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Op-Ed 17 August: Odysseus and the Ropes of the Republic by Muhamad Chatib Basri

Odysseus and the Ropes of the Republic

By Muhamad Chatib Basri, Kompas.Id, Aug 17, 2026

The voice was so beautiful, cutting through the silence of the aqua ocean. It made the sailors look around. Searching for its source, even though disaster awaited them. Humans do not become lost because they do not know the way. Sometimes they become lost precisely because they know the way, but they still desire to draw closer.

Homer wrote about this almost 3,000 years ago: the story of Odysseus and the Sirens. Odysseus knew the danger ahead. Still he desired to hear the song. He also knew that when the voice appeared, he would not be able to trust himself. So, he plugged the ears of his oarsmen with wax. Odysseus’ body was tied to the mast. The message was, “Whatever I say, do not free me.”

When the song rang out, Odysseus struggled. Pleaded. Commanded. The oarsmen heard nothing. They kept rowing. The ship was saved not because its captain was strong. It was saved because the captain knew he could be weak. Therefore, he chose to tie himself up while the sea was still calm.

I always remember this story. Last month, millions of people around the world watched it again in Christopher Nolan’s film. At the Harvard Ministerial Forum, where I teach, that old tale is still used as a case study for serving ministers. Power, like the sea, has its own temptations.

This old tale, secretly, is a story about the role of institutions in the economy. Institutions are the ropes to the mast, the bonds a nation ties to itself while its mind is still clear. Because it knows that one day that clarity can fade. That will be when the Sirens begin to sing, printing money to finance waste, loosening the guard rails for immediate results. Odysseus tied himself up because he knew he was not an angel.

James Madison wrote, “If men were angels, no government would be necessary.” Institutions are born not because people are always wise, but because we know we might one day err or act arbitrarily.

Perhaps the best way to read Indonesia’s 81 years of independence is not by how fast we are sailing, but by how we have learned to tie ourselves to the mast. With difficulty. With repeated failures.

In 1998, people gloomily predicted that Indonesia would disintegrate; yet we remained united, and direct elections proceeded peacefully. Ten years later, amid the greatest financial crisis since the Great Depression, our economy still grew 4.6 percent.

Then came the taper tantrum of 2013. I still remember the nights when the sails turned red, the rupiah weakened, and capital flowed out. Seven months later, we exited from the Fragile Five. Then the pandemic. It was tough, but we got through it—financed by savings cultivated over years of careful budgeting.

From this, we learn that what saves an economy isn’t something dramatic. It’s often something that sounds uninteresting: institutions.

Of course, some will object. The New Order, with its fragile institutions limiting power, grew at around 7 percent a year. Then, in the Democratic Reform era, with far better institutions, it only grew at 5 percent. If institutions are that important, why is democracy progressing so much slower than the dictatorship it replaced?

I try to answer this question with a less romantic approach: 80 years of data. Economic growth data comes from the Maddison Project Database and Statistics Indonesia (BPS), and inflation data from the World Bank. I constructed an institutional quality index from five indicators from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) data: limits on executive power, judicial independence, the rule of law, the quality of electoral democracy, and control of corruption. Using this index, through a series of econometric models, I tested whether stronger institutions lead to faster, more stable economic growth and more controlled inflation.

First, institutional quality is unrelated to growth rate. Admirers of the iron fist may smile at this point. But that smile won’t last long. In 1998, our economy shrank by about 13 percent, and per capita income only returned to 1997 levels around eight years later.

Second, the stronger the institutions, the more stable the economy—economists call this lower growth volatility. The relationship is strong and consistent. Sharp fluctuations—for a family—can mean a job lost without warning, prices jumping within a month, or plans to send a child to school being postponed indefinitely.

The institutional index was at its lowest point in the final years of the New Order. From 2004 to 2015, when the index improved, growth volatility declined. This conclusion persists even after accounting for oil and commodity prices, global economic shocks, and the level of prosperity are taken into account.

Third, long-term inflation was cut by more than half—from around 13 percent to below 6 percent—after central bank independence in 1999. The world was indeed experiencing low inflation at that time, but not all countries enjoyed it. We achieved this because of the post-1998 institutional reforms.

Fourth, the direction of the relationship. The quality of today’s institutions predicts tomorrow’s economic stability, not the other way around. History must admit that the 1998 reforms arose from a crisis. Therefore, I refrain from the term “cause and effect”; I prefer to call it a strong association. The rope on the mast doesn’t make a ship go faster. It keeps it from crashing into rocks.

There’s one interesting finding. I let the data find its own time for the sharpest pattern change using the Bai-Perron test. The results were in 1965 and the late 1990s. The procedure never tells the story of a regime change or a crisis, but only reads the numbers. History, it seems, leaves traces in the numbers.

The two fractures tell the same story. By 1965, the printing press had become the cashier of power. By 1998, credit flowed freely, especially to those close to power, without adequate discipline regarding its appropriateness. When the crisis struck, the structure collapsed, and the economy shrank by around 13 percent. Twice the ship came close to the rocks. Twice we paid a heavy price when institutional barriers were too weak.

Following the reforms, the story was different. The global financial crisis of 2008–2009, the taper tantrum of 2013, and the pandemic of 2020. Storms kept coming, but none brought us to a collapse like 1998. It wasn’t that seas became friendlier. What was different, perhaps, were the ropes holding the ship together. The central bank was made independent. Deficits and debt were limited by law. Banking was cleaned up.

Being tied down doesn’t mean being rigid. Odysseus’ ropes were untied after the danger had passed. When the pandemic struck, the deficit fences were loosened through established procedures, with a time limit, and then reattached. Rules may change, but integrity and governance cannot. The ropes may not make us grow faster, but they keep us from drowning.

And there’s another rope we often forget to consider: democracy. Amartya Sen points out that well-being isn’t about how many things we own, but how much we can do and become because of it. This is what he calls capability. People who are silenced, who can’t go to school or get medical treatment, aren’t just poorer. Their life choices become narrower.

That’s why the aspect of freedom is so important in development. That’s why criticism is the cheapest corrective mechanism a nation has. My study with Wihardja and Pradana (2026), using ACLED and Susenas data from 2015–2024, shows that the shrinking middle class is associated with increased demonstrations at the provincial level—even after education, income, and urbanization are taken into account.

And one striking finding is that provinces with more widespread internet access actually record fewer demonstrations. Complaints that have a channel don’t need to take to the streets. Criticism is a valve, not a threat.

I recall my conversation with Amartya Sen (Kompas, 2/12/2021): no major famine has ever occurred in a country that is free, democratic, and has a free press. Democracy may be noisy, perhaps annoying to those in power. But it is that very noise that reminds us when the ship begins to veer off course.

But all those ropes—the institutions they maintain—only last as long as they are remembered. Ironically, a nation’s memory is shorter than we think. The people of Macondo, in García Márquez’s novel, are struck by a plague of insomnia and slowly forget, first the names of objects, then their uses. They affix writing to everything. What they fear most is not forgetting names, but the day when the writing is still legible but no longer means anything. Odysseus binds himself because he knows people can be weak. The people of Macondo write names on objects because they know people can forget. Institutions are necessary because a nation can be both.

This is where my anxiety lies on this 81st birthday. The index shows the quality of our institutions has declined since 2015—the Democracy Report 2026 from V-Dem, University of Gothenburg, shows a similar trend. The knots are loosening one by one. This is where Jon Elster’s (1979) doubts come into play. He was right that in politics, it’s easier to tie others than to tie yourself. The ropes that loosen most quickly aren’t just any ropes, but the ones that bind the hands of those who control the wheel.

But isn’t economic growth still above 5 percent? True. However, institutional weakening rarely sends warnings through growth figures first. What usually moves first is trust. And trust is precisely what those ropes guard.

The Song of the Siren sounds most melodious when the sea is calm. This time we can’t say we don’t know. We do. We’ve seen that reef before.

On the morning of August 17, the flag was raised. We paused and, with choked voices, sang the national anthem Indonesia Raya. That day, we celebrated growth, development, and steps forward. But there was no ceremony for the silent things: the laws that guard, the laws that uphold, the critics that remind. After all, they are the ones who guard us when the siren’s song appears.

This country is indeed not perfect. There are still many complaints here and there. It hasn’t been able to provide for everyone. Yet, on the morning of August 17, the children still lined up. The residents still set up a simple stage in the corner of their lanes. We stood, giving time to our home. Because a home doesn’t have to be perfect to be loved.

And perhaps that is where the heroism of a nation lies: not always in victory, but in the fortitude to keep rowing even in the most difficult situations. Perhaps that’s why Bung Hatta quotes René de Clercq: “There is only one country that is my country. It grows through deeds, and those deeds are my efforts.”

Muhamad Chatib Basri is Visiting Scholar, Harvard CID; Visiting Professor in Practice, LSE (CETEx) and was Minister of Finance of the Republic of Indonesia 2013–2014.

This post is based on https://www.kompas.id/artikel/odysseus-dan-tali-republik.

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Op-Ed 17 August: Odysseus and the Ropes of the Republic by Muhamad Chatib Basri

Odysseus and the Ropes of the Republic

By Muhamad Chatib Basri, Kompas.Id, Aug 17, 2026

The voice was so beautiful, cutting through the silence of the aqua ocean. It made the sailors look around. Searching for its source, even though disaster awaited them. Humans do not become lost because they do not know the way. Sometimes they become lost precisely because they know the way, but they still desire to draw closer.

Homer wrote about this almost 3,000 years ago: the story of Odysseus and the Sirens. Odysseus knew the danger ahead. Still he desired to hear the song. He also knew that when the voice appeared, he would not be able to trust himself. So, he plugged the ears of his oarsmen with wax. Odysseus’ body was tied to the mast. The message was, “Whatever I say, do not free me.”

When the song rang out, Odysseus struggled. Pleaded. Commanded. The oarsmen heard nothing. They kept rowing. The ship was saved not because its captain was strong. It was saved because the captain knew he could be weak. Therefore, he chose to tie himself up while the sea was still calm.

I always remember this story. Last month, millions of people around the world watched it again in Christopher Nolan’s film. At the Harvard Ministerial Forum, where I teach, that old tale is still used as a case study for serving ministers. Power, like the sea, has its own temptations.

This old tale, secretly, is a story about the role of institutions in the economy. Institutions are the ropes to the mast, the bonds a nation ties to itself while its mind is still clear. Because it knows that one day that clarity can fade. That will be when the Sirens begin to sing, printing money to finance waste, loosening the guard rails for immediate results. Odysseus tied himself up because he knew he was not an angel.

James Madison wrote, “If men were angels, no government would be necessary.” Institutions are born not because people are always wise, but because we know we might one day err or act arbitrarily.

Perhaps the best way to read Indonesia’s 81 years of independence is not by how fast we are sailing, but by how we have learned to tie ourselves to the mast. With difficulty. With repeated failures.

In 1998, people gloomily predicted that Indonesia would disintegrate; yet we remained united, and direct elections proceeded peacefully. Ten years later, amid the greatest financial crisis since the Great Depression, our economy still grew 4.6 percent.

Then came the taper tantrum of 2013. I still remember the nights when the sails turned red, the rupiah weakened, and capital flowed out. Seven months later, we exited from the Fragile Five. Then the pandemic. It was tough, but we got through it—financed by savings cultivated over years of careful budgeting.

From this, we learn that what saves an economy isn’t something dramatic. It’s often something that sounds uninteresting: institutions.

Of course, some will object. The New Order, with its fragile institutions limiting power, grew at around 7 percent a year. Then, in the Democratic Reform era, with far better institutions, it only grew at 5 percent. If institutions are that important, why is democracy progressing so much slower than the dictatorship it replaced?

I try to answer this question with a less romantic approach: 80 years of data. Economic growth data comes from the Maddison Project Database and Statistics Indonesia (BPS), and inflation data from the World Bank. I constructed an institutional quality index from five indicators from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) data: limits on executive power, judicial independence, the rule of law, the quality of electoral democracy, and control of corruption. Using this index, through a series of econometric models, I tested whether stronger institutions lead to faster, more stable economic growth and more controlled inflation.

First, institutional quality is unrelated to growth rate. Admirers of the iron fist may smile at this point. But that smile won’t last long. In 1998, our economy shrank by about 13 percent, and per capita income only returned to 1997 levels around eight years later.

Second, the stronger the institutions, the more stable the economy—economists call this lower growth volatility. The relationship is strong and consistent. Sharp fluctuations—for a family—can mean a job lost without warning, prices jumping within a month, or plans to send a child to school being postponed indefinitely.

The institutional index was at its lowest point in the final years of the New Order. From 2004 to 2015, when the index improved, growth volatility declined. This conclusion persists even after accounting for oil and commodity prices, global economic shocks, and the level of prosperity are taken into account.

Third, long-term inflation was cut by more than half—from around 13 percent to below 6 percent—after central bank independence in 1999. The world was indeed experiencing low inflation at that time, but not all countries enjoyed it. We achieved this because of the post-1998 institutional reforms.

Fourth, the direction of the relationship. The quality of today’s institutions predicts tomorrow’s economic stability, not the other way around. History must admit that the 1998 reforms arose from a crisis. Therefore, I refrain from the term “cause and effect”; I prefer to call it a strong association. The rope on the mast doesn’t make a ship go faster. It keeps it from crashing into rocks.

There’s one interesting finding. I let the data find its own time for the sharpest pattern change using the Bai-Perron test. The results were in 1965 and the late 1990s. The procedure never tells the story of a regime change or a crisis, but only reads the numbers. History, it seems, leaves traces in the numbers.

The two fractures tell the same story. By 1965, the printing press had become the cashier of power. By 1998, credit flowed freely, especially to those close to power, without adequate discipline regarding its appropriateness. When the crisis struck, the structure collapsed, and the economy shrank by around 13 percent. Twice the ship came close to the rocks. Twice we paid a heavy price when institutional barriers were too weak.

Following the reforms, the story was different. The global financial crisis of 2008–2009, the taper tantrum of 2013, and the pandemic of 2020. Storms kept coming, but none brought us to a collapse like 1998. It wasn’t that seas became friendlier. What was different, perhaps, were the ropes holding the ship together. The central bank was made independent. Deficits and debt were limited by law. Banking was cleaned up.

Being tied down doesn’t mean being rigid. Odysseus’ ropes were untied after the danger had passed. When the pandemic struck, the deficit fences were loosened through established procedures, with a time limit, and then reattached. Rules may change, but integrity and governance cannot. The ropes may not make us grow faster, but they keep us from drowning.

And there’s another rope we often forget to consider: democracy. Amartya Sen points out that well-being isn’t about how many things we own, but how much we can do and become because of it. This is what he calls capability. People who are silenced, who can’t go to school or get medical treatment, aren’t just poorer. Their life choices become narrower.

That’s why the aspect of freedom is so important in development. That’s why criticism is the cheapest corrective mechanism a nation has. My study with Wihardja and Pradana (2026), using ACLED and Susenas data from 2015–2024, shows that the shrinking middle class is associated with increased demonstrations at the provincial level—even after education, income, and urbanization are taken into account.

And one striking finding is that provinces with more widespread internet access actually record fewer demonstrations. Complaints that have a channel don’t need to take to the streets. Criticism is a valve, not a threat.

I recall my conversation with Amartya Sen (Kompas, 2/12/2021): no major famine has ever occurred in a country that is free, democratic, and has a free press. Democracy may be noisy, perhaps annoying to those in power. But it is that very noise that reminds us when the ship begins to veer off course.

But all those ropes—the institutions they maintain—only last as long as they are remembered. Ironically, a nation’s memory is shorter than we think. The people of Macondo, in García Márquez’s novel, are struck by a plague of insomnia and slowly forget, first the names of objects, then their uses. They affix writing to everything. What they fear most is not forgetting names, but the day when the writing is still legible but no longer means anything. Odysseus binds himself because he knows people can be weak. The people of Macondo write names on objects because they know people can forget. Institutions are necessary because a nation can be both.

This is where my anxiety lies on this 81st birthday. The index shows the quality of our institutions has declined since 2015—the Democracy Report 2026 from V-Dem, University of Gothenburg, shows a similar trend. The knots are loosening one by one. This is where Jon Elster’s (1979) doubts come into play. He was right that in politics, it’s easier to tie others than to tie yourself. The ropes that loosen most quickly aren’t just any ropes, but the ones that bind the hands of those who control the wheel.

But isn’t economic growth still above 5 percent? True. However, institutional weakening rarely sends warnings through growth figures first. What usually moves first is trust. And trust is precisely what those ropes guard.

The Song of the Siren sounds most melodious when the sea is calm. This time we can’t say we don’t know. We do. We’ve seen that reef before.

On the morning of August 17, the flag was raised. We paused and, with choked voices, sang the national anthem Indonesia Raya. That day, we celebrated growth, development, and steps forward. But there was no ceremony for the silent things: the laws that guard, the laws that uphold, the critics that remind. After all, they are the ones who guard us when the siren’s song appears.

This country is indeed not perfect. There are still many complaints here and there. It hasn’t been able to provide for everyone. Yet, on the morning of August 17, the children still lined up. The residents still set up a simple stage in the corner of their lanes. We stood, giving time to our home. Because a home doesn’t have to be perfect to be loved.

And perhaps that is where the heroism of a nation lies: not always in victory, but in the fortitude to keep rowing even in the most difficult situations. Perhaps that’s why Bung Hatta quotes René de Clercq: “There is only one country that is my country. It grows through deeds, and those deeds are my efforts.”

Muhamad Chatib Basri is Visiting Scholar, Harvard CID; Visiting Professor in Practice, LSE (CETEx) and was Minister of Finance of the Republic of Indonesia 2013–2014.

This post is based on https://www.kompas.id/artikel/odysseus-dan-tali-republik.

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Short Story: Membership Card By Gusti Aditya

Membership Card

A Short Story by Gusti Aditya (2026)

I buy three condoms at a supermarket. The store assistant offers me a discount if I want to join their store loyalty program. I ask how much is the discount. They says it’s 25% of whatever the price is. I agree because 25% in a crisis like this is very important. Especially for buying condoms that are only going to be thrown away afterwards. I give her my phone number, my identity card, and my current address. “Apartment unit 3 on Independence Struggle Street,” I say, slowly. The store assistant hands me a black membership card. After that, I get the discount. But who would have guessed that because of that discount I would be hauled away by two police officers after they kick really hard on the door of my apartment.

They leave me in a quiet room, like the interrogation rooms in action movies. For almost two hours I sit on a bench, with no table. A few meters in front of me, there is another chair that has been empty since earlier. I try to remember everything I have done. I feel I haven’t done anything with the potential to have me hauled away by the police I try to remember what I’ve posted on social media. I haven’t typed anything at all except for making fun of the memes scattered throughout my social media feed. Lastly there is only a canceled date—and three condoms that ended up not being used.

For a moment, I hear someone clear their throat. I look up. There is a loudspeaker, and that is where the sound of throat-clearing is coming from. “Mm,” it clears again, “Can you hear me, sir?” it asks. “Nod your head if you can hear my voice.” I do what they want. “Can you say something, sir? To test whether our technology is any good.”

Technology is any good? Is hearing that person’s voice the measure of good technology? I try to be cooperative. “Can you hear my voice?”

“Wow. Perfect.” The person’s voice sounds a bit noisy. It seems like the loudspeaker has bumped into something. Or whatever it is I don’t understand.

“Can you explain why I’ve been brought into this room?” I try more aggressively.

Silence lasts a long time. I look up. I look at the loudspeaker even though I know what I’m doing is stupid and pointless because there is not going to be anything up there. “Hm,” the voice sounds as if it’s trying to think of something, “Did you buy three condoms yesterday?”

I feel uncomfortable with the question. Shame flashes through me. “Is it a crime for a forty-four-year-old man to buy condoms?”

“Oh, of course not.”

“So?”

“Are you a member of the Tanjung Supermarket loyalty program?”

I think for a moment. “Tanjung Supermarket?” I murmur. “Oh, the store where I bought condoms?”

“Right.”

“Yes. I signed up because if I’m part of the program, the discount is pretty good. Twenty-five percent, just imagine that.”

The person is quiet for a long time. Then, you can hear a faint rustling sound, and they ask something completely different.

“Do you agree with the programs of our country’s government, sir?”

My brow furrows, “What do you mean?”

“Let me put this simply. Do you hate our government, sir?”

I recall every conversation I’ve had that day—with the store assistant, my girlfriend, my office colleagues, and everyone else I’ve met. I have been so compliant; any profanity or frustration stayed locked inside my heart and feelings, never once vented on social media or in any conversations with others. Lately, though, I have often cursed the crisis happening in the country in the silence of my own mind.

“No, not really. Haven’t you got the wrong idea?”

“Do you hate the government of our country?” The bastard hiding inside the loudspeaker repeats the question. “Answer based on your feelings, sir, not on any considerations of self-interest.”

Considerations of self-interest? What the hell? “Are you accusing me of being a dissident?” I raise my voice.

That memory feels like an earthquake in time. Suddenly I am transported to a moment when I have to buy condoms at a convenience store. I am not in the bleak room I’m living in, but rather my girlfriend’s small, rundown flat with her constantly complaining that the national crisis is driving the cost of living through the roof.

“These medicines just keep getting more expensive. Damn the people up there at the top!” she shouts. Anyone overhearing us was definitely bound to think we were fighting.

At the time I am harboring a sense of frustration. I am annoyed because I haven’t managed to sleep with her. The condoms that I usually carried had—somehow—simply vanished as if they’d been stolen by an invisible being. My girlfriend doesn’t keep condoms in her flat anymore, either. “I’m going out. I’m buying a whole damn dozen of those things!” I grumble under my breath. She laughs, smoke billowing from her mouth, and kisses me hungrily—her breath carrying that musty scent, like clothes that haven’t quite dried always emanating from the mixture my girlfriend was smoking.

And so I find myself standing before the store assistant whose face—I only now realize—looks incredibly fresh, as if clumps of fat are crowding their cheeks. Their head seems to emit a glow like the rear end of a firefly. “You’ll get a discount if you join the Tanjung Supermarket loyalty program,” they said. Yes, Tanjung Supermarket. I remember the name.

“Oh really? How much is the discount I get?”

“25%,” they reply.

There is nothing wrong with that conversation. Nor do I feel there is anything wrong with buying condoms, a dildo, or even the gear to put together a bomb.
The memory played on, leading me back to my girlfriend’s flat. Inside there she is watching television. She is looking at a lot of people being arrested simply because of their affiliation with a banned movement that is trying to overthrow the ruling regime. My girlfriend is fuming. She is spewing profanities. I sit and listen to the conversation. In the end the condoms do not get used.

I clutch my head. A throbbing dizziness shoots through me the pain so sharp I can feel it in my teeth. “Hey, sir?” I hear a voice over the loudspeaker. “You’re alright, aren’t you? Don’t die just yet.” Don’t die just yet they say?

“Is it because my girlfriend talks so much trash about the government of our country?” I ask.

“Oh,” he pauses taken aback. “So your girlfriend often ridicules our country’s government? Fine, we’ll punish her eventually. But right now, it’s your turn. Your offense is far more serious.”

“What exactly did I do wrong?” I ask, half-pleading.

Then a man enters who is wearing none of the usual marks of a police officer.

He is overweight, and the sleeves of his suit are tight against his arms. His neck is swallowed up by rolls of fat. His hairline is receding, revealing a pimply, bald scalp like a shoreline littered with trash. “Hello,” he says—the owner of the voice from the loudspeaker. He is carrying a laptop which he simply sets down on his lap. He turns the laptop screen toward me. A video is playing.

At first the video shows a man with his hands behind his back—apparently bound by handcuffs. The low-quality, amateurish clip ends with a statement from the man whose hands are tied. “I confess that I am one of the people funding the dissidents. I provided billions so the dissidents could cut off the head of our country’s government—a government that stinks and does not stand with the people,” he declares heroically. He continued, “The profits I made went entirely to the employees, members, and rebels. To me their well-being matters more than that of the colleagues, sycophants, and lackeys willing to bend over just to get a slice of power.”

The screen goes dark, and the sound of repeated blows can be heard. But not a single cry of pain can be heard from the man being beaten.

The fat man then closes the laptop and places it beneath his chair. “So, what is your connection to that man?”

“Huh? Who is he? I have no idea.”

My spontaneous words seems to annoy him. He steps closer and punches my stomach hard. He grabs my hair, forcing me to look at a black membership card bearing my name. “You’re a member of Tanjung Supermarket!” the fat man shouts.

“Yes, I am. I’m a member. Just to get a 25% discount!”

“That means you support the rebels!” He punches me in the stomach again.

Then my right cheek is next to feel the blows of the fat-filled man. Next there is the sound of a door opening.

The two police officers who brought me in earlier walk in. What follows is blood, loose teeth, and my own cries of pain.

When I open my eyes, I find that many others are sharing my fate. They have been even more seriously injured than me; some have dislocated bones—a sight that makes me recoil in horror. “Are you a member of Tanjung Supermarket too?” I ask a woman whose head is bandaged.

She nods.

“What kind of discount did you get?”

“40%.”

I chuckle in disbelief. “And so what did you buy, anyway?”

“A machete, a saw, and a knife.”

“Are you a carpenter?”

The woman shoots me a sharp look. “They’re to kill the people up at the top.”
I swallow hard.

She returns the question to me: “What percentage discount did you get?”
I answer hesitantly, “25%.”

She ask again, “What did you buy?”

Suddenly, everyone in the room stops what they’re doing. They seem to be waiting for my answer.

Hesitantly and awkwardly I reply in a low voice—though there is no doubt that even those at the far end of the room can hear me. “Condoms.”

There is a moment of silence. I brace for laughter or mockery. But instead I am met with thunderous applause. The whistling does not sound like jeering. The bandaged woman gives me a thumbs-up. She remarks that resistance takes many forms—even in the bedroom. “Refusing to let a baby be born into a chaotic country like this is a strong form of resistance,” she says. I don’t get it. Well whatever. ***

June 2026

Gusti Aditya is a writer and researcher from Bantul in the province of Jogjakarta on Indonesia’s Java Island. He has conducted research on street violence in Jogjakarta and Paris. He has written essays for numerous media outlets including Kumparan Plus and Remotivi. His short stories have appeared in publications such as Kompas and Tempo. His first collection of essays is titled Jogja Bab Getih dan Klitih [Jogja Tale of Bloodshed and Street Violence] (EA Books, 2024). Membership Card (Kartu Anggota) was published in Kompas daily newspaper 2 Augustus 2026 https://ruangsastra.com/35200/kartu-anggota. Other works are available at https://play.google.com/store/search?q=%22gusti%20aditya%22&c=books.

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Op-Ed: Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

By the Kompas Editorial Board

JAKARTA, July 5, 2017. Members of the Indonesian House of Representatives are not the representatives of the corrupt. The supposedly honorable representatives of the people are paid from the people’s money.

The House Committee of Inquiry into Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission plans to go on safari to meet convicted corruption offenders in a number of prisons throughout Indonesia and this has deeply unsettled the sense of justice of citizens — taxpayers. According to the deputy chair of the House inquiry, Representative Risa Mariska, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, “the committee wants to find information on how they felt about their treatment as witnesses, suspects and convicts of corruption offenses.” Risa is a Representative for the 6th West Java electoral district covering the regencies of Bogor and Bekasi. She received 25,578 votes.

It is very easy to find corruption convicts in prison. They will be overjoyed to tell the inquiry about how the commission behaved when they were questioned, their experience in custody, their belief they were the victims of a conspiracy, their feelings of being entrapped and any amount of other mistreatment.

Being driven by a coalition of parties supporting the government and armed with this data, the inquiry will collect ammunition for dismantling the anti-corruption body. The aim of the House inquiry at the very least can be seen from the statement of House deputy speaker Fahri Hamzah from the Prosperous Justice Party representing West Nusa Tenggara and it is to review government commissions such as the Corruption Eradication Commission. By ‘review,’ he clearly means disbanding the commission, limiting its authority or transforming it into an ad hoc agency.

The real aim of the House inquiry is obvious and it is to undermine the Corruption Eradication Commission. The declaration of some politicians that the inquiry is aimed at strengthening the commission does not have a shred of empirical evidence. From the beginning, some House of Representatives politicians have been uncomfortable with steps taken by the commission to eradicate corruption from the country. There are Representatives on trial as well as party chairs and business people who have been arrested. The commission is certainly not without fault. But the way to fix these mistakes is not to exercise the House’s right to establish inquiries of dubious legitimacy.

Members of the inquiry should realize they are representatives of the people, not representatives of the corrupt. Corrupt behavior by members of the government violates the civil and economic rights of the people. The behavior of constitutional judges who trade in Constitutional Court decisions to enrich themselves is a betrayal of the law. It is the victims of this corrupt behavior that the inquiry should be listening to and not the perpetrators of the corruption.

Unfortunately, President Joko Widodo’s pronouncements have been too weak in defending the commission. President Widodo has said only that he wants to strengthen the commission. However, President Widodo is apparently not able to intervene in the inquiry because it is a constitutional right of the House of Representatives. The fact is the direction taken by the House inquiry can only be seen as intended to delegitimize the Corruption Eradication Commission.

This post is based on “Bukan Perwakilan Koruptor” [Not the Representatives of the Corrupt], Kompas Editorial, July 5, 2017 https://kompas.id/baca/opini/2017/07/05/bukan-perwakilan-koruptor/.

Featured image credit: Paula Bronstein www.paulaphoto.com/. University students protest on top of Indonesia’s capitol building in Jakarta after President Suharto resigned May 21, 1998, “This photographer has spent decades covering war. But she doesn’t focus on the front lines”, Photographs by Paula Bronstein, Story by Tristen Rouse, CNN, September 7, 2024 https://edition.cnn.com/interactive/2024/09/world/paula-bronstein-retrospective-cnnphotos/.

Rate this:

Op-Ed: Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

By the Kompas Editorial Board

JAKARTA, July 5, 2017. Members of the Indonesian House of Representatives are not the representatives of the corrupt. The supposedly honorable representatives of the people are paid from the people’s money.

The House Committee of Inquiry into Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission plans to go on safari to meet convicted corruption offenders in a number of prisons throughout Indonesia and this has deeply unsettled the sense of justice of citizens — taxpayers. According to the deputy chair of the House inquiry, Representative Risa Mariska, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, “the committee wants to find information on how they felt about their treatment as witnesses, suspects and convicts of corruption offenses.” Risa is a Representative for the 6th West Java electoral district covering the regencies of Bogor and Bekasi. She received 25,578 votes.

It is very easy to find corruption convicts in prison. They will be overjoyed to tell the inquiry about how the commission behaved when they were questioned, their experience in custody, their belief they were the victims of a conspiracy, their feelings of being entrapped and any amount of other mistreatment.

Being driven by a coalition of parties supporting the government and armed with this data, the inquiry will collect ammunition for dismantling the anti-corruption body. The aim of the House inquiry at the very least can be seen from the statement of House deputy speaker Fahri Hamzah from the Prosperous Justice Party representing West Nusa Tenggara and it is to review government commissions such as the Corruption Eradication Commission. By ‘review,’ he clearly means disbanding the commission, limiting its authority or transforming it into an ad hoc agency.

The real aim of the House inquiry is obvious and it is to undermine the Corruption Eradication Commission. The declaration of some politicians that the inquiry is aimed at strengthening the commission does not have a shred of empirical evidence. From the beginning, some House of Representatives politicians have been uncomfortable with steps taken by the commission to eradicate corruption from the country. There are Representatives on trial as well as party chairs and business people who have been arrested. The commission is certainly not without fault. But the way to fix these mistakes is not to exercise the House’s right to establish inquiries of dubious legitimacy.

Members of the inquiry should realize they are representatives of the people, not representatives of the corrupt. Corrupt behavior by members of the government violates the civil and economic rights of the people. The behavior of constitutional judges who trade in Constitutional Court decisions to enrich themselves is a betrayal of the law. It is the victims of this corrupt behavior that the inquiry should be listening to and not the perpetrators of the corruption.

Unfortunately, President Joko Widodo’s pronouncements have been too weak in defending the commission. President Widodo has said only that he wants to strengthen the commission. However, President Widodo is apparently not able to intervene in the inquiry because it is a constitutional right of the House of Representatives. The fact is the direction taken by the House inquiry can only be seen as intended to delegitimize the Corruption Eradication Commission.

This post is based on “Bukan Perwakilan Koruptor” [Not the Representatives of the Corrupt], Kompas Editorial, July 5, 2017 https://kompas.id/baca/opini/2017/07/05/bukan-perwakilan-koruptor/.

Featured image credit: Paula Bronstein www.paulaphoto.com/. University students protest on top of Indonesia’s capitol building in Jakarta after President Suharto resigned May 21, 1998, “This photographer has spent decades covering war. But she doesn’t focus on the front lines”, Photographs by Paula Bronstein, Story by Tristen Rouse, CNN, September 7, 2024 https://edition.cnn.com/interactive/2024/09/world/paula-bronstein-retrospective-cnnphotos/.

Rate this:

Op-Ed: Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

By the Kompas Editorial Board

JAKARTA, July 5, 2017. Members of the Indonesian House of Representatives are not the representatives of the corrupt. The supposedly honorable representatives of the people are paid from the people’s money.

The House Committee of Inquiry into Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission plans to go on safari to meet convicted corruption offenders in a number of prisons throughout Indonesia and this has deeply unsettled the sense of justice of citizens — taxpayers. According to the deputy chair of the House inquiry, Representative Risa Mariska, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, “the committee wants to find information on how they felt about their treatment as witnesses, suspects and convicts of corruption offenses.” Risa is a Representative for the 6th West Java electoral district covering the regencies of Bogor and Bekasi. She received 25,578 votes.

It is very easy to find corruption convicts in prison. They will be overjoyed to tell the inquiry about how the commission behaved when they were questioned, their experience in custody, their belief they were the victims of a conspiracy, their feelings of being entrapped and any amount of other mistreatment.

Being driven by a coalition of parties supporting the government and armed with this data, the inquiry will collect ammunition for dismantling the anti-corruption body. The aim of the House inquiry at the very least can be seen from the statement of House deputy speaker Fahri Hamzah from the Prosperous Justice Party representing West Nusa Tenggara and it is to review government commissions such as the Corruption Eradication Commission. By ‘review,’ he clearly means disbanding the commission, limiting its authority or transforming it into an ad hoc agency.

The real aim of the House inquiry is obvious and it is to undermine the Corruption Eradication Commission. The declaration of some politicians that the inquiry is aimed at strengthening the commission does not have a shred of empirical evidence. From the beginning, some House of Representatives politicians have been uncomfortable with steps taken by the commission to eradicate corruption from the country. There are Representatives on trial as well as party chairs and business people who have been arrested. The commission is certainly not without fault. But the way to fix these mistakes is not to exercise the House’s right to establish inquiries of dubious legitimacy.

Members of the inquiry should realize they are representatives of the people, not representatives of the corrupt. Corrupt behavior by members of the government violates the civil and economic rights of the people. The behavior of constitutional judges who trade in Constitutional Court decisions to enrich themselves is a betrayal of the law. It is the victims of this corrupt behavior that the inquiry should be listening to and not the perpetrators of the corruption.

Unfortunately, President Joko Widodo’s pronouncements have been too weak in defending the commission. President Widodo has said only that he wants to strengthen the commission. However, President Widodo is apparently not able to intervene in the inquiry because it is a constitutional right of the House of Representatives. The fact is the direction taken by the House inquiry can only be seen as intended to delegitimize the Corruption Eradication Commission.

This post is based on “Bukan Perwakilan Koruptor” [Not the Representatives of the Corrupt], Kompas Editorial, July 5, 2017 https://kompas.id/baca/opini/2017/07/05/bukan-perwakilan-koruptor/.

Featured image credit: Paula Bronstein www.paulaphoto.com/. University students protest on top of Indonesia’s capitol building in Jakarta after President Suharto resigned May 21, 1998, “This photographer has spent decades covering war. But she doesn’t focus on the front lines”, Photographs by Paula Bronstein, Story by Tristen Rouse, CNN, September 7, 2024 https://edition.cnn.com/interactive/2024/09/world/paula-bronstein-retrospective-cnnphotos/.

Rate this:

Op-Ed: Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

By the Kompas Editorial Board

JAKARTA, July 5, 2017. Members of the Indonesian House of Representatives are not the representatives of the corrupt. The supposedly honorable representatives of the people are paid from the people’s money.

The House Committee of Inquiry into Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission plans to go on safari to meet convicted corruption offenders in a number of prisons throughout Indonesia and this has deeply unsettled the sense of justice of citizens — taxpayers. According to the deputy chair of the House inquiry, Representative Risa Mariska, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, “the committee wants to find information on how they felt about their treatment as witnesses, suspects and convicts of corruption offenses.” Risa is a Representative for the 6th West Java electoral district covering the regencies of Bogor and Bekasi. She received 25,578 votes.

It is very easy to find corruption convicts in prison. They will be overjoyed to tell the inquiry about how the commission behaved when they were questioned, their experience in custody, their belief they were the victims of a conspiracy, their feelings of being entrapped and any amount of other mistreatment.

Being driven by a coalition of parties supporting the government and armed with this data, the inquiry will collect ammunition for dismantling the anti-corruption body. The aim of the House inquiry at the very least can be seen from the statement of House deputy speaker Fahri Hamzah from the Prosperous Justice Party representing West Nusa Tenggara and it is to review government commissions such as the Corruption Eradication Commission. By ‘review,’ he clearly means disbanding the commission, limiting its authority or transforming it into an ad hoc agency.

The real aim of the House inquiry is obvious and it is to undermine the Corruption Eradication Commission. The declaration of some politicians that the inquiry is aimed at strengthening the commission does not have a shred of empirical evidence. From the beginning, some House of Representatives politicians have been uncomfortable with steps taken by the commission to eradicate corruption from the country. There are Representatives on trial as well as party chairs and business people who have been arrested. The commission is certainly not without fault. But the way to fix these mistakes is not to exercise the House’s right to establish inquiries of dubious legitimacy.

Members of the inquiry should realize they are representatives of the people, not representatives of the corrupt. Corrupt behavior by members of the government violates the civil and economic rights of the people. The behavior of constitutional judges who trade in Constitutional Court decisions to enrich themselves is a betrayal of the law. It is the victims of this corrupt behavior that the inquiry should be listening to and not the perpetrators of the corruption.

Unfortunately, President Joko Widodo’s pronouncements have been too weak in defending the commission. President Widodo has said only that he wants to strengthen the commission. However, President Widodo is apparently not able to intervene in the inquiry because it is a constitutional right of the House of Representatives. The fact is the direction taken by the House inquiry can only be seen as intended to delegitimize the Corruption Eradication Commission.

This post is based on “Bukan Perwakilan Koruptor” [Not the Representatives of the Corrupt], Kompas Editorial, July 5, 2017 https://kompas.id/baca/opini/2017/07/05/bukan-perwakilan-koruptor/.

Featured image credit: Paula Bronstein www.paulaphoto.com/. University students protest on top of Indonesia’s capitol building in Jakarta after President Suharto resigned May 21, 1998, “This photographer has spent decades covering war. But she doesn’t focus on the front lines”, Photographs by Paula Bronstein, Story by Tristen Rouse, CNN, September 7, 2024 https://edition.cnn.com/interactive/2024/09/world/paula-bronstein-retrospective-cnnphotos/.

Rate this:

Op-Ed: Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

By the Kompas Editorial Board

JAKARTA, July 5, 2017. Members of the Indonesian House of Representatives are not the representatives of the corrupt. The supposedly honorable representatives of the people are paid from the people’s money.

The House Committee of Inquiry into Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission plans to go on safari to meet convicted corruption offenders in a number of prisons throughout Indonesia and this has deeply unsettled the sense of justice of citizens — taxpayers. According to the deputy chair of the House inquiry, Representative Risa Mariska, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, “the committee wants to find information on how they felt about their treatment as witnesses, suspects and convicts of corruption offenses.” Risa is a Representative for the 6th West Java electoral district covering the regencies of Bogor and Bekasi. She received 25,578 votes.

It is very easy to find corruption convicts in prison. They will be overjoyed to tell the inquiry about how the commission behaved when they were questioned, their experience in custody, their belief they were the victims of a conspiracy, their feelings of being entrapped and any amount of other mistreatment.

Being driven by a coalition of parties supporting the government and armed with this data, the inquiry will collect ammunition for dismantling the anti-corruption body. The aim of the House inquiry at the very least can be seen from the statement of House deputy speaker Fahri Hamzah from the Prosperous Justice Party representing West Nusa Tenggara and it is to review government commissions such as the Corruption Eradication Commission. By ‘review,’ he clearly means disbanding the commission, limiting its authority or transforming it into an ad hoc agency.

The real aim of the House inquiry is obvious and it is to undermine the Corruption Eradication Commission. The declaration of some politicians that the inquiry is aimed at strengthening the commission does not have a shred of empirical evidence. From the beginning, some House of Representatives politicians have been uncomfortable with steps taken by the commission to eradicate corruption from the country. There are Representatives on trial as well as party chairs and business people who have been arrested. The commission is certainly not without fault. But the way to fix these mistakes is not to exercise the House’s right to establish inquiries of dubious legitimacy.

Members of the inquiry should realize they are representatives of the people, not representatives of the corrupt. Corrupt behavior by members of the government violates the civil and economic rights of the people. The behavior of constitutional judges who trade in Constitutional Court decisions to enrich themselves is a betrayal of the law. It is the victims of this corrupt behavior that the inquiry should be listening to and not the perpetrators of the corruption.

Unfortunately, President Joko Widodo’s pronouncements have been too weak in defending the commission. President Widodo has said only that he wants to strengthen the commission. However, President Widodo is apparently not able to intervene in the inquiry because it is a constitutional right of the House of Representatives. The fact is the direction taken by the House inquiry can only be seen as intended to delegitimize the Corruption Eradication Commission.

This post is based on “Bukan Perwakilan Koruptor” [Not the Representatives of the Corrupt], Kompas Editorial, July 5, 2017 https://kompas.id/baca/opini/2017/07/05/bukan-perwakilan-koruptor/.

Featured image credit: Paula Bronstein www.paulaphoto.com/. University students protest on top of Indonesia’s capitol building in Jakarta after President Suharto resigned May 21, 1998, “This photographer has spent decades covering war. But she doesn’t focus on the front lines”, Photographs by Paula Bronstein, Story by Tristen Rouse, CNN, September 7, 2024 https://edition.cnn.com/interactive/2024/09/world/paula-bronstein-retrospective-cnnphotos/.

Rate this:

Kompas Avonturen: Waarheen Wijzen?

Hallo lieve vrienden! 🐤 Ik ben Tweety, jullie vrolijke en nieuwsgierige vogel die jullie vandaag meeneemt op een superleuke reis door de wereld van het kompas! 🌎✈️

Wat is een kompas?...

🌞 Leer verder: https://leeralles.nl/kompas-avonturen-waarheen-wijzen/?feed_id=24223

#AVONTUREN #KOMPAS #WAARHEEN #WIJZEN
https://leeralles.nl/kompas-avonturen-waarheen-wijzen/?feed_id=24223

KOMPAS is a project about everyday self-management, balance, and human-friendly technology.
If these topics interest you, feel free to follow along.

#KOMPAS #SelfManagement #HumanCenteredDesign

Kender du nogen, jeg bør tale med?

Jeg bygger KOMPAS med mål om en app til selvledelse: et system for de dage, hvor man egentlig ville sætte kursen — men pludselig står med roret i hånden.

KOMPAS skal give retning uden pres og lære brugerens rytme i stedet for at kræve faste planer, streaks eller perfekt disciplin.

Jeg søger kontakter inden for ADHD/AuDHD, kognitiv tilgængelighed, Obsidian, PKM og humane tech.

#KOMPAS #ADHD #Obsidian #PKM #HumanCenteredTech

How one venture firm is investing in an increasingly fragmented world

The world today is riven by cultural differences, political divisions, and geopolitical disputes — a challenging environment for…
#NewsBeep #News #US #USA #UnitedStates #UnitedStatesOfAmerica #Entrepreneurship #Business #Exclusive #industrial #Kompas #venturefunds
https://www.newsbeep.com/us/612630/

How one venture firm is investing in an increasingly fragmented world

The world today is riven by cultural differences, political divisions, and geopolitical disputes — a challenging environment for…
#NewsBeep #News #US #USA #UnitedStates #UnitedStatesOfAmerica #Entrepreneurship #Business #Exclusive #industrial #Kompas #venturefunds
https://www.newsbeep.com/us/612630/

https://www.europesays.com/uk/925631/ How one venture firm is investing in an increasingly fragmented world #Business #Entrepreneurship #Exclusive #industrial #Kompas #UK #UnitedKingdom #VentureFunds

https://www.europesays.com/ie/459083/ How one venture firm is investing in an increasingly fragmented world #Business #Éire #Entrepreneurship #exclusive #IE #Industrial #Ireland #Kompas #VentureFunds

En streak lover kurs. Men for mange bliver den en sandbanke: Én dag glipper, og hele rejsen føles tabt.

KOMPAS går en anden vej. Ikke pisk og nulstilling, men pejling. Ét glip er ikke et forlis. Det er bare et punkt i logbogen.

Er streaks en hjælp — eller en fælde?

#ADHD #AuDHD #KOMPAS #Selvledelse #Obsidian

En streak lover kurs. Men for mange bliver den en sandbanke: Én dag glipper, og hele rejsen føles tabt.

KOMPAS går en anden vej. Ikke pisk og nulstilling, men pejling. Ét glip er ikke et forlis. Det er bare et punkt i logbogen.

Er streaks en hjælp — eller en fælde?

#ADHD #AuDHD #KOMPAS #Selvledelse #Obsidian

Plan fejler → selvbebrejdelse → ny plan, strengere denne gang → fejler hurtigere.
For hver gentagelse bliver planen mere rigid. Hvert fejltrin rammer hårdere. Det der skulle hjælpe, bliver kilden til skam.
KOMPAS tager en anden tilgang: systemet lærer dine faktiske mønstre og arbejder derfra. Ingen bundlinje at falde under. Ingen streak at miste.
Er der andre der tænker over eksekutive funktioner og selvledelse?
#ADHD #AuDHD #ADD #KOMPAS #Selvledelse #Obsidian

Plan fejler → selvbebrejdelse → ny plan, strengere denne gang → fejler hurtigere.
For hver gentagelse bliver planen mere rigid. Hvert fejltrin rammer hårdere. Det der skulle hjælpe, bliver kilden til skam.
KOMPAS tager en anden tilgang: systemet lærer dine faktiske mønstre og arbejder derfra. Ingen bundlinje at falde under. Ingen streak at miste.
Er der andre der tænker over eksekutive funktioner og selvledelse?
#ADHD #AuDHD #ADD #KOMPAS #Selvledelse #Obsidian

Du laver en plan.
En to-do, en kalender, en idé om hvordan det skal være.
To dage senere følger du den ikke længere.
Ikke fordi du mangler disciplin.
Men fordi planen ikke tog højde for, hvordan du faktisk fungerer.

#KOMPAS #adfærd #selfmanagement

Braillesense 6 część 15: narzędzia pomiarowe

Kompas Kiekeboe!

Hallo allemaal! Ik ben Tweety, je vrolijke en nieuwsgierige aardrijkskundige vogel! 🐥 Vandaag gaan we op een avontuur met iets heel bijzonders: het kompas! Maar niet zomaar een kompas... Nee, we g...

🌞 Leer verder: https://leeralles.nl/kompas-kiekeboe/?feed_id=19139

#KIEKEBOE #KOMPAS

𝗠𝗲𝘁 𝗱𝗶𝘁 𝗸𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗮𝘀 𝗸𝘂𝗻𝗻𝗲𝗻 𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘀𝗲𝗻 𝗺𝗲𝘁 𝗱𝗲𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗶𝗲 𝗱𝗲 𝘄𝗲𝗴 𝗻𝗮𝗮𝗿 𝗵𝘂𝗶𝘀 𝘄𝗲𝗲𝗿 𝘃𝗶𝗻𝗱𝗲𝗻

Voor veel mensen die leven met dementie is het soms niet meer vanzelfsprekend om de weg naar huis te vinden. Daar is nu een oplossing voor: een kompas dat altijd naar huis wijst. De moeder van Sandra Hendricx heeft alzheimer en mocht zo'n kompas uitproberen. "Als ze een verkeerde...

https://www.rtl.nl/nieuws/binnenland/artikel/5538326/met-dit-kompas-kunnen-mensen-met-dementie-weer-de-weg-naar-huis

#kompas #dementie #wegnaarhuis

𝗠𝗲𝘁 𝗱𝗶𝘁 𝗸𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗮𝘀 𝗸𝘂𝗻𝗻𝗲𝗻 𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘀𝗲𝗻 𝗺𝗲𝘁 𝗱𝗲𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗶𝗲 𝗱𝗲 𝘄𝗲𝗴 𝗻𝗮𝗮𝗿 𝗵𝘂𝗶𝘀 𝘄𝗲𝗲𝗿 𝘃𝗶𝗻𝗱𝗲𝗻

Voor veel mensen die leven met dementie is het soms niet meer vanzelfsprekend om de weg naar huis te vinden. Daar is nu een oplossing voor: een kompas dat altijd naar huis wijst. De moeder van Sandra Hendricx heeft alzheimer en mocht zo'n kompas uitproberen. "Als ze een verkeerde...

https://www.rtl.nl/nieuws/binnenland/artikel/5538326/met-dit-kompas-kunnen-mensen-met-dementie-weer-de-weg-naar-huis

#kompas #dementie #wegnaarhuis

𝗠𝗲𝘁 𝗱𝗶𝘁 𝗸𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗮𝘀 𝗸𝘂𝗻𝗻𝗲𝗻 𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘀𝗲𝗻 𝗺𝗲𝘁 𝗱𝗲𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗶𝗲 𝗱𝗲 𝘄𝗲𝗴 𝗻𝗮𝗮𝗿 𝗵𝘂𝗶𝘀 𝘄𝗲𝗲𝗿 𝘃𝗶𝗻𝗱𝗲𝗻

Voor veel mensen die leven met dementie is het soms niet meer vanzelfsprekend om de weg naar huis te vinden. Daar is nu een oplossing voor: een kompas dat altijd naar huis wijst. De moeder van Sandra Hendricx heeft alzheimer en mocht zo'n kompas uitproberen. "Als ze een verkeerde...

https://www.rtl.nl/nieuws/binnenland/artikel/5538326/met-dit-kompas-kunnen-mensen-met-dementie-weer-de-weg-naar-huis

#kompas #dementie #wegnaarhuis

𝗠𝗲𝘁 𝗱𝗶𝘁 𝗸𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗮𝘀 𝗸𝘂𝗻𝗻𝗲𝗻 𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘀𝗲𝗻 𝗺𝗲𝘁 𝗱𝗲𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗶𝗲 𝗱𝗲 𝘄𝗲𝗴 𝗻𝗮𝗮𝗿 𝗵𝘂𝗶𝘀 𝘄𝗲𝗲𝗿 𝘃𝗶𝗻𝗱𝗲𝗻

Voor veel mensen die leven met dementie is het soms niet meer vanzelfsprekend om de weg naar huis te vinden. Daar is nu een oplossing voor: een kompas dat altijd naar huis wijst. De moeder van Sandra Hendricx heeft alzheimer en mocht zo'n kompas uitproberen. "Als ze een verkeerde...

https://www.rtl.nl/nieuws/binnenland/artikel/5538326/met-dit-kompas-kunnen-mensen-met-dementie-weer-de-weg-naar-huis

#kompas #dementie #wegnaarhuis

𝗠𝗲𝘁 𝗱𝗶𝘁 𝗸𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗮𝘀 𝗸𝘂𝗻𝗻𝗲𝗻 𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘀𝗲𝗻 𝗺𝗲𝘁 𝗱𝗲𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗶𝗲 𝗱𝗲 𝘄𝗲𝗴 𝗻𝗮𝗮𝗿 𝗵𝘂𝗶𝘀 𝘄𝗲𝗲𝗿 𝘃𝗶𝗻𝗱𝗲𝗻

Voor veel mensen die leven met dementie is het soms niet meer vanzelfsprekend om de weg naar huis te vinden. Daar is nu een oplossing voor: een kompas dat altijd naar huis wijst. De moeder van Sandra Hendricx heeft alzheimer en mocht zo'n kompas uitproberen. "Als ze een verkeerde...

https://www.rtl.nl/nieuws/binnenland/artikel/5538326/met-dit-kompas-kunnen-mensen-met-dementie-weer-de-weg-naar-huis

#kompas #dementie #wegnaarhuis

membrane shapes sauna by KOMPAS at expo 2025 osaka

Kompas unveils multisensory sauna experience at Expo 2025 Osaka   KOMPAS presents Taiyo Tsubomi, an experimental sauna complex at the 2025 World Exposition site in Osaka. Positioned along the western seafront of the Expo grounds, the project, whose name translates to Bud of the Sun, int…
#Japan #JP #Osaka #expo2025osaka #KOMPAS #news #osakanews #saunas #大阪 #大阪府
https://www.alojapan.com/1382044/membrane-shapes-sauna-by-kompas-at-expo-2025-osaka/

https://www.alojapan.com/1382044/membrane-shapes-sauna-by-kompas-at-expo-2025-osaka/ membrane shapes sauna by KOMPAS at expo 2025 osaka #Expo2025Osaka #KOMPAS #news #Osaka #OsakaNews #saunas #大阪 #大阪府 Kompas unveils multisensory sauna experience at Expo 2025 Osaka   KOMPAS presents Taiyo Tsubomi, an experimental sauna complex at the 2025 World Exposition site in Osaka. Positioned along the western seafront of the Expo grounds, the project, whose name translates to Bud of the Sun, introduces a sauna experience that engages ligh

https://www.alojapan.com/1382044/membrane-shapes-sauna-by-kompas-at-expo-2025-osaka/ membrane shapes sauna by KOMPAS at expo 2025 osaka #Expo2025Osaka #KOMPAS #news #Osaka #OsakaNews #saunas #大阪 #大阪府 Kompas unveils multisensory sauna experience at Expo 2025 Osaka   KOMPAS presents Taiyo Tsubomi, an experimental sauna complex at the 2025 World Exposition site in Osaka. Positioned along the western seafront of the Expo grounds, the project, whose name translates to Bud of the Sun, introduces a sauna experience that engages ligh

gabion walled-pavilion encircles biodiverse courtyard at osaka expo

‘future life village’ opens at expo 2025 osaka   The Future Life Village pavilion stands at the heart…
#NewsBeep #News #Artsanddesign #architectureinjapan #Arts #ArtsAndDesign #AU #Australia #Design #Entertainment #Expo2025Osaka #KOMPAS #marbleandstonedesign #temporarypavilions
https://www.newsbeep.com/au/168299/

https://www.alojapan.com/1377504/gabion-walled-pavilion-encircles-biodiverse-courtyard-at-osaka-expo/ gabion walled-pavilion encircles biodiverse courtyard at osaka expo #ArchitectureInJapan #Expo2025Osaka #KOMPAS #MarbleAndStoneDesign #news #Osaka #OsakaNews #TemporaryPavilions #大阪 #大阪府 ‘future life village’ opens at expo 2025 osaka   The Future Life Village pavilion stands at the heart of Expo 2025 Osaka as an official venue organized under the theme of ‘Co-Creation and Dialogue.’ Designed by Japanese studio KOMPAS as a tiny, village-like c

https://www.alojapan.com/1377504/gabion-walled-pavilion-encircles-biodiverse-courtyard-at-osaka-expo/ gabion walled-pavilion encircles biodiverse courtyard at osaka expo #ArchitectureInJapan #Expo2025Osaka #KOMPAS #MarbleAndStoneDesign #news #Osaka #OsakaNews #TemporaryPavilions #大阪 #大阪府 ‘future life village’ opens at expo 2025 osaka   The Future Life Village pavilion stands at the heart of Expo 2025 Osaka as an official venue organized under the theme of ‘Co-Creation and Dialogue.’ Designed by Japanese studio KOMPAS as a tiny, village-like c

𝗕𝗿𝘂𝗶𝗻𝘀 𝘃𝗲𝗿𝘄𝗮𝗰𝗵𝘁 '𝗺𝗼𝗿𝗲𝗲𝗹 𝗸𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗮𝘀' 𝗽𝘂𝗯𝗹𝗶𝗲𝗸𝗲 𝗼𝗺𝗿𝗼𝗲𝗽 𝗼𝘃𝗲𝗿 𝘀𝗮𝗹𝗮𝗿𝗶𝘀𝘀𝗲𝗻

Bestuurders bij de publieke omroep moeten niet alleen naar de wet kijken als het om salarissen en vergoedingen gaat, maar ook hun 'moreel kompas' gebruiken, vindt minister Eppo Bruins (Media, NSC). De komende tijd wil hij de omroepbestuurders hierop wijzen in gesprekken.

https://www.rtl.nl/boulevard/artikel/5507191/bruins-verwacht-moreel-kompas-publieke-omroep-over-salarissen

#moreel #kompas #salarissen

𝗕𝗿𝘂𝗶𝗻𝘀 𝘃𝗲𝗿𝘄𝗮𝗰𝗵𝘁 '𝗺𝗼𝗿𝗲𝗲𝗹 𝗸𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗮𝘀' 𝗽𝘂𝗯𝗹𝗶𝗲𝗸𝗲 𝗼𝗺𝗿𝗼𝗲𝗽 𝗼𝘃𝗲𝗿 𝘀𝗮𝗹𝗮𝗿𝗶𝘀𝘀𝗲𝗻

Bestuurders bij de publieke omroep moeten niet alleen naar de wet kijken als het om salarissen en vergoedingen gaat, maar ook hun 'moreel kompas' gebruiken, vindt minister Eppo Bruins (Media, NSC). De komende tijd wil hij de omroepbestuurders hierop wijzen in gesprekken.

https://www.rtl.nl/boulevard/artikel/5507191/bruins-verwacht-moreel-kompas-publieke-omroep-over-salarissen

#moreel #kompas #salarissen

𝗕𝗿𝘂𝗶𝗻𝘀 𝘃𝗲𝗿𝘄𝗮𝗰𝗵𝘁 '𝗺𝗼𝗿𝗲𝗲𝗹 𝗸𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗮𝘀' 𝗽𝘂𝗯𝗹𝗶𝗲𝗸𝗲 𝗼𝗺𝗿𝗼𝗲𝗽 𝗼𝘃𝗲𝗿 𝘀𝗮𝗹𝗮𝗿𝗶𝘀𝘀𝗲𝗻

Bestuurders bij de publieke omroep moeten niet alleen naar de wet kijken als het om salarissen en vergoedingen gaat, maar ook hun 'moreel kompas' gebruiken, vindt minister Eppo Bruins (Media, NSC). De komende tijd wil hij de omroepbestuurders hierop wijzen in gesprekken.

https://www.rtl.nl/boulevard/artikel/5507191/bruins-verwacht-moreel-kompas-publieke-omroep-over-salarissen

#moreel #kompas #salarissen

𝗕𝗿𝘂𝗶𝗻𝘀 𝘃𝗲𝗿𝘄𝗮𝗰𝗵𝘁 '𝗺𝗼𝗿𝗲𝗲𝗹 𝗸𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗮𝘀' 𝗽𝘂𝗯𝗹𝗶𝗲𝗸𝗲 𝗼𝗺𝗿𝗼𝗲𝗽 𝗼𝘃𝗲𝗿 𝘀𝗮𝗹𝗮𝗿𝗶𝘀𝘀𝗲𝗻

Bestuurders bij de publieke omroep moeten niet alleen naar de wet kijken als het om salarissen en vergoedingen gaat, maar ook hun 'moreel kompas' gebruiken, vindt minister Eppo Bruins (Media, NSC). De komende tijd wil hij de omroepbestuurders hierop wijzen in gesprekken.

https://www.rtl.nl/boulevard/artikel/5507191/bruins-verwacht-moreel-kompas-publieke-omroep-over-salarissen

#moreel #kompas #salarissen

𝗕𝗿𝘂𝗶𝗻𝘀 𝘃𝗲𝗿𝘄𝗮𝗰𝗵𝘁 '𝗺𝗼𝗿𝗲𝗲𝗹 𝗸𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗮𝘀' 𝗽𝘂𝗯𝗹𝗶𝗲𝗸𝗲 𝗼𝗺𝗿𝗼𝗲𝗽 𝗼𝘃𝗲𝗿 𝘀𝗮𝗹𝗮𝗿𝗶𝘀𝘀𝗲𝗻

Bestuurders bij de publieke omroep moeten niet alleen naar de wet kijken als het om salarissen en vergoedingen gaat, maar ook hun 'moreel kompas' gebruiken, vindt minister Eppo Bruins (Media, NSC). De komende tijd wil hij de omroepbestuurders hierop wijzen in gesprekken.

https://www.rtl.nl/boulevard/artikel/5507191/bruins-verwacht-moreel-kompas-publieke-omroep-over-salarissen

#moreel #kompas #salarissen

@edgeofeurope Daar denkt ze zelf heel anders over want ze sleept het overal met zich mee.

https://www.volkskrant.nl/politiek/minister-uitermark-belooft-haar-rol-als-hoeder-van-de-grondwet-te-vervullen-ik-laat-mijn-morele-kompas-nooit-thuis~bc375e10/ #JudithUitermark #NSC #kompas #rechtsstaat

@edgeofeurope Daar denkt ze zelf heel anders over want ze sleept het overal met zich mee.

https://www.volkskrant.nl/politiek/minister-uitermark-belooft-haar-rol-als-hoeder-van-de-grondwet-te-vervullen-ik-laat-mijn-morele-kompas-nooit-thuis~bc375e10/ #JudithUitermark #NSC #kompas #rechtsstaat

@edgeofeurope Daar denkt ze zelf heel anders over want ze sleept het overal met zich mee.

https://www.volkskrant.nl/politiek/minister-uitermark-belooft-haar-rol-als-hoeder-van-de-grondwet-te-vervullen-ik-laat-mijn-morele-kompas-nooit-thuis~bc375e10/ #JudithUitermark #NSC #kompas #rechtsstaat

@edgeofeurope Daar denkt ze zelf heel anders over want ze sleept het overal met zich mee.

https://www.volkskrant.nl/politiek/minister-uitermark-belooft-haar-rol-als-hoeder-van-de-grondwet-te-vervullen-ik-laat-mijn-morele-kompas-nooit-thuis~bc375e10/ #JudithUitermark #NSC #kompas #rechtsstaat

@edgeofeurope Daar denkt ze zelf heel anders over want ze sleept het overal met zich mee.

https://www.volkskrant.nl/politiek/minister-uitermark-belooft-haar-rol-als-hoeder-van-de-grondwet-te-vervullen-ik-laat-mijn-morele-kompas-nooit-thuis~bc375e10/ #JudithUitermark #NSC #kompas #rechtsstaat

#Mizik #juin // Cassandra Momplaisir (Papa mizerikod)4k
download lyrics
#papamizerikob #cassandramonplaisir #happy #gospelmusic #gospel #evangelique #music #robypierre #video #kompas #haitianmusic #compas #zouk

👉 Lien vers : YouTube video
👉 Lien vers : Facebook

ERNST PLYMOUTH – MAP REYISI
#Gospel_Haïtien_2024 #MizikGospelAyiti #MizikAyisyen #bgospelmagazine
https://www.bgospel.com/cassandra-momplaisir-papa-mizerikod/?feed_id=58144&_unique_id=6706c4af84b2e

#Mizik #juin // Cassandra Momplaisir (Papa mizerikod)4k
download lyrics
#papamizerikob #cassandramonplaisir #happy #gospelmusic #gospel #evangelique #music #robypierre #video #kompas #haitianmusic #compas #zouk

👉 Lien vers : YouTube video
👉 Lien vers : Facebook

ERNST PLYMOUTH – MAP REYISI
#Gospel_Haïtien_2024 #MizikGospelAyiti #MizikAyisyen #bgospelmagazine
https://www.bgospel.com/cassandra-momplaisir-papa-mizerikod/?feed_id=58144&_unique_id=6706c4af84b2e

#Mizik #juin // Cassandra Momplaisir (Papa mizerikod)4k
download lyrics
#papamizerikob #cassandramonplaisir #happy #gospelmusic #gospel #evangelique #music #robypierre #video #kompas #haitianmusic #compas #zouk

👉 Lien vers : YouTube video
👉 Lien vers : Facebook

ERNST PLYMOUTH – MAP REYISI
#Gospel_Haïtien_2024 #MizikGospelAyiti #MizikAyisyen #bgospelmagazine
https://www.bgospel.com/cassandra-momplaisir-papa-mizerikod/?feed_id=58144&_unique_id=6706c4af84b2e

#Mizik #juin // Cassandra Momplaisir (Papa mizerikod)4k
download lyrics
#papamizerikob #cassandramonplaisir #happy #gospelmusic #gospel #evangelique #music #robypierre #video #kompas #haitianmusic #compas #zouk

👉 Lien vers : YouTube video
👉 Lien vers : Facebook

ERNST PLYMOUTH – MAP REYISI
#Gospel_Haïtien_2024 #MizikGospelAyiti #MizikAyisyen #bgospelmagazine
https://www.bgospel.com/cassandra-momplaisir-papa-mizerikod/?feed_id=58144&_unique_id=6706c4af84b2e

Kompas - Zakhovai / #AlternativeRock

"Emotional maturity is knowing what you will say to yourself"

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rjGFzGjYlZA

#Kompas #KompasBand #Rock #music #ukrainian #fediradio

Kompas - Zakhovai / #AlternativeRock

"Emotional maturity is knowing what you will say to yourself"

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rjGFzGjYlZA

#Kompas #KompasBand #Rock #music #ukrainian #fediradio

Kompas - Zakhovai / #AlternativeRock

"Emotional maturity is knowing what you will say to yourself"

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rjGFzGjYlZA

#Kompas #KompasBand #Rock #music #ukrainian #fediradio

Kompas - Zakhovai / #AlternativeRock

"Emotional maturity is knowing what you will say to yourself"

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rjGFzGjYlZA

#Kompas #KompasBand #Rock #music #ukrainian #fediradio

Ik vind het verbazend dat ‘kaartlezen en kompas gebruiken’ tegenwoordig wordt voorgesteld als een haast bovennatuurlijke vaardigheid waar je twintig doctoraten voor moet behaald hebben. Terwijl we dat vroeger als kind gewoon bij de scouts leerden en nadien perfectioneerden tijdens de legerdienst. #kaart #kompas #orienteering

Ik vind het verbazend dat ‘kaartlezen en kompas gebruiken’ tegenwoordig wordt voorgesteld als een haast bovennatuurlijke vaardigheid waar je twintig doctoraten voor moet behaald hebben. Terwijl we dat vroeger als kind gewoon bij de scouts leerden en nadien perfectioneerden tijdens de legerdienst. #kaart #kompas #orienteering

Ik vind het verbazend dat ‘kaartlezen en kompas gebruiken’ tegenwoordig wordt voorgesteld als een haast bovennatuurlijke vaardigheid waar je twintig doctoraten voor moet behaald hebben. Terwijl we dat vroeger als kind gewoon bij de scouts leerden en nadien perfectioneerden tijdens de legerdienst. #kaart #kompas #orienteering

Ik vind het verbazend dat ‘kaartlezen en kompas gebruiken’ tegenwoordig wordt voorgesteld als een haast bovennatuurlijke vaardigheid waar je twintig doctoraten voor moet behaald hebben. Terwijl we dat vroeger als kind gewoon bij de scouts leerden en nadien perfectioneerden tijdens de legerdienst. #kaart #kompas #orienteering

Ik vind het verbazend dat ‘kaartlezen en kompas gebruiken’ tegenwoordig wordt voorgesteld als een haast bovennatuurlijke vaardigheid waar je twintig doctoraten voor moet behaald hebben. Terwijl we dat vroeger als kind gewoon bij de scouts leerden en nadien perfectioneerden tijdens de legerdienst. #kaart #kompas #orienteering

LA ROTTA BALCANICA IN BICICLETTA. DECIMA PUNTATA: BIHAĆ https://www.radiondadurto.org/2023/12/10/la-rotta-balcanica-in-bicicletta-decima-puntata-bihac/ #personeinmovimento #ValentinaPellizzer #AsimKarabegovic #INTERNAZIONALI #SOSBalkanRoute #ArshadIsakjee #Immigrazione #nazionalismi #bicicletta #corticelli #Erzegovina #balcanica #rifugiati #donpears #migranti #profughi #sarajevo #Diritti #afghani #Balcani #giacomo #Bosnia #deboni #dovago #giulio #Kompas #Bihać #Brčko #rotta #News #Baba #sid #in

LA ROTTA BALCANICA IN BICICLETTA. DECIMA PUNTATA: BIHAĆ https://www.radiondadurto.org/2023/12/10/la-rotta-balcanica-in-bicicletta-decima-puntata-bihac/ #personeinmovimento #ValentinaPellizzer #AsimKarabegovic #INTERNAZIONALI #SOSBalkanRoute #ArshadIsakjee #Immigrazione #nazionalismi #bicicletta #corticelli #Erzegovina #balcanica #rifugiati #donpears #migranti #profughi #sarajevo #Diritti #afghani #Balcani #giacomo #Bosnia #deboni #dovago #giulio #Kompas #Bihać #Brčko #rotta #News #Baba #sid #in

LA ROTTA BALCANICA IN BICICLETTA. DECIMA PUNTATA: BIHAĆ https://www.radiondadurto.org/2023/12/10/la-rotta-balcanica-in-bicicletta-decima-puntata-bihac/ #personeinmovimento #ValentinaPellizzer #AsimKarabegovic #INTERNAZIONALI #SOSBalkanRoute #ArshadIsakjee #Immigrazione #nazionalismi #bicicletta #corticelli #Erzegovina #balcanica #rifugiati #donpears #migranti #profughi #sarajevo #Diritti #afghani #Balcani #giacomo #Bosnia #deboni #dovago #giulio #Kompas #Bihać #Brčko #rotta #News #Baba #sid #in

LA ROTTA BALCANICA IN BICICLETTA. DECIMA PUNTATA: BIHAĆ https://www.radiondadurto.org/2023/12/10/la-rotta-balcanica-in-bicicletta-decima-puntata-bihac/ #personeinmovimento #ValentinaPellizzer #AsimKarabegovic #INTERNAZIONALI #SOSBalkanRoute #ArshadIsakjee #Immigrazione #nazionalismi #bicicletta #corticelli #Erzegovina #balcanica #rifugiati #donpears #migranti #profughi #sarajevo #Diritti #afghani #Balcani #giacomo #Bosnia #deboni #dovago #giulio #Kompas #Bihać #Brčko #rotta #News #Baba #sid #in