosophy, and Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia, Universitas Indonesia, East Asia Forum, East Asian Bureau of Economic Research (EABER), April 28, 2026

    During the presidency of Joko Widodo, China became more central to Indonesia than at any point in the past. Widodo left office with China as Indonesia’s second-largest source of foreign investment. China also emerged as the largest export destination for Indonesia’s nickel-processing hubs that supported Indonesia’s ambition to build a downstream mineral industry.

    Through these developments, Widodo transformed the Indonesia–China comprehensive strategic partnership from a largely diplomatic symbol into one underpinned by significant economic cooperation.

    This impression appeared to deepen during the first year of Prabowo Subianto’s presidency. Jakarta seemed open to Beijing’s proposal for joint development in the South China Sea through a controversial joint statement. A 2+2 dialogue mechanism was established between their foreign and defence ministries in April 2025. Two months later, they inaugurated an integrated electric-vehicle battery manufacturing centre in Indonesia. Against this backdrop, some observers began to argue that Indonesia was ‘sleepwalking into strategic alignment with China’.

    Yet the trajectory appeared to shift in the second year Prabowo’s presidency. In July 2025, the framework for a US–Indonesian reciprocal trade agreement was announced, with the Agreement on Reciprocal Trade signed in February 2026. Under the arrangement, US tariffs on Indonesian goods would decrease from 32 per cent to 19 per cent. Though the reduction was welcomed, the agreement was widely perceived in Indonesia as unfair. The decision raised questions about Indonesia’s bargaining power in negotiations with Washington while also casting uncertainty over the future of Indonesia–China strategic relations.

    Three provisions of the agreement are particularly notable.

    Article 3.3 on digital trade stipulates Indonesia must communicate with the United States before entering into a new digital trade agreement with another country that could jeopardize essential US interests. It represents a clear attempt by Washington to constrain Indonesia’s cooperation with China in the digital economy. China’s Digital Silk Road already has a strong presence in Southeast Asia, and Indonesia is among its key destinations in the region with Chinese firms accounting for 44 per cent of Indonesia’s e-commerce market.

    Article 5.1 requires Indonesia adopt equivalently restrictive measures if the United States imposes trade restrictions on imports from a ‘third country’ for economic or national security reasons. This clause could constrain Indonesia’s economic engagement with China — Washington’s principal strategic competitor.

    Article 6.1 deals with critical minerals. It requires Indonesia to restrict foreign-owned processing facilities’ excess production by ensuring conformity with Indonesia’s mining quota. And it bars foreign-owned industrial parks and processing facilities from receiving preferential legal entitlements.

    While the language of ‘foreign-owned’ is nominally neutral, it obscures a specific reality — a substantial majority of Indonesia’s nickel processing facilities are backed by Chinese capital. The industrial parks in Morowali, Weda Bay and elsewhere were built on Chinese investment — the very foundation of the economic partnership that Widodo cultivated. Article 6.1 effectively subjects that foundation to new restrictions negotiated not with Beijing but with Washington.

    Collectively, these provisions of the agreement restrict a wide spectrum of Indonesia’s engagement with China. Despite the comprehensive strategic partnership supposedly being at its strongest, Jakarta obliged to the provisions. Indeed, by agreeing to controversial provisions that could potentially target a ‘third country’, Indonesia appears willing to disregard China’s strategic interests.

    This highlights a key difference between Widodo and Prabowo in managing relations with major powers. Widodo maintained close engagement with China but not necessarily at the expense of US–Indonesian relations. By contrast, Prabowo appears to accommodate US interests in a manner that risks undermining Indonesia’s strong engagement with China, albeit incidentally.

    Despite the positive trajectory of the post-Suharto era and Widodo’s further deepening of economic ties, Indonesia–China relations still rest on a fragile foundation.

    On the Chinese side, Beijing frequently emphasises multilateralism and engagement with the Global South, including through its vision of a ‘community of shared future’. Yet if China seeks to maintain Indonesia as a key partner amid growing geopolitical competition, it must ensure that the relationship rests on deeper and more solid foundations. A purely pragmatic partnership driven by short-term economic interests may prove insufficient… Read the whole piece at https://eastasiaforum.org/2026/04/28/indonesia-china-partnership-more-fragile-than-it-appears/. Ardhitya Eduard Yeremiais Assistant Professor at the Department of International Relations, Universitas Indonesia. Klaus Heinrich Raditio is Lecturer in Chinese Politics at the Driyarkara School of Philosophy, Jakarta. https://doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1777370400

    Featured image credit: Greenpeace Indonesia activists unfurl banner “Nickel Mines Destroy Lives” as Deputy Foreign Minister Arief Havas Oegroseno delivers speech at the Indonesia Critical Minerals Conference 2025, Jakarta. https://www.greenpeace.org/indonesia/siaran-pers-2/63070/aktivis-greenpeace-aksi-di-konferensi-nikel-internasional/ and https://www.greenpeace.org/international/story/75271/greenpeace-pictures-of-the-week-23/ ©Dhemas Reviyanto/Greenpeace.

    In related news:

    Rate this:

    #AgreementOnReciprocalTrade #AmerikaSerikat #China #CleanEnergy #Economics #Economy #Energy #EnergyTransition #ForeignPolicy #Indonesia #Mining #Nickel #nikel #Pertambangan #Politics #PrabowoGibran #PrabowoSubianto #RegionalIndonesia #Sulawesi #tariffs #UnitedStates
  35. Indonesia fails to stop importation of goods made with forced labor: USTR

    Indonesia Included in USTR Findings and Proposes Action in Investigations into Failures to Take Action on Trade in Goods Made with Forced Labor

    USTR Makes Findings and Proposes Action in 60 Section 301 Investigations Relating to Failures to Take Action on Trade in Forced Labor Goods

    On June 02, 2026, the U. S. Trade Representative issued a decision “under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 that the acts … of 60 economies related to the failure to impose and effectively enforce a prohibition on the importation of goods produced with forced labor is unreasonable and burdens or restricts U.S. commerce, and are thus actionable under Section 301(b) of the Trade Act.”

    “USTR has prepared a comprehensive report, Acts, Policies, and Practices of Various Economies Related to the Failure to Impose and Effectively Enforce a Prohibition on the Importation of Goods Produced with Forced Labor, that supports the findings in each investigation.”

    The USTR decided that “the failure of each of the 60 investigated economies to impose and effectively enforce a forced labor import prohibition is unreasonable or discriminatory and burdens or restricts U.S. commerce, and thus is actionable under Section 301(b)(1) of the Trade Act.”

    “In particular, the U.S. Trade Representative determined:

    • The following 54 economies have failed to impose and effectively enforce a prohibition on the importation of goods produced with forced labor: Algeria; Angola; Argentina; Australia; the Bahamas; Bahrain; Bangladesh; Brazil; Cambodia; Chile; China, People’s Republic of; Colombia; Costa Rica; Dominican Republic; Egypt; El Salvador; Guatemala; Guyana; Honduras; Hong Kong, China; India; Iraq; Israel; Japan; Jordan; Kazakhstan; Kuwait; Libya; Malaysia; Morocco; New Zealand; Nicaragua; Nigeria; Norway; Oman; Peru; the Philippines; Qatar; Russia; Saudi Arabia; Singapore; South Africa; South Korea; Sri Lanka; Switzerland; Taiwan; Thailand; Trinidad and Tobago; Türkiye; United Arab Emirates; United Kingdom; Uruguay; Venezuela; and Vietnam.
    • The following six economies have failed to effectively enforce a prohibition on the importation of goods produced with forced labor: Canada; Ecuador, the European Union; Indonesia; Mexico; and Pakistan.”

    According to the decision, “The failure of each of the investigated economies to impose and effectively enforce a forced labor import prohibition is unreasonable because it: (1) undermines the universal aim of eliminating forced labor; (2) permits firms that avail themselves of forced labor to produce goods at lower cost and thereby distort market conditions for firms that do not use forced labor; (3) undermines the profitability of firms that do not use forced labor; and (4) contributes to the circumvention of existing forced labor import prohibitions.”

    “The failure of each of the above-listed economies to impose and effectively enforce a forced labor import prohibition burdens or restricts U.S. commerce by subjecting U.S. producers to unfair competition from forced labor goods both in export markets and the U.S. market, and by displacing foreign goods produced without forced labor or forced labor inputs into the United States and other markets.”

    Call for written comment

    “The U.S. Trade Representative has also determined to propose responsive actions in these investigations. As set out in the Federal Register notice, the public is invited to provide written comments by July 6, 2026, on the proposed actions.”

    Hearings into failure to enforce ban on goods produced using forced labor

    USTR will hold hearings about the proposed actions on July 7, 2026. As set out in the Federal Register notice, interested persons are invited to submit requests to appear at the hearing by June 22.”

    Related news:

    In earlier news…

    Indonesia–China partnership more fragile than it appears

    By Klaus Heinrich Raditio, Driyarkara School of Philosophy, and Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia, Universitas Indonesia, East Asia Forum, East Asian Bureau of Economic Research (EABER), April 28, 2026

    During the presidency of Joko Widodo, China became more central to Indonesia than at any point in the past. Widodo left office with China as Indonesia’s second-largest source of foreign investment. China also emerged as the largest export destination for Indonesia’s nickel-processing hubs that supported Indonesia’s ambition to build a downstream mineral industry.

    Through these developments, Widodo transformed the Indonesia–China comprehensive strategic partnership from a largely diplomatic symbol into one underpinned by significant economic cooperation.

    This impression appeared to deepen during the first year of Prabowo Subianto’s presidency. Jakarta seemed open to Beijing’s proposal for joint development in the South China Sea through a controversial joint statement. A 2+2 dialogue mechanism was established between their foreign and defence ministries in April 2025. Two months later, they inaugurated an integrated electric-vehicle battery manufacturing centre in Indonesia. Against this backdrop, some observers began to argue that Indonesia was ‘sleepwalking into strategic alignment with China’.

    Yet the trajectory appeared to shift in the second year Prabowo’s presidency. In July 2025, the framework for a US–Indonesian reciprocal trade agreement was announced, with the Agreement on Reciprocal Trade signed in February 2026. Under the arrangement, US tariffs on Indonesian goods would decrease from 32 per cent to 19 per cent. Though the reduction was welcomed, the agreement was widely perceived in Indonesia as unfair. The decision raised questions about Indonesia’s bargaining power in negotiations with Washington while also casting uncertainty over the future of Indonesia–China strategic relations.

    Three provisions of the agreement are particularly notable.

    Article 3.3 on digital trade stipulates Indonesia must communicate with the United States before entering into a new digital trade agreement with another country that could jeopardize essential US interests. It represents a clear attempt by Washington to constrain Indonesia’s cooperation with China in the digital economy. China’s Digital Silk Road already has a strong presence in Southeast Asia, and Indonesia is among its key destinations in the region with Chinese firms accounting for 44 per cent of Indonesia’s e-commerce market.

    Article 5.1 requires Indonesia adopt equivalently restrictive measures if the United States imposes trade restrictions on imports from a ‘third country’ for economic or national security reasons. This clause could constrain Indonesia’s economic engagement with China — Washington’s principal strategic competitor.

    Article 6.1 deals with critical minerals. It requires Indonesia to restrict foreign-owned processing facilities’ excess production by ensuring conformity with Indonesia’s mining quota. And it bars foreign-owned industrial parks and processing facilities from receiving preferential legal entitlements.

    While the language of ‘foreign-owned’ is nominally neutral, it obscures a specific reality — a substantial majority of Indonesia’s nickel processing facilities are backed by Chinese capital. The industrial parks in Morowali, Weda Bay and elsewhere were built on Chinese investment — the very foundation of the economic partnership that Widodo cultivated. Article 6.1 effectively subjects that foundation to new restrictions negotiated not with Beijing but with Washington.

    Collectively, these provisions of the agreement restrict a wide spectrum of Indonesia’s engagement with China. Despite the comprehensive strategic partnership supposedly being at its strongest, Jakarta obliged to the provisions. Indeed, by agreeing to controversial provisions that could potentially target a ‘third country’, Indonesia appears willing to disregard China’s strategic interests.

    This highlights a key difference between Widodo and Prabowo in managing relations with major powers. Widodo maintained close engagement with China but not necessarily at the expense of US–Indonesian relations. By contrast, Prabowo appears to accommodate US interests in a manner that risks undermining Indonesia’s strong engagement with China, albeit incidentally.

    Despite the positive trajectory of the post-Suharto era and Widodo’s further deepening of economic ties, Indonesia–China relations still rest on a fragile foundation.

    On the Chinese side, Beijing frequently emphasises multilateralism and engagement with the Global South, including through its vision of a ‘community of shared future’. Yet if China seeks to maintain Indonesia as a key partner amid growing geopolitical competition, it must ensure that the relationship rests on deeper and more solid foundations. A purely pragmatic partnership driven by short-term economic interests may prove insufficient… Read the whole piece at https://eastasiaforum.org/2026/04/28/indonesia-china-partnership-more-fragile-than-it-appears/. Ardhitya Eduard Yeremiais Assistant Professor at the Department of International Relations, Universitas Indonesia. Klaus Heinrich Raditio is Lecturer in Chinese Politics at the Driyarkara School of Philosophy, Jakarta. https://doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1777370400

    Featured image credit: Greenpeace Indonesia activists unfurl banner “Nickel Mines Destroy Lives” as Deputy Foreign Minister Arief Havas Oegroseno delivers speech at the Indonesia Critical Minerals Conference 2025, Jakarta. https://www.greenpeace.org/indonesia/siaran-pers-2/63070/aktivis-greenpeace-aksi-di-konferensi-nikel-internasional/ and https://www.greenpeace.org/international/story/75271/greenpeace-pictures-of-the-week-23/ ©Dhemas Reviyanto/Greenpeace.

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