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CW: Albums the Fediverse Loved in 2025 (CW'd because it's a looooooong post)
Albums the Fediverse Loved in 2025
And here we have it: a list of 151 albums (plus a few artists/labels in general) that kept 64 of us going in 2025, nearly 75% of those 2025 releases and the rest earlier gems! Given our collective eclectic tastes, voting/ranking was not attempted, but bolded titles and post tags indicate albums that were submitted by multiple Fedizens. Genre tags are included as tasting notes (apologies if I got any wrong), each title is linked to its Bandcamp/Songlink when possible, and footnotes list who submitted each album along with extra comments they included (warning: comments may include MOAR ALBUMS; also note: footnotes look way better on the blog). So, click and listen away – perhaps you’ll find a new-to-you album that gets you through 2026!
Thanks so much to the Fedizens who joined in, it’s so nice to see familiar faces from the 1001 Other Albums project as well as some new ones! And, as always, it’s lovely to get a glimpse of how diverse our tastes in music are, and to see people trying something new solely based on a random Fedi recommendation. The Fedi music community truly is a bright spot, and I personally am immensely grateful for it. 🙏🏻
Band – Title (year released, place of origin; genre)footnote
Action/Adventure – Ever After (2025, US; pop-punk)1
AFI – Silver Bleeds the Black Sun… (2025, US; post-punk, gothic rock)2
Against Me! – White Crosses (2010, US; punk rock)3
Alkaline Trio – Blood, Hair, and Eyeballs (2024, US; punk rock)4
Am I in Trouble? – Spectrum (2025, US; avant-garde black metal)5
Ami Taf Ra – The Prophet and the Madman (2025, US/Morocco; Moroccan gnawa, gospel, jazz)6
An Abstract Illusion – Woe (2022, Sweden; atmospheric black/death/prog metal)7
Analog Africa (label, in general) (1960s-80s, Africa; reissues)8
Anna Tivel – Animal Poem (2025, US; indie folk)9
Archon Satani – The Righteous Way to Completion (1997, Sweden; death ambient/black industrial)10
Ashbreather – La Grande Bouffe (2025, Canada; progressive sludge/death metal)11
Au4 – …And Down Goes The Sky (2013, Canada; prog rock)12
aya – hexed! (2025, UK; electronic, noise)13
Bad Cop/Bad Cop – Lighten Up (2025, US; punk rock)14
Baghed – Smear Campaign (2025, US; punk rock)15
Bank Myna – Eimuria (2025, France; post-rock/metal, doom gaze, slow core)16
Belle and Sebastian – Push Barman to Open Old Wounds (2005, Scotland; indie pop)17
Benedicte Maurseth – Mirra (2025, Norway; folk, jazz)18
Bill Frisell – Harmony (2019, US; folk-jazz)19
Black Flower – Kinetic (2025, Belgium; Ethio-jazz, Afrobeat, dub)20
Bon Iver – SABLE, fABLE (2025, US; indie folk/pop)21
Brittany Davis – Black Thunder (2025, US; cosmic jazz, r&b/soul, singer-songwriter)22
CA7RIEL & Paco Amoroso – Papota (2025, Argentina; experimental trap, hip-hop, EDM, jazz, Latin pop)23
Caroline Shaw / Attacca Quartet – Orange (2019, US; classical, ambient, folk)24
Castle Rat – The Bestiary (2025, US; fantasy heavy metal)25
Causa Sui – Pewt’r Sessions 1 (2011, Denmark; psych/stoner rock)26
Celeste – Woman of Faces (2025, UK; neo-soul, jazz, singer-songwriter)27
Charlie Hunter, Carter McLean featuring Silvana Estrada – s/t (2018, US/Mexico; jazz)28
Circuit des Yeux – Halo on the Inside (2025, US; singer-songwriter, experimental)29
Civic – Chrome Dipped (2025, Australia; punk)30
clipping – Dead Channel Sky (2025, US; hip-hop)31
Dan Mangan – Natural Light (2025, Canada; indie rock/folk)32
Daniela Pas – Spira (2023, Italy; singer-songwriter, electronic, experimental)33
Data Rebel – Single Cell (2025, UK; electronic, IDM, ambient)34
Dax Riggs – 7 Songs for Spiders (2025, US; blues metal/shoegaze blues)35
Deafheaven – Lonely People With Power (2025, US; blackgaze, metal)36
Degraved – Spectral Realm of Ruin (2025, US; death metal)37
Delobos – Cabal (2025, Spain; post-alt rock, post-rock, psychedelia)38
Devil ANTHEM. – Profound Rebuild (2025, Japan; J-pop)39
Die Spitz – Something to Consume (2025, US; punk, alt rock)40
Divide and Dissolve – Insatiable (2025, Australia; doom, drone, neo classical)41
Dödsrit – Mortal Coil (2021, Sweden; atmospheric/melodic black metal, blackened crust)42
Dool – The Shape of Fluidity (2024, Netherlands; rock, alternative)43
downy – 8th Album/Untitled (2025, Japan; math rock/post-rock)44
Drab Majesty – Completely Careless (2012-2015) (2016, US; darkwave, shoegaze, dream pop)45
Dropkick Murphy – For The People (2025, US; Celtic punk)46
Eikichi Yazawa – I believe (2025, Japan; rock)47
El Pino & The Volunteers – The Long-lost Art of Becoming Invisible (2009, Netherlands; alt country/folk)48
Elli De Mon – Raìse (2025, Italy; blues, dialect, garage, psychedelic)49
Eric Church – Evangeline vs. The Machine (2025, US; country)50
Ethmebb – Allo Babar et les Caramboleurs (2025, France; progressive melodic blackened death power metal)51
Ex-Vöid – In Love Again (2025, UK; indie pop/rock)52
EYES – Spinner(2025, Denmark; hardcore, noise rock)53
FACS – Wish Defense (2025, US; noise rock, neo-post-punk)54
Faetooth – Labrynthine (2025, US; fairy doom/stoner metal)55
False Aralia (label) – ALL the new 12-inch singles (2025, US; abstract electronic)56
Fever Ray – The Year of the Radical Romantics (2025, Sweden; experimental, electronic, pop)57
FOKALITE – Fokas, Lite & Four Shooting Riddles (2025, Japan; J-pop)58
Françoise Hardy – La question (1971, France; French pop, Brazilian saudade/bossa nova)59
Fust – Big Ugly (2025, US; rock)60
Geese – Getting Killed (2025, US; art/experimental rock)61
Gnome – King (2022, Belgium; stoner/prog/hard rock)62
Habak – Mil orquídeas en medio del desierto (2025, Mexico; melodic crust)63
Hallelujah the Hills – DECK (2025, US; indie rock)64
HANABIE – Bucchigiri Tokyo (2024, Japan; metalcore)65
Hatchie – Liquorice (2025, Australia; indie/dream pop)66
Hole – Live Through This (1994, US; alt rock)67
IAN – Come On Everybody, Let’s Do Nothing! (2025, UK; experimental, post-rock/metal)68
Igorrr – Amen (2025, France; experimental/avant-garde metal)69
Imperial Triumphant – Goldstar (2025, US; experimental metal)70
In the Womb of the Universe – Searching for Sunrise (2024, US; electronic, synthpop)71
In the Woods… – Otra (2025, Norway; avant-garde metal)72
Insomnium – Shadows of the Dying Sun (2014, Finland; melodic death metal)73
Jade Bird – Who Wants to Talk About Love (2025, UK; folk rock, singer-songwriter)74
JER – Death of the Heart (2025, US; ska punk)75
Jethro Tull – Thick as a Brick (1972, UK; prog rock)76
Judas Priest – Invincible Shield (2024, UK; heavy metal)77
Just Mustard – We Were Just Here (2025, Ireland; post-punk, noise, shoegaze, trip hop)78
Kaku P-Model – unZIP (2025, Japan; experimental, electronic)79
Kieran Hebden and William Tyler – 41 Longfield Street Late ‘80s (2025, UK; electronic)80
King Gizzard & The Lizard Wizard – Float Along – Fill Your Lungs (2013, Australia; psychedelic pop)81
Kostnatění – Přílišnost (2025, US; avant-garde black metal)82
Küenring – In Search of Paradise (2025, Austria; heavy metal/hard rock)83
L.A. Salami (artist, in general) (UK; folk, post-modern blues, acoustic, rock)84
Labyrinthus Stellarum – Rift in Reality (2025, Ukraine; atmospheric/cosmic black metal)85
Lorien Testard – Clair Obscur: Expedition 33 (Original Soundtrack) (2025, France; soundtrack)86
Lorna Shore – I Feel The Everblack Festering Within Me (2025, US; death metal/deathcore)87
Lucy Dacus – Forever is a Feeling (2025, US; indie rock, folk-pop, singer-songwriter)88
Maeror Tri – Multiple Personality Disorder (1993, Germany; ambient, noise, drone)89
Mark Ernestus’ Ndagga Rhythm Force – Khadim (2025, Germany/Senegal; mbalax, experimental, dub techno)90
Marshall Allen – New Dawn (2025, US; avant-garde jazz)91
Max Cooper – On Being (2025, UK; electronic, ambient, avant-garde)92
Messa – The Spin (2025, Italy; doom metal)93
Michel Legrand – The Essential Michel Legrand Film Music Collection (2005, France; soundtrack, compilation)94
MIKE – Showbiz! (2025, US; hip-hop/rap)95
Miynt – Rain Money Dogs (2025, Sweden; indie/bedroom rock)96
Modern English – Mesh & Lace (1981, UK; post-punk)97
Momma – Welcome to My Blue Sky (2025, US; alt/indie rock)98
more eaze & claire rousay – no floor (2025, US; experimental, ambient, avant-pop, sound collage)99
Moron Police – Pachinko (2025, Norway; concept album)100
Morris Kolontyrsky – Origination (2025, US; ambient, drone, experimental)101
Nærværet – Når Man Ser Inn I En Annens Hjerte (2024, Sweden/Norway; experimental, field recording, tape manipulation/loops)102
Nailed to Obscurity – Generation of The Void (2025, Germany; melodic/prog death/doom metal)103
Nicolas Gombert & James Weeks / Apartment House – G O M B E R T (2025, Flanders/UK; contemporary classical)104
Nora Brown and Stephanie Coleman – Lady of the Lake (2023, US; folk)105
Nout – Live Album (2024, France; alternative, punk, rock, jazz, noise)106
Olga Anna Markowska – Iskra (2025, Poland; modern classical, ambient)107
Ozzy Osbourne – Ozzmosis (1995, UK; heavy metal)108
Pino Palladino & Blake Mills – That Wasn’t a Dream (2025, Wales/US; experimental jazz)109
Point Mort – Le Point de Non-retour (2025, France; blackened crust postcore)110
Plague of Carcosa – In The Dreamless Deep (2025, US; doomnoise, experimental metal)111
Population II – Maintenant Jamais (2025, Canada; art/prog/psychedelic rock)112
Primal Scream – XTRMNTR (2000, Scotland; experimental electro-rock)113
Priscilla Block – Things You Didn’t See (2025, US; country, singer-songwriter)114
Psychonaut – World Maker (2025, Belgium; post-metal)115
Queens of the Stone Age – Alive in the Catacombs (2025, US; rock)116
Radiopuhelimet – Kosminen Tiedottomuus (2020, Finland; alt rock)117
Rebecca Foon & Aliayta Foon-Dancoes – Reverie (2025, Canada; modern classical)118
Rivers of Nihil – s/t (2025, US; death/prog metal)119
Rogue Jones – Dos Bebés (2023, Wales; folk, indie pop)120
Shayfer James – Summoning (2025, US; noir-pop, dark cabaret)121
Shedfromthebody – Whisper and Wane (2025, Finland; doomgaze, [post-]metal)122
Shepherds of Cassini – In Thrall to Heresy (2025, New Zealand; prog metal)123
Silvana Estrada – Vendrán Suaves Lluvias (2025, Mexico; singer-songwriter)124
Silvana Estrada (with Charlie Hunter) – Lo Sagrado (2017, Mexico/US; singer-songwriter)125
Širom – In the Wind of Night, Hard-Fallen Incantations Whisper (2025, Slovenia; instrumental avant-garde imaginary folk)126
SKC & The Poem – s/t (2025, Belgium; alt/folk rock)127
SKLOSS – The Pattern Speaks (2025, US/Scotland; space gaze, post-metal)128
Soulwax – All Systems Are Lying (2025, Belgium; electronic alt rock)129
Spiritbox – Tsunami Sea (2025, Canada; metalcore)130
State Azure – The Light That Remains (2025, UK; electronica, ambient, downtempo)131
Stereolab – Switched On Volumes 1-5 (2024, UK/France; avant-pop)132
Steve Tibbetts – Close (2025, US; jazz fusion)133
Stick To Your Guns – Keep Planting Flowers (2025, US; hardcore)134
Suede – Antidepressants (2025, UK; post-punk, gothic rock)135
Summer Walker – Finally Over It (2025, US; R&B, singer-songwriter)136
Susan Bear – Algorithmic Mood Music (2024, Scotland; electronic, alt-pop)137
Swansea Sound – Twentieth Century (2023, Wales; indie pop)138
TDJ (artist, in general) (Canada; electronic)139
Terveet Kädet – Lapin Helvetti (2015, Finland; hardcore punk)140
Tool – Lateralus (2001, US; prog rock/metal, art rock)141
The Bug Club – “Have U Ever Been 2 Wales” (2025, Wales; indie rock)142
The New Eves – The New Eve Is Rising (2025, UK; avant-garde/art rock)143
Trio del Mango – Cómelo (2025, US/Puerto Rico; experimental, noise)144
Turnstile – Never Enough (2025, US; alt rock)145
UNIVERSITY – McCartney, It’ll Be OK (2025, UK; punk, noise rock)146
Water Damage – Instruments (2025, US; experimental psych/drone-rock)147
Weakened Friends – Feels Like Hell (2025, US; indie rock)148
Weirs – Diamond Grove (2025, US; trad folk, experimental noise)149
Wet Leg – moisturizer (2025, UK; indie rock)150
White Lies – Five V2 (2019, UK; post-punk)151
X-Cetra – Summer 2000 (Y2K 25th Anniversary Edition) (2025, US; sleepover core, dance-pop)152
Yara Asmar – everyone I love is sleeping and I love them so so much (2025, Lebanon; modern classical/ambient)153
Yugen Blakrok – Anima Mysterium (2019, South Africa; hip-hop)154
Yws Gwynedd – Codi/ \Cysgu (2014, Wales; indie rock)155
Footnote Number. Fediverse username(s): Comments
- poisonous ↩︎
- buffyleigh: My emotional support album of the year. I’ve been a fan of AFI since 2000 but haven’t liked an album since 2006. The second I heard the first single “Behind The Clock”, my expectations for this album skyrocketed, and they were absolutely exceeded. It sounds nothing like anything they’ve ever done, and yet it feels like this was the album they’ve always been moving towards. Song of the year goes to the entirety of side A, and Davey Havok’s unexpectedly different sound on this album is my overall favourite vocal performance of year. ↩︎
- Braininabowl ↩︎
- umrk: top album requested by my kids in the car this year ↩︎
- brh ↩︎
- RolloTreadway: The most gloriously unhinged album I’ve heard this year. Twists together ideas from everywhere without the slightest consideration of whether doing so might be normal or accepted. The kind of album where a classic French chanson or some deep filthy funk just appears out of nowhere and then is never referred to again. It shouldn’t work but it absolutely does. ↩︎
- gavin57: That last one is an all-timer. It’s astonishing. ↩︎
- platenworm ↩︎
- rachelcholst ↩︎
- 3rik: This has been a year for nighttime music and music for trying to sleep. ↩︎
- swampgas: definitely my most played this year. A sludgy, deathdoom concept album about greed and gluttony and corruption thats riffy and groovy af. These are driving rhythms that chug hard! ↩︎
- MichaelMcWilliams: The one album that tops my list this year also appears in the 1001 Other Albums list. Band website offering free download of the album: https://au4.ca ↩︎
- brh ↩︎
- poisonous ↩︎
- jake4480 ↩︎
- mbr ↩︎
- riff: Most “Wait why did i never listen to this band before ?” of the year. ↩︎
- keefeglise ↩︎
- eamonn ↩︎
- _slotek_ ↩︎
- onuryasar: My kind of, very balanced Indie Pop: just the right amount of Indie but not too much and just the right amount of Pop but not too much 🙂 ↩︎
- icastico ↩︎
- santialone ↩︎
- eamonn ↩︎
- burnitdown || MetalheadDana ↩︎
- cloudtripper: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8_e5kKzlFqU&list=RD8_e5kKzlFqU&start_radio=1 ↩︎
- nevar23 ↩︎
- debonaire: Recency bias is pushing me to three Silvana Estrada albums. I love her voice, I love the music, I love her with Charlie Hunter. ↩︎
- otherdog ↩︎
- fistfulofdave: Aussie punk in the vein of The Saints and Radio Birdman. ↩︎
- rothko ↩︎
- Chigaze: what happens when four guys to go a cottage in Ontario, find a flow state, and record an album over a few days. I got to see them play the album through at the Winspear in Edmonton and it’s way up there on my concert experience list. ↩︎
- evilchili: The Italian singer and composer’s debut is a hypnotic journey of loops, bloops, and dramatic and impassioned vocalizations. ↩︎
- nellie_m ↩︎
- fistfulofdave: Blues metal? Shoegaze blues? I don’t know or care, I like it. ↩︎
- tym || niels ↩︎
- jake4480 ↩︎
- santialone ↩︎
- Kingu ↩︎
- tym || demon6 ↩︎
- otherdog ↩︎
- MetalheadDana: I listened to this album when it first came out in 2021 but for some reason it didn’t click with me. But apparently 2021 Dana had horrible taste in music, because in early 2025 I randomly tried Dodsrit – Mortal Coil again and fell in love and have been obsessed with it all year, it’s the perfect blend of crust punk and black metal and I love it. ↩︎
- TG_Esq ↩︎
- rustynail ↩︎
- alicemcalicepants ↩︎
- Chigaze: nails it just as a solid Dropkick’s album but goes farther with songs made for the times. “Who’ll Stand With Us” and “School Days Over” are amazing workers songs while “Chesterfields and Aftershave” takes me back to my own grandfather. ↩︎
- thesinkingbelle ↩︎
- Braininabowl ↩︎
- riff: Most listened this year. ↩︎
- Mark52 ↩︎
- Moss ↩︎
- e (eva) ↩︎
- steveroyle: Leaving out Never Enough by Turnstile as I’m sure that’ll get plenty of votes. ↩︎
- fistfulofdave: Angular, noise rock, neo-post punk. Unsettling, laid-back, yet aggressive. And yes it was the last album Steve Albini recorded. ↩︎
- MetalheadDana || demon6 ↩︎
- soundclamp: Runner-ups – https://lineimprint.bandcamp.com/album/muzak-for-the-encouragement-of-unproductivity; https://myheartaninvertedflame.bandcamp.com/album/my-heart-an-inverted-flame-apparitions-split; https://timbarnes.bandcamp.com/album/lost-words-1 ↩︎
- buffyleigh: I’ve known of Fever Ray since first seeing the TV show Vikings, but I for some reason didn’t check them out further until this year, when their s/t album came up for a blog post. I was floored. As it happens, their kinda sorta live album was set to come out soon after my first listen of the s/t, so I got caught up on the full Karin Dreijer discography, got super duper obsessed with their spectacular ARTE concert (which is essentially the same versions performed on the new album), and proceeded to be immensely inspired – nay, awakened – by this artist. ↩︎
- Kingu ↩︎
- onuryasar: I’ve first discovered the song Apocalypse by Cigarettes After Sex (I know, late comer), which brought me to Greg Gonzalez’s Wikipedia page, that says “Gonzalez was heavily inspired by French singer Françoise Hardy and her album La question”. I remember this album being mentioned in my Fedi timeline recently, so I gave it a spin and it turned on and on for the remainder of the year. [Editor’s note: Also see the 1001 OA spotlight on this album from earlier this year!] ↩︎
- rachelcholst ↩︎
- mynameistillian ↩︎
- burnitdown ↩︎
- demon6 ↩︎
- donutage: I was a bit skeptical of this, and sure, in a 52-song project there’s some unevenness, but between the sheer audacity of the attempt & the frequent successes it scores, definitely one of the more remarkable records of the year. ↩︎
- Tak ↩︎
- e (eva) ↩︎
- Lizahadiz ↩︎
- mbr ↩︎
- brh ↩︎
- umrk: my fav album released in 2025 ↩︎
- superflippy ↩︎
- raisedfist ↩︎
- gavin57 ↩︎
- Mark52: Jade Bird has been by far my most listened to album this year. ↩︎
- poisonous ↩︎
- derthomas: I kept coming back to this album because it just fits every mood. It’s peak Jethro Tull if you ask me, it’s perfect in any way. Also the Steven Wilson Remaster sounds incredible. ↩︎
- burnitdown ↩︎
- jebeyer: a longer list is here – https://www.buymusic.club/list/whistlingkitty-some-of-my-favorite-2025-releases ↩︎
- thesinkingbelle: honorable mentions – Scare – In The End, Was It Worth It; Creatvre – Toujours Humain ; Guck – Gucked Up ; AVTT/PTTN – AVTT/PTTN; Saor – Amidst the Ruins ; Jessica93 – 666 tours de periph’ ; Deadguy – Near-Death Travel Services; LS Dunes – Violet; Aesop Rock – I Heard It’s A Mess There Too ; Fishbone – Stockholm Syndrome ; Dead Pioneers – Po$t American ; Ethereal Wound – Defile | Demise; Sci Fi Industries – Initial States ↩︎
- soundclamp ↩︎
- cloudtripper ↩︎
- rustynail ↩︎
- derthomas: My AOTY from a very underground Heavy Metal band from Austria. ↩︎
- platenworm ↩︎
- raisedfist ↩︎
- thesinkingbelle ↩︎
- t4s: Honorable mentions – The Halo Effect, Machine Head, Heaven Shall Burn, Spiritbox, Jinjer, Allegaeon ↩︎
- rachelcholst ↩︎
- 3rik ↩︎
- Wintergr33n: Percussion-driven music from Senegal on a self-released album: https://ra.co/news/82509. ↩︎
- platenworm: 5 things that ruled my world musically this year:
– The Analog Africa Label
– The Artist L.A. Salami
– The knowledge that you can have too much music
– The knowledge that you can make your solo debut album when you are 100 years old……Hail Hail Marshall Allen
– And that everybody loved Ozzy ↩︎ - nellie_m: The music project that somehow touched me most deeply was the result of two years of work by Max Cooper. „Powerful works of art have traditionally sprung from some source deep within an artist and, if they strike the right tone, resonate with an audience to leave a lasting mark. But what if that equation were reversed: what if an artist were to draw their inspiration from deep within their audience, and use that to reflect those ideas, emotions, hopes, fears, pains and aspirations back to us?…“ ↩︎
- niels || TG_Esq || sentynel || otherdog || umrk ↩︎
- eamonn ↩︎
- jake4480 ↩︎
- steveroyle ↩︎
- alicemcalicepants ↩︎
- BramMeehan ↩︎
- avi_miller: All three fall into the more ambient realm, and they all are absolutely phenomenal. I love music that is based more around textures and creating a mood than creating a melody, and this year had some really good ones. ↩︎
- niels ↩︎
- TG_Esq ↩︎
- 3rik ↩︎
- raisedfist ↩︎
- keefeglise: Compositions by Nicholas Gombert and James Weeks. Performed by Apartment House. Flanders/UK. Contemporary Classical (Debatable! Gombert died in 1560.) ↩︎
- evilchili: Two hipster kids from Brooklyn play 100 year old Appalachian folk tunes and make them come alive. Honest, reverential, and true. ↩︎
- riff: “Instantly burned in my brain” this year (well, it was actually their KEXP session from april that blew my mind, but since i have to submit an album, it’ll do nicely 🙂 ). ↩︎
- avi_miller ↩︎
- derthomas: I discovered this album this year on a metal journey (yeah, late to the party) and I loved it. It’s my favourite Ozzy album. ↩︎
- _slotek_ ↩︎
- mbr ↩︎
- tym: Oh and not a brand new release, but the remaster and new tracks for the 20th anniversary reissue of ‘Takk…’ by Sigur Rós are pretty great. That and ( ) are still what I listen to the most, this year and apparently every year. ↩︎
- Kingu ↩︎
- epu: I had all but forgotten party drug enthusiasm tracks like ‘higher than the sun’ from 1991, and it turns out they made so many albums since I last tuned in. This one really resonates with my reaction to USpol this year. It rekindled my love for this band; I bought Evil Heat import on CD, my first physical purchase since last year. ↩︎
- Mark52 ↩︎
- sentynel ↩︎
- Braininabowl ↩︎
- jiiruu ↩︎
- avi_miller ↩︎
- jiiruu || t4s || gavin57 ↩︎
- Steffi ↩︎
- superflippy ↩︎
- rustynail: most played ↩︎
- sentynel ↩︎
- debonaire ↩︎
- debonaire ↩︎
- TwoClownsEating: I discovered this band in 2025. Absolutely incredible, I’ve bought their entire catalogue and had the privilege to see them live a few months ago. Unbelievably good musicians. Magical music. ↩︎
- jomel: 2025 was a great year for Belgian music. Stef Kamil Carlens, co-founder of dEUS has released a gem with his new band The Poem. I have seen SKC twice this year, once in a solo gig, and the second time (in less then 2 weeks) for the “worst Case scenario” rewind from (and so with) dEUS, those two concerts were fabulous, and at the time, I wasn’t expecting this release.
Bonus Albums: The live album from Depeche Mode – Memento Mori: Mexico City; Arvo Pârt – Credo (released Alpha Classics label) which includes his “hits” – Credo , Fratres , Cantus in memory of Benjamin Britten (my favourite one) https://outhere-music.com/en/albums/arvo-part-credo; 2025 Bryan Ferry release, with Amelia Barrat as female lead singer/speaker. Some of his material came from the 70’s and were updated, it’s a timeless album, and elegant as always https://soundcloud.com/bryanferry/sets/loose-talk-4 ↩︎ - jebeyer ↩︎
- jomel: (AKA 2manydj’s) Yep, those guys will make you dance, and rock, I guess they’ve listened to Kraftwerk & Front242. ↩︎
- Tak ↩︎
- nellie_m ↩︎
- cloudtripper ↩︎
- _slotek_ ↩︎
- t4s ↩︎
- Lizahadiz ↩︎
- slamma ↩︎
- e (eva): algorithmic mood music was my fav last year! but i’m still listening to it and i didn’t submit anything then. ↩︎
- Steffi ↩︎
- BramMeehan: I’ve listened to so much TDJ, though no one release in particular. ↩︎
- jiiruu ↩︎
- buffyleigh: There’s so many other albums I’d love to list here for exposure, but it feels more honest to list this masterpiece, my first obsession of the year, courtesy of catching their amazing set at the big Black Sabbath/Ozzy send-off concert. I mean, I even titled my AOTY list “Forty Six & 2”, since that was the first song Tool played there and got my attention. Said list is here. ↩︎
- epu: Ok, this one’s kind of a cheat, it’s an EP.
2024, my friend turned me on to Bug Club for its lo-fi production aesthetic, humor and infectious fun/dark undertones. Marriage from 2023 album ‘Rare Birds: Hour of Song’ was the hook.
You can get this band straight into your heart and mind with this EP. And it takes me back to that one time I did go to Wales. ↩︎ - jomel: This newcomer British female band has written the ultimate feminist anthem as opening track. || RolloTreadway: I don’t tend to be very much of a rock person, so for a big brash rock record to have such an impact on me must say something. It’s noisy and it’s loud and it has guitars and drums and punkiness. And, er, flutes. Harmonicas. Cellos. Weird interpretations of bible stories. All chaos and absurdity and celebration and being absolutely done with the patriarchy and above all else fun. So much fun. ↩︎
- soundclamp ↩︎
- santialone ↩︎
- steveroyle ↩︎
- jebeyer ↩︎
- donutage: far & away my number 1; an angry & desperate neo-grunge banger. Sonia Sturino is a force of nature. ↩︎
- RolloTreadway: In parts weird and experimental, in others traditional. Here there’s strange droney noise, and then there’s some light, old-fashioned fiddle playing. Electronic distortion, a choir recorded live outdoors singing a simple hymn. It’s an astonishingly creative and unique folk record. ↩︎
- donutage: not as jaw-dropping as their debut (my runaway 2022 fave), but with a lot of the same qualities. It’s dancy, smart, & sexy, without ever once being submissive. || slamma ↩︎
- alicemcalicepants ↩︎
- slamma ↩︎
- keefeglise ↩︎
- evilchili: Afro-futurist South African Hip-Hop Mysticism. Blakrok instantly became my favourite female MC. ↩︎
- Steffi ↩︎
#AOTY #AOTY2025 #CastleRat #Deafheaven #DieSpitz #Faetooth #ListenToThis #Messa #music #musicDiscovery #RiversOfNihil #TheNewEves #WetLeg
-
Albums the Fediverse Loved in 2025
And here we have it: a list of 151 albums (plus a few artists/labels in general) that kept 64 of us going in 2025, nearly 75% of those 2025 releases and the rest earlier gems! Given our collective eclectic tastes, voting/ranking was not attempted, but bolded titles and post tags indicate albums that were submitted by multiple Fedizens. Genre tags are included as tasting notes (apologies if I got any wrong), each title is linked to its Bandcamp/Songlink when possible, and footnotes list who submitted each album along with extra comments they included (warning: comments may include MOAR ALBUMS). So, click and listen away – perhaps you’ll find a new-to-you album that gets you through 2026!
Thanks so much to the Fedizens who joined in, it’s so nice to see familiar faces from the 1001 Other Albums project as well as some new ones! And, as always, it’s lovely to get a glimpse of how diverse our tastes in music are, and to see people trying something new solely based on a random Fedi recommendation. The Fedi music community truly is a bright spot, and I personally am immensely grateful for it. 🙏🏻
Band – Title (year released, place of origin; genre)footnote
Action/Adventure – Ever After (2025, US; pop-punk)1
AFI – Silver Bleeds the Black Sun… (2025, US; post-punk, gothic rock)2
Against Me! – White Crosses (2010, US; punk rock)3
Alkaline Trio – Blood, Hair, and Eyeballs (2024, US; punk rock)4
Am I in Trouble? – Spectrum (2025, US; avant-garde black metal)5
Ami Taf Ra – The Prophet and the Madman (2025, US/Morocco; Moroccan gnawa, gospel, jazz)6
An Abstract Illusion – Woe (2022, Sweden; atmospheric black/death/prog metal)7
Analog Africa (label, in general) (1960s-80s, Africa; reissues)8
Anna Tivel – Animal Poem (2025, US; indie folk)9
Archon Satani – The Righteous Way to Completion (1997, Sweden; death ambient/black industrial)10
Ashbreather – La Grande Bouffe (2025, Canada; progressive sludge/death metal)11
Au4 – …And Down Goes The Sky (2013, Canada; prog rock)12
aya – hexed! (2025, UK; electronic, noise)13
Bad Cop/Bad Cop – Lighten Up (2025, US; punk rock)14
Baghed – Smear Campaign (2025, US; punk rock)15
Bank Myna – Eimuria (2025, France; post-rock/metal, doom gaze, slow core)16
Belle and Sebastian – Push Barman to Open Old Wounds (2005, Scotland; indie pop)17
Benedicte Maurseth – Mirra (2025, Norway; folk, jazz)18
Bill Frisell – Harmony (2019, US; folk-jazz)19
Black Flower – Kinetic (2025, Belgium; Ethio-jazz, Afrobeat, dub)20
Bon Iver – SABLE, fABLE (2025, US; indie folk/pop)21
Brittany Davis – Black Thunder (2025, US; cosmic jazz, r&b/soul, singer-songwriter)22
CA7RIEL & Paco Amoroso – Papota (2025, Argentina; experimental trap, hip-hop, EDM, jazz, Latin pop)23
Caroline Shaw / Attacca Quartet – Orange (2019, US; classical, ambient, folk)24
Castle Rat – The Bestiary (2025, US; fantasy heavy metal)25
Causa Sui – Pewt’r Sessions 1 (2011, Denmark; psych/stoner rock)26
Celeste – Woman of Faces (2025, UK; neo-soul, jazz, singer-songwriter)27
Charlie Hunter, Carter McLean featuring Silvana Estrada – s/t (2018, US/Mexico; jazz)28
Circuit des Yeux – Halo on the Inside (2025, US; singer-songwriter, experimental)29
Civic – Chrome Dipped (2025, Australia; punk)30
clipping – Dead Channel Sky (2025, US; hip-hop)31
Dan Mangan – Natural Light (2025, Canada; indie rock/folk)32
Daniela Pas – Spira (2023, Italy; singer-songwriter, electronic, experimental)33
Data Rebel – Single Cell (2025, UK; electronic, IDM, ambient)34
Dax Riggs – 7 Songs for Spiders (2025, US; blues metal/shoegaze blues)35
Deafheaven – Lonely People With Power (2025, US; blackgaze, metal)36
Degraved – Spectral Realm of Ruin (2025, US; death metal)37
Delobos – Cabal (2025, Spain; post-alt rock, post-rock, psychedelia)38
Devil ANTHEM. – Profound Rebuild (2025, Japan; J-pop)39
Die Spitz – Something to Consume (2025, US; punk, alt rock)40
Divide and Dissolve – Insatiable (2025, Australia; doom, drone, neo classical)41
Dödsrit – Mortal Coil (2021, Sweden; atmospheric/melodic black metal, blackened crust)42
Dool – The Shape of Fluidity (2024, Netherlands; rock, alternative)43
downy – 8th Album/Untitled (2025, Japan; math rock/post-rock)44
Drab Majesty – Completely Careless (2012-2015) (2016, US; darkwave, shoegaze, dream pop)45
Dropkick Murphy – For The People (2025, US; Celtic punk)46
Eikichi Yazawa – I believe (2025, Japan; rock)47
El Pino & The Volunteers – The Long-lost Art of Becoming Invisible (2009, Netherlands; alt country/folk)48
Elli De Mon – Raìse (2025, Italy; blues, dialect, garage, psychedelic)49
Eric Church – Evangeline vs. The Machine (2025, US; country)50
Ethmebb – Allo Babar et les Caramboleurs (2025, France; progressive melodic blackened death power metal)51
Ex-Vöid – In Love Again (2025, UK; indie pop/rock)52
EYES – Spinner(2025, Denmark; hardcore, noise rock)53
FACS – Wish Defense (2025, US; noise rock, neo-post-punk)54
Faetooth – Labrynthine (2025, US; fairy doom/stoner metal)55
False Aralia (label) – ALL the new 12-inch singles (2025, US; abstract electronic)56
Fever Ray – The Year of the Radical Romantics (2025, Sweden; experimental, electronic, pop)57
FOKALITE – Fokas, Lite & Four Shooting Riddles (2025, Japan; J-pop)58
Françoise Hardy – La question (1971, France; French pop, Brazilian saudade/bossa nova)59
Fust – Big Ugly (2025, US; rock)60
Geese – Getting Killed (2025, US; art/experimental rock)61
Gnome – King (2022, Belgium; stoner/prog/hard rock)62
Habak – Mil orquídeas en medio del desierto (2025, Mexico; melodic crust)63
Hallelujah the Hills – DECK (2025, US; indie rock)64
HANABIE – Bucchigiri Tokyo (2024, Japan; metalcore)65
Hatchie – Liquorice (2025, Australia; indie/dream pop)66
Hole – Live Through This (1994, US; alt rock)67
IAN – Come On Everybody, Let’s Do Nothing! (2025, UK; experimental, post-rock/metal)68
Igorrr – Amen (2025, France; experimental/avant-garde metal)69
Imperial Triumphant – Goldstar (2025, US; experimental metal)70
In the Womb of the Universe – Searching for Sunrise (2024, US; electronic, synthpop)71
In the Woods… – Otra (2025, Norway; avant-garde metal)72
Insomnium – Shadows of the Dying Sun (2014, Finland; melodic death metal)73
Jade Bird – Who Wants to Talk About Love (2025, UK; folk rock, singer-songwriter)74
JER – Death of the Heart (2025, US; ska punk)75
Jethro Tull – Thick as a Brick (1972, UK; prog rock)76
Judas Priest – Invincible Shield (2024, UK; heavy metal)77
Just Mustard – We Were Just Here (2025, Ireland; post-punk, noise, shoegaze, trip hop)78
Kaku P-Model – unZIP (2025, Japan; experimental, electronic)79
Kieran Hebden and William Tyler – 41 Longfield Street Late ‘80s (2025, UK; electronic)80
King Gizzard & The Lizard Wizard – Float Along – Fill Your Lungs (2013, Australia; psychedelic pop)81
Kostnatění – Přílišnost (2025, US; avant-garde black metal)82
Küenring – In Search of Paradise (2025, Austria; heavy metal/hard rock)83
L.A. Salami (artist, in general) (UK; folk, post-modern blues, acoustic, rock)84
Labyrinthus Stellarum – Rift in Reality (2025, Ukraine; atmospheric/cosmic black metal)85
Lorien Testard – Clair Obscur: Expedition 33 (Original Soundtrack) (2025, France; soundtrack)86
Lorna Shore – I Feel The Everblack Festering Within Me (2025, US; death metal/deathcore)87
Lucy Dacus – Forever is a Feeling (2025, US; indie rock, folk-pop, singer-songwriter)88
Maeror Tri – Multiple Personality Disorder (1993, Germany; ambient, noise, drone)89
Mark Ernestus’ Ndagga Rhythm Force – Khadim (2025, Germany/Senegal; mbalax, experimental, dub techno)90
Marshall Allen – New Dawn (2025, US; avant-garde jazz)91
Max Cooper – On Being (2025, UK; electronic, ambient, avant-garde)92
Messa – The Spin (2025, Italy; doom metal)93
Michel Legrand – The Essential Michel Legrand Film Music Collection (2005, France; soundtrack, compilation)94
MIKE – Showbiz! (2025, US; hip-hop/rap)95
Miynt – Rain Money Dogs (2025, Sweden; indie/bedroom rock)96
Modern English – Mesh & Lace (1981, UK; post-punk)97
Momma – Welcome to My Blue Sky (2025, US; alt/indie rock)98
more eaze & claire rousay – no floor (2025, US; experimental, ambient, avant-pop, sound collage)99
Moron Police – Pachinko (2025, Norway; concept album)100
Morris Kolontyrsky – Origination (2025, US; ambient, drone, experimental)101
Nærværet – Når Man Ser Inn I En Annens Hjerte (2024, Sweden/Norway; experimental, field recording, tape manipulation/loops)102
Nailed to Obscurity – Generation of The Void (2025, Germany; melodic/prog death/doom metal)103
Nicolas Gombert & James Weeks / Apartment House – G O M B E R T (2025, Flanders/UK; contemporary classical)104
Nora Brown and Stephanie Coleman – Lady of the Lake (2023, US; folk)105
Nout – Live Album (2024, France; alternative, punk, rock, jazz, noise)106
Olga Anna Markowska – Iskra (2025, Poland; modern classical, ambient)107
Ozzy Osbourne – Ozzmosis (1995, UK; heavy metal)108
Pino Palladino & Blake Mills – That Wasn’t a Dream (2025, Wales/US; experimental jazz)109
Point Mort – Le Point de Non-retour (2025, France; blackened crust postcore)110
Plague of Carcosa – In The Dreamless Deep (2025, US; doomnoise, experimental metal)111
Population II – Maintenant Jamais (2025, Canada; art/prog/psychedelic rock)112
Primal Scream – XTRMNTR (2000, Scotland; experimental electro-rock)113
Priscilla Block – Things You Didn’t See (2025, US; country, singer-songwriter)114
Psychonaut – World Maker (2025, Belgium; post-metal)115
Queens of the Stone Age – Alive in the Catacombs (2025, US; rock)116
Radiopuhelimet – Kosminen Tiedottomuus (2020, Finland; alt rock)117
Rebecca Foon & Aliayta Foon-Dancoes – Reverie (2025, Canada; modern classical)118
Rivers of Nihil – s/t (2025, US; death/prog metal)119
Rogue Jones – Dos Bebés (2023, Wales; folk, indie pop)120
Shayfer James – Summoning (2025, US; noir-pop, dark cabaret)121
Shedfromthebody – Whisper and Wane (2025, Finland; doomgaze, [post-]metal)122
Shepherds of Cassini – In Thrall to Heresy (2025, New Zealand; prog metal)123
Silvana Estrada – Vendrán Suaves Lluvias (2025, Mexico; singer-songwriter)124
Silvana Estrada (with Charlie Hunter) – Lo Sagrado (2017, Mexico/US; singer-songwriter)125
Širom – In the Wind of Night, Hard-Fallen Incantations Whisper (2025, Slovenia; instrumental avant-garde imaginary folk)126
SKC & The Poem – s/t (2025, Belgium; alt/folk rock)127
SKLOSS – The Pattern Speaks (2025, US/Scotland; space gaze, post-metal)128
Soulwax – All Systems Are Lying (2025, Belgium; electronic alt rock)129
Spiritbox – Tsunami Sea (2025, Canada; metalcore)130
State Azure – The Light That Remains (2025, UK; electronica, ambient, downtempo)131
Stereolab – Switched On Volumes 1-5 (2024, UK/France; avant-pop)132
Steve Tibbetts – Close (2025, US; jazz fusion)133
Stick To Your Guns – Keep Planting Flowers (2025, US; hardcore)134
Suede – Antidepressants (2025, UK; post-punk, gothic rock)135
Summer Walker – Finally Over It (2025, US; R&B, singer-songwriter)136
Susan Bear – Algorithmic Mood Music (2024, Scotland; electronic, alt-pop)137
Swansea Sound – Twentieth Century (2023, Wales; indie pop)138
TDJ (artist, in general) (Canada; electronic)139
Terveet Kädet – Lapin Helvetti (2015, Finland; hardcore punk)140
Tool – Lateralus (2001, US; prog rock/metal, art rock)141
The Bug Club – “Have U Ever Been 2 Wales” (2025, Wales; indie rock)142
The New Eves – The New Eve Is Rising (2025, UK; avant-garde/art rock)143
Trio del Mango – Cómelo (2025, US/Puerto Rico; experimental, noise)144
Turnstile – Never Enough (2025, US; alt rock)145
UNIVERSITY – McCartney, It’ll Be OK (2025, UK; punk, noise rock)146
Water Damage – Instruments (2025, US; experimental psych/drone-rock)147
Weakened Friends – Feels Like Hell (2025, US; indie rock)148
Weirs – Diamond Grove (2025, US; trad folk, experimental noise)149
Wet Leg – moisturizer (2025, UK; indie rock)150
White Lies – Five V2 (2019, UK; post-punk)151
X-Cetra – Summer 2000 (Y2K 25th Anniversary Edition) (2025, US; sleepover core, dance-pop)152
Yara Asmar – everyone I love is sleeping and I love them so so much (2025, Lebanon; modern classical/ambient)153
Yugen Blakrok – Anima Mysterium (2019, South Africa; hip-hop)154
Yws Gwynedd – Codi/ \Cysgu (2014, Wales; indie rock)155
Footnote Number. Fediverse username(s): Comments
- poisonous ↩︎
- buffyleigh: My emotional support album of the year. I’ve been a fan of AFI since 2000 but haven’t liked an album since 2006. The second I heard the first single “Behind The Clock”, my expectations for this album skyrocketed, and they were absolutely exceeded. It sounds nothing like anything they’ve ever done, and yet it feels like this was the album they’ve always been moving towards. Song of the year goes to the entirety of side A, and Davey Havok’s unexpectedly different sound on this album is my overall favourite vocal performance of year. ↩︎
- Braininabowl ↩︎
- umrk: top album requested by my kids in the car this year ↩︎
- brh ↩︎
- RolloTreadway: The most gloriously unhinged album I’ve heard this year. Twists together ideas from everywhere without the slightest consideration of whether doing so might be normal or accepted. The kind of album where a classic French chanson or some deep filthy funk just appears out of nowhere and then is never referred to again. It shouldn’t work but it absolutely does. ↩︎
- gavin57: That last one is an all-timer. It’s astonishing. ↩︎
- platenworm ↩︎
- rachelcholst ↩︎
- 3rik: This has been a year for nighttime music and music for trying to sleep. ↩︎
- swampgas: definitely my most played this year. A sludgy, deathdoom concept album about greed and gluttony and corruption thats riffy and groovy af. These are driving rhythms that chug hard! ↩︎
- MichaelMcWilliams: The one album that tops my list this year also appears in the 1001 Other Albums list. Band website offering free download of the album: https://au4.ca ↩︎
- brh ↩︎
- poisonous ↩︎
- jake4480 ↩︎
- mbr ↩︎
- riff: Most “Wait why did i never listen to this band before ?” of the year. ↩︎
- keefeglise ↩︎
- eamonn ↩︎
- _slotek_ ↩︎
- onuryasar: My kind of, very balanced Indie Pop: just the right amount of Indie but not too much and just the right amount of Pop but not too much :) ↩︎
- icastico ↩︎
- santialone ↩︎
- eamonn ↩︎
- burnitdown || MetalheadDana ↩︎
- cloudtripper: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8_e5kKzlFqU&list=RD8_e5kKzlFqU&start_radio=1 ↩︎
- nevar23 ↩︎
- debonaire: Recency bias is pushing me to three Silvana Estrada albums. I love her voice, I love the music, I love her with Charlie Hunter. ↩︎
- otherdog ↩︎
- fistfulofdave: Aussie punk in the vein of The Saints and Radio Birdman. ↩︎
- rothko ↩︎
- Chigaze: what happens when four guys to go a cottage in Ontario, find a flow state, and record an album over a few days. I got to see them play the album through at the Winspear in Edmonton and it’s way up there on my concert experience list. ↩︎
- evilchili: The Italian singer and composer’s debut is a hypnotic journey of loops, bloops, and dramatic and impassioned vocalizations. ↩︎
- nellie_m ↩︎
- fistfulofdave: Blues metal? Shoegaze blues? I don’t know or care, I like it. ↩︎
- tym || niels ↩︎
- jake4480 ↩︎
- santialone ↩︎
- Kingu ↩︎
- tym || demon6 ↩︎
- otherdog ↩︎
- MetalheadDana: I listened to this album when it first came out in 2021 but for some reason it didn’t click with me. But apparently 2021 Dana had horrible taste in music, because in early 2025 I randomly tried Dodsrit – Mortal Coil again and fell in love and have been obsessed with it all year, it’s the perfect blend of crust punk and black metal and I love it. ↩︎
- TG_Esq ↩︎
- rustynail ↩︎
- alicemcalicepants ↩︎
- Chigaze: nails it just as a solid Dropkick’s album but goes farther with songs made for the times. “Who’ll Stand With Us” and “School Days Over” are amazing workers songs while “Chesterfields and Aftershave” takes me back to my own grandfather. ↩︎
- thesinkingbelle ↩︎
- Braininabowl ↩︎
- riff: Most listened this year. ↩︎
- Mark52 ↩︎
- Moss ↩︎
- e (eva) ↩︎
- steveroyle: Leaving out Never Enough by Turnstile as I’m sure that’ll get plenty of votes. ↩︎
- fistfulofdave: Angular, noise rock, neo-post punk. Unsettling, laid-back, yet aggressive. And yes it was the last album Steve Albini recorded. ↩︎
- MetalheadDana || demon6 ↩︎
- soundclamp: Runner-ups – https://lineimprint.bandcamp.com/album/muzak-for-the-encouragement-of-unproductivity; https://myheartaninvertedflame.bandcamp.com/album/my-heart-an-inverted-flame-apparitions-split; https://timbarnes.bandcamp.com/album/lost-words-1 ↩︎
- buffyleigh: I’ve known of Fever Ray since first seeing the TV show Vikings, but I for some reason didn’t check them out further until this year, when their s/t album came up for a blog post. I was floored. As it happens, their kinda sorta live album was set to come out soon after my first listen of the s/t, so I got caught up on the full Karin Dreijer discography, got super duper obsessed with their spectacular ARTE concert (which is essentially the same versions performed on the new album), and proceeded to be immensely inspired – nay, awakened – by this artist. ↩︎
- Kingu ↩︎
- onuryasar: I’ve first discovered the song Apocalypse by Cigarettes After Sex (I know, late comer), which brought me to Greg Gonzalez’s Wikipedia page, that says “Gonzalez was heavily inspired by French singer Françoise Hardy and her album La question”. I remember this album being mentioned in my Fedi timeline recently, so I gave it a spin and it turned on and on for the remainder of the year. [Editor’s note: Also see the 1001 OA spotlight on this album from earlier this year!] ↩︎
- rachelcholst ↩︎
- mynameistillian ↩︎
- burnitdown ↩︎
- demon6 ↩︎
- donutage: I was a bit skeptical of this, and sure, in a 52-song project there’s some unevenness, but between the sheer audacity of the attempt & the frequent successes it scores, definitely one of the more remarkable records of the year. ↩︎
- Tak ↩︎
- e (eva) ↩︎
- Lizahadiz ↩︎
- mbr ↩︎
- brh ↩︎
- umrk: my fav album released in 2025 ↩︎
- superflippy ↩︎
- raisedfist ↩︎
- gavin57 ↩︎
- Mark52: Jade Bird has been by far my most listened to album this year. ↩︎
- poisonous ↩︎
- derthomas: I kept coming back to this album because it just fits every mood. It’s peak Jethro Tull if you ask me, it’s perfect in any way. Also the Steven Wilson Remaster sounds incredible. ↩︎
- burnitdown ↩︎
- jebeyer: a longer list is here – https://www.buymusic.club/list/whistlingkitty-some-of-my-favorite-2025-releases ↩︎
- thesinkingbelle: honorable mentions – Scare – In The End, Was It Worth It; Creatvre – Toujours Humain ; Guck – Gucked Up ; AVTT/PTTN – AVTT/PTTN; Saor – Amidst the Ruins ; Jessica93 – 666 tours de periph’ ; Deadguy – Near-Death Travel Services; LS Dunes – Violet; Aesop Rock – I Heard It’s A Mess There Too ; Fishbone – Stockholm Syndrome ; Dead Pioneers – Po$t American ; Ethereal Wound – Defile | Demise; Sci Fi Industries – Initial States ↩︎
- soundclamp ↩︎
- cloudtripper ↩︎
- rustynail ↩︎
- derthomas: My AOTY from a very underground Heavy Metal band from Austria. ↩︎
- platenworm ↩︎
- raisedfist ↩︎
- thesinkingbelle ↩︎
- t4s: Honorable mentions – The Halo Effect, Machine Head, Heaven Shall Burn, Spiritbox, Jinjer, Allegaeon ↩︎
- rachelcholst ↩︎
- 3rik ↩︎
- Wintergr33n: Percussion-driven music from Senegal on a self-released album: https://ra.co/news/82509. ↩︎
- platenworm: 5 things that ruled my world musically this year:
– The Analog Africa Label
– The Artist L.A. Salami
– The knowledge that you can have too much music
– The knowledge that you can make your solo debut album when you are 100 years old……Hail Hail Marshall Allen
– And that everybody loved Ozzy ↩︎ - nellie_m: The music project that somehow touched me most deeply was the result of two years of work by Max Cooper. „Powerful works of art have traditionally sprung from some source deep within an artist and, if they strike the right tone, resonate with an audience to leave a lasting mark. But what if that equation were reversed: what if an artist were to draw their inspiration from deep within their audience, and use that to reflect those ideas, emotions, hopes, fears, pains and aspirations back to us?…“ ↩︎
- niels || TG_Esq || sentynel || otherdog || umrk ↩︎
- eamonn ↩︎
- jake4480 ↩︎
- steveroyle ↩︎
- alicemcalicepants ↩︎
- BramMeehan ↩︎
- avi_miller: All three fall into the more ambient realm, and they all are absolutely phenomenal. I love music that is based more around textures and creating a mood than creating a melody, and this year had some really good ones. ↩︎
- niels ↩︎
- TG_Esq ↩︎
- 3rik ↩︎
- raisedfist ↩︎
- keefeglise: Compositions by Nicholas Gombert and James Weeks. Performed by Apartment House. Flanders/UK. Contemporary Classical (Debatable! Gombert died in 1560.) ↩︎
- evilchili: Two hipster kids from Brooklyn play 100 year old Appalachian folk tunes and make them come alive. Honest, reverential, and true. ↩︎
- riff: “Instantly burned in my brain” this year (well, it was actually their KEXP session from april that blew my mind, but since i have to submit an album, it’ll do nicely :) ). ↩︎
- avi_miller ↩︎
- derthomas: I discovered this album this year on a metal journey (yeah, late to the party) and I loved it. It’s my favourite Ozzy album. ↩︎
- _slotek_ ↩︎
- mbr ↩︎
- tym: Oh and not a brand new release, but the remaster and new tracks for the 20th anniversary reissue of ‘Takk…’ by Sigur Rós are pretty great. That and ( ) are still what I listen to the most, this year and apparently every year. ↩︎
- Kingu ↩︎
- epu: I had all but forgotten party drug enthusiasm tracks like ‘higher than the sun’ from 1991, and it turns out they made so many albums since I last tuned in. This one really resonates with my reaction to USpol this year. It rekindled my love for this band; I bought Evil Heat import on CD, my first physical purchase since last year. ↩︎
- Mark52 ↩︎
- sentynel ↩︎
- Braininabowl ↩︎
- jiiruu ↩︎
- avi_miller ↩︎
- jiiruu || t4s || gavin57 ↩︎
- Steffi ↩︎
- superflippy ↩︎
- rustynail: most played ↩︎
- sentynel ↩︎
- debonaire ↩︎
- debonaire ↩︎
- TwoClownsEating: I discovered this band in 2025. Absolutely incredible, I’ve bought their entire catalogue and had the privilege to see them live a few months ago. Unbelievably good musicians. Magical music. ↩︎
- jomel: 2025 was a great year for Belgian music. Stef Kamil Carlens, co-founder of dEUS has released a gem with his new band The Poem. I have seen SKC twice this year, once in a solo gig, and the second time (in less then 2 weeks) for the “worst Case scenario” rewind from (and so with) dEUS, those two concerts were fabulous, and at the time, I wasn’t expecting this release.
Bonus Albums: The live album from Depeche Mode – Memento Mori: Mexico City; Arvo Pârt – Credo (released Alpha Classics label) which includes his “hits” – Credo , Fratres , Cantus in memory of Benjamin Britten (my favourite one) https://outhere-music.com/en/albums/arvo-part-credo; 2025 Bryan Ferry release, with Amelia Barrat as female lead singer/speaker. Some of his material came from the 70’s and were updated, it’s a timeless album, and elegant as always https://soundcloud.com/bryanferry/sets/loose-talk-4 ↩︎ - jebeyer ↩︎
- jomel: (AKA 2manydj’s) Yep, those guys will make you dance, and rock, I guess they’ve listened to Kraftwerk & Front242. ↩︎
- Tak ↩︎
- nellie_m ↩︎
- cloudtripper ↩︎
- _slotek_ ↩︎
- t4s ↩︎
- Lizahadiz ↩︎
- slamma ↩︎
- e (eva): algorithmic mood music was my fav last year! but i’m still listening to it and i didn’t submit anything then. ↩︎
- Steffi ↩︎
- BramMeehan: I’ve listened to so much TDJ, though no one release in particular. ↩︎
- jiiruu ↩︎
- buffyleigh: There’s so many other albums I’d love to list here for exposure, but it feels more honest to list this masterpiece, my first obsession of the year, courtesy of catching their amazing set at the big Black Sabbath/Ozzy send-off concert. I mean, I even titled my AOTY list “Forty Six & 2”, since that was the first song Tool played there and got my attention. Said list is here. ↩︎
- epu: Ok, this one’s kind of a cheat, it’s an EP.
2024, my friend turned me on to Bug Club for its lo-fi production aesthetic, humor and infectious fun/dark undertones. Marriage from 2023 album ‘Rare Birds: Hour of Song’ was the hook.
You can get this band straight into your heart and mind with this EP. And it takes me back to that one time I did go to Wales. ↩︎ - jomel: This newcomer British female band has written the ultimate feminist anthem as opening track. || RolloTreadway: I don’t tend to be very much of a rock person, so for a big brash rock record to have such an impact on me must say something. It’s noisy and it’s loud and it has guitars and drums and punkiness. And, er, flutes. Harmonicas. Cellos. Weird interpretations of bible stories. All chaos and absurdity and celebration and being absolutely done with the patriarchy and above all else fun. So much fun. ↩︎
- soundclamp ↩︎
- santialone ↩︎
- steveroyle ↩︎
- jebeyer ↩︎
- donutage: far & away my number 1; an angry & desperate neo-grunge banger. Sonia Sturino is a force of nature. ↩︎
- RolloTreadway: In parts weird and experimental, in others traditional. Here there’s strange droney noise, and then there’s some light, old-fashioned fiddle playing. Electronic distortion, a choir recorded live outdoors singing a simple hymn. It’s an astonishingly creative and unique folk record. ↩︎
- donutage: not as jaw-dropping as their debut (my runaway 2022 fave), but with a lot of the same qualities. It’s dancy, smart, & sexy, without ever once being submissive. || slamma ↩︎
- alicemcalicepants ↩︎
- slamma ↩︎
- keefeglise ↩︎
- evilchili: Afro-futurist South African Hip-Hop Mysticism. Blakrok instantly became my favourite female MC. ↩︎
- Steffi ↩︎
#AOTY #AOTY2025 #CastleRat #Deafheaven #DieSpitz #Faetooth #ListenToThis #Messa #music #musicDiscovery #RiversOfNihil #TheNewEves #WetLeg
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The Undercommons is increasingly referenced in curatorial work within local urban cultural fields—even as logics of curated legitimacy and professional positioning continue to shape whose contributions are made visible. #EthnographicNote #PerformativeProgressivism
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Woke up in the middle of the night to scattered impulse blasts around Brussels-North—uncertain if fireworks or #gunfire. 2nd time in ten days.
-
(2/3)
...👉I would encourage them [#RUSSIA] to do whatever the hell they want.👈 You got to pay. You got to pay your bills.”*
#LaurenceTribe: quotes Albert T. #Goins:
“Perhaps, Mr. #Trump forgot (if he ever knew) that 👉our internat obligations & treaties—such as those we undertook as members of #NATO—are themselves supreme law of the land as recog at Article VI of our Constit.👈 As so-called supremacy clause states in relevant part...
#Trump’s statements in S Carolina...
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CW: Advent Beer Calendar 2024: Day 6
It’s #StNicholasDay today, following up on #Krampusnacht, in which children in European countries wake up to see if St. Nicholas left them a present under their pillows or in their shoes; the American Santa Claus is derived from St. Nick. To commemorate the holiday, today’s #AdventCalendar #beer is Saint Nicholas Winter Ale from #FourSaintsBrewing of North Carolina.
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While reading Edward W. Soja’s Postmodern Geographies, Long Island City, NY (2018)
#spatialturn #AmazonHQ2
https://aporee.org/maps/?loc=42015&snd=47889 -
August 20, 2024 marks the 405th anniversary of slavery in the United States
August 20, 1619 - A ship brought the first 20 African Negroes to America, who were sold into slavery to the inhabitants of Jamestown.
The English privateer ship reached Point Comfort on the Virginia Peninsula. There, Governor George Yardley and his head of commerce, Cape Merchant Abraham Piercy, bought the “20-odd negroes” aboard in exchange for “provisions” - meaning they were trading food for slaves.
The year 1619 was a milestone in the long history of slavery in the European colonies and the beginning stages of what would become the institution of slavery in America.
The human cargo that arrived in Virginia in 1619 came from the port city of Luanda, now the capital of modern Angola. It was then a Portuguese colony, and most of the slaves are believed to have been captured during the ongoing war between Portugal and the Ndongo kingdom, as John Thornton wrote in The William and Mary Quarterly in 1998. Between 1618 and 1620, some 50,000 slaves - many of them prisoners of war - were exported from Angola. An estimated 350 of these captives were loaded onto a Portuguese slave ship called the São João Bautista (better known as the San Juan Batista ).
The ship was on its way to the Spanish colony of Veracruz when two English privateers, the White Lion and the Treasurer, intercepted it and captured some of the Angolans on board. According to James Horne, president and chief officer of the Jamestown Rediscovery , both vessels belonged to a powerful English nobleman, Robert Rich, Earl of Warwick. Rich was anti-Hispanic and anti-Catholic and profited from the disruption of Spanish shipping in the Caribbean. The White Lion, which flew the flag of a Dutch port known for its pirates, was the first to arrive in Virginia in late August 1619, followed four days later by the Treasurer.
These 20 captives are believed to have been the first African slaves to arrive in what would become the United States 150 years later.
Four hundred years later, the arrival of the captives influenced virtually every important moment in American history, even if that history was created around anyone but Africans and African Americans. After all, for many Americans, familiarity with U.S. history is tied to the arrival of 102 passengers on the Mayflower in 1620. A year earlier, however, 20 African slaves had been brought to the British colonies against their will.
“Historians, elected politicians [and] community leaders would prefer to represent the United States as some mythical, Anglo-Saxon Christian place,” said Michael Guasco, a professor of early American history at Davidson College.
In 1992, Toni Morrison told the Guardian, “In this country, American means white. Everyone else has to spell it with a hyphen.”
After 1619, most of the country remained white and relied heavily on the labor of Indian slaves and white European indentured servants. It wasn't until the late 17th century that the transatlantic slave trade made its impact on the American colonies. There are now 26.5 million descendants of Africans in the United States.
1661
The first anti-racial law - prohibiting marriage between the races - was passed in Maryland in 1661, shortly after slaves were brought to the colonies. By the 1960s, these laws were still in effect in 21 states, most of them in the South . Alabama was the last state to repeal its ban on interracial marriage in 2000.
Advertisement in Boston for a cargo of about 250 “fine healthy negroes” recently arrived from Africa on the slave ship Bunte Island. About 1700.
1776
The Declaration of Independence, which in its first lines stated that “all men are created equal and endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights,” did not extend that right to slaves, Africans, or African Americans, and the reference to condemn slavery was deleted in the final version. Thomas Jefferson, himself a slaveholder, wrote these lines rejecting slavery; he deleted the reference after receiving criticism from a number of delegates who had enslaved blacks. This may represent “the fabric of the American political economy” since then, as some historians say.
Initially, slavery flourished on tobacco plantations in Virginia, Maryland and North Carolina. In the tobacco areas of these states, slaves made up more than 50 percent of the population by 1776. Slavery then spread to rice plantations farther south. In South Carolina, African Americans remained the majority until the 20th century, according to census data.
1860
The slave trade across the Atlantic, organized by the British, was one of the largest businesses of the 18th century. Approximately 600,000 of the 10 million African slaves made their way to the American colonies before the slave trade - not slavery - was banned by Congress in 1808. By 1860, however, there were nearly 4 million enslaved black people - 13% of the population - in the United States as the American-born population grew.
Eight of the first 12 U.S. presidents were slaveholders. Supporters of slavery supported the efforts of groups such as the American Colonization Society, which “sent back” tens of thousands of free black people - most of them born in America - to Liberia in the 19th century to prevent riots caused by the free descendants of slaves.
A painting depicting freed slaves once owned by Confederate President Jefferson Davis arriving at the “federal camp” at Chickasaw Bayou, Tennessee
1865
According to Abraham Lincoln, the Civil War was fought to preserve the integrity of America, not to abolish slavery - at least initially. American historians like to write that the Civil War was fought to free slavery, but slavery was not abolished after the war either. Lincoln entered the fight to free the slaves, some historians suggest, because he was worried that the British would support the south in its self-proclaimed self-determination and recognize the south as a separate entity. If he started a war to abolish slavery, it would have looked bad for the struggle of the south and the British supporting his cause. Lincoln's death was probably the first casualty of “a long civil rights movement that was not yet over,” suggested historian Peter Kolchin.
1868
Some experts argue that Reconstruction laid the groundwork for “the organization of new segregated institutions, ideologies of white supremacy, legal rationalizations, extra-legal violence, and everyday racial terror”-further widening the racial gap between blacks and whites. Others point out that the end of the war left black Americans free but their status “uncertain,” with the passage of “codes” that prevented black people from being truly free.
But eventually, under the 14th Amendment, African Americans were granted the right to vote. African Americans were also granted birthright citizenship: it extends to the descendants of freed black slaves and immigrants to this day.
1898
The recession of the late 19th century hit the United States. The Knight Riders marched in the dark, burning the homes of African Americans who had bought their own land. They came to Washington to demand change, as southern white Democrats had abolished many of the, albeit limited, freedoms of Reconstruction just a couple decades before.
The era of Jim Crow segregation prohibited African Americans from drinking from the same water fountains, eating in the same restaurants, or attending the same schools as white Americans, all of which lasted until the 1960s, and sometimes much longer.
1926
As African Americans were denied jobs and opportunities during the Jim Crow era, and as more jobs became available in the North and Midwest, more than 2 million southern African Americans migrated after World War I. Yet, even hundreds of miles away from southern segregation, these migrating Americans encountered “sunset cities,” where black people were not welcome after sundown, and restrictions on where they could live in cities.
For example, Oregon's constitution did not remove the clause prohibiting blacks from entering the state until 1926.
A man drinks water from a cooler for “coloreds” at a bus station in Oklahoma City in July 1939. Photo: Russell Lee
1954
As the end of the Jim Crow era and the civil rights struggle neared, the struggle continued. For example: it was not until 1948 that the U.S. Army desegregated by presidential decree. In 1954, in the Brown v. Board of Education decision, the Supreme Court ruled that segregation was unconstitutional and schools should be integrated. Civil rights leaders led marches against segregation across the country in the 1960s. In 1964, President Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into law. Getting African American children into white schools in white neighborhoods was considered constitutional.
African Americans vote for the first time since 1890 in the 1946 Democratic primary in Georgia.
1965
“Slavery was gone, but Jim Crow was alive. Almost all southern African Americans were excluded from the ballot box and the political power it could give,” Edward E. Baptiste wrote in Half Never Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 attempted to remedy this by prohibiting racial discrimination in voting and imposing restrictions on a number of Southern states if they tried to change voting rights laws. These restrictions were recently overturned by a 2013 Supreme Court ruling.
Since the publication of Ta-Nehisi Coates' book The Case for Reparations in 2014, the topic of settling financial debts for 250 years of slavery has risen up the political agenda. Proponents of a financial settlement for the descendants of slaves say it is meant to address the racial inequality that still persists in the United States.
A 2017 Pew study found that the median wealth of white households is $171,000 - 10 times that of black households ($17,100). Democratic presidential candidate Cory Booker introduced a Senate reparations bill and received support from Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders...
2013
19.02.2013. The Parliament of the state of Mississippi ratified the law on the abolition of slavery. Formally, slavery on the territory of the USA was until 2013. Thanks to kind people, they gave me the last date.
https://aftershock.news/?q=node/1412954
#BLM #afroamericans #USA #US #american #slavery #racism #european #capitalism #african #negroes #british #colonialism #anniversary #history -
August 20, 2024 marks the 405th anniversary of slavery in the United States
August 20, 1619 - A ship brought the first 20 African Negroes to America, who were sold into slavery to the inhabitants of Jamestown.
The English privateer ship reached Point Comfort on the Virginia Peninsula. There, Governor George Yardley and his head of commerce, Cape Merchant Abraham Piercy, bought the “20-odd negroes” aboard in exchange for “provisions” - meaning they were trading food for slaves.
The year 1619 was a milestone in the long history of slavery in the European colonies and the beginning stages of what would become the institution of slavery in America.
The human cargo that arrived in Virginia in 1619 came from the port city of Luanda, now the capital of modern Angola. It was then a Portuguese colony, and most of the slaves are believed to have been captured during the ongoing war between Portugal and the Ndongo kingdom, as John Thornton wrote in The William and Mary Quarterly in 1998. Between 1618 and 1620, some 50,000 slaves - many of them prisoners of war - were exported from Angola. An estimated 350 of these captives were loaded onto a Portuguese slave ship called the São João Bautista (better known as the San Juan Batista ).
The ship was on its way to the Spanish colony of Veracruz when two English privateers, the White Lion and the Treasurer, intercepted it and captured some of the Angolans on board. According to James Horne, president and chief officer of the Jamestown Rediscovery , both vessels belonged to a powerful English nobleman, Robert Rich, Earl of Warwick. Rich was anti-Hispanic and anti-Catholic and profited from the disruption of Spanish shipping in the Caribbean. The White Lion, which flew the flag of a Dutch port known for its pirates, was the first to arrive in Virginia in late August 1619, followed four days later by the Treasurer.
These 20 captives are believed to have been the first African slaves to arrive in what would become the United States 150 years later.
Four hundred years later, the arrival of the captives influenced virtually every important moment in American history, even if that history was created around anyone but Africans and African Americans. After all, for many Americans, familiarity with U.S. history is tied to the arrival of 102 passengers on the Mayflower in 1620. A year earlier, however, 20 African slaves had been brought to the British colonies against their will.
“Historians, elected politicians [and] community leaders would prefer to represent the United States as some mythical, Anglo-Saxon Christian place,” said Michael Guasco, a professor of early American history at Davidson College.
In 1992, Toni Morrison told the Guardian, “In this country, American means white. Everyone else has to spell it with a hyphen.”
After 1619, most of the country remained white and relied heavily on the labor of Indian slaves and white European indentured servants. It wasn't until the late 17th century that the transatlantic slave trade made its impact on the American colonies. There are now 26.5 million descendants of Africans in the United States.
1661
The first anti-racial law - prohibiting marriage between the races - was passed in Maryland in 1661, shortly after slaves were brought to the colonies. By the 1960s, these laws were still in effect in 21 states, most of them in the South . Alabama was the last state to repeal its ban on interracial marriage in 2000.
Advertisement in Boston for a cargo of about 250 “fine healthy negroes” recently arrived from Africa on the slave ship Bunte Island. About 1700.
1776
The Declaration of Independence, which in its first lines stated that “all men are created equal and endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights,” did not extend that right to slaves, Africans, or African Americans, and the reference to condemn slavery was deleted in the final version. Thomas Jefferson, himself a slaveholder, wrote these lines rejecting slavery; he deleted the reference after receiving criticism from a number of delegates who had enslaved blacks. This may represent “the fabric of the American political economy” since then, as some historians say.
Initially, slavery flourished on tobacco plantations in Virginia, Maryland and North Carolina. In the tobacco areas of these states, slaves made up more than 50 percent of the population by 1776. Slavery then spread to rice plantations farther south. In South Carolina, African Americans remained the majority until the 20th century, according to census data.
1860
The slave trade across the Atlantic, organized by the British, was one of the largest businesses of the 18th century. Approximately 600,000 of the 10 million African slaves made their way to the American colonies before the slave trade - not slavery - was banned by Congress in 1808. By 1860, however, there were nearly 4 million enslaved black people - 13% of the population - in the United States as the American-born population grew.
Eight of the first 12 U.S. presidents were slaveholders. Supporters of slavery supported the efforts of groups such as the American Colonization Society, which “sent back” tens of thousands of free black people - most of them born in America - to Liberia in the 19th century to prevent riots caused by the free descendants of slaves.
A painting depicting freed slaves once owned by Confederate President Jefferson Davis arriving at the “federal camp” at Chickasaw Bayou, Tennessee
1865
According to Abraham Lincoln, the Civil War was fought to preserve the integrity of America, not to abolish slavery - at least initially. American historians like to write that the Civil War was fought to free slavery, but slavery was not abolished after the war either. Lincoln entered the fight to free the slaves, some historians suggest, because he was worried that the British would support the south in its self-proclaimed self-determination and recognize the south as a separate entity. If he started a war to abolish slavery, it would have looked bad for the struggle of the south and the British supporting his cause. Lincoln's death was probably the first casualty of “a long civil rights movement that was not yet over,” suggested historian Peter Kolchin.
1868
Some experts argue that Reconstruction laid the groundwork for “the organization of new segregated institutions, ideologies of white supremacy, legal rationalizations, extra-legal violence, and everyday racial terror”-further widening the racial gap between blacks and whites. Others point out that the end of the war left black Americans free but their status “uncertain,” with the passage of “codes” that prevented black people from being truly free.
But eventually, under the 14th Amendment, African Americans were granted the right to vote. African Americans were also granted birthright citizenship: it extends to the descendants of freed black slaves and immigrants to this day.
1898
The recession of the late 19th century hit the United States. The Knight Riders marched in the dark, burning the homes of African Americans who had bought their own land. They came to Washington to demand change, as southern white Democrats had abolished many of the, albeit limited, freedoms of Reconstruction just a couple decades before.
The era of Jim Crow segregation prohibited African Americans from drinking from the same water fountains, eating in the same restaurants, or attending the same schools as white Americans, all of which lasted until the 1960s, and sometimes much longer.
1926
As African Americans were denied jobs and opportunities during the Jim Crow era, and as more jobs became available in the North and Midwest, more than 2 million southern African Americans migrated after World War I. Yet, even hundreds of miles away from southern segregation, these migrating Americans encountered “sunset cities,” where black people were not welcome after sundown, and restrictions on where they could live in cities.
For example, Oregon's constitution did not remove the clause prohibiting blacks from entering the state until 1926.
A man drinks water from a cooler for “coloreds” at a bus station in Oklahoma City in July 1939. Photo: Russell Lee
1954
As the end of the Jim Crow era and the civil rights struggle neared, the struggle continued. For example: it was not until 1948 that the U.S. Army desegregated by presidential decree. In 1954, in the Brown v. Board of Education decision, the Supreme Court ruled that segregation was unconstitutional and schools should be integrated. Civil rights leaders led marches against segregation across the country in the 1960s. In 1964, President Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into law. Getting African American children into white schools in white neighborhoods was considered constitutional.
African Americans vote for the first time since 1890 in the 1946 Democratic primary in Georgia.
1965
“Slavery was gone, but Jim Crow was alive. Almost all southern African Americans were excluded from the ballot box and the political power it could give,” Edward E. Baptiste wrote in Half Never Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 attempted to remedy this by prohibiting racial discrimination in voting and imposing restrictions on a number of Southern states if they tried to change voting rights laws. These restrictions were recently overturned by a 2013 Supreme Court ruling.
Since the publication of Ta-Nehisi Coates' book The Case for Reparations in 2014, the topic of settling financial debts for 250 years of slavery has risen up the political agenda. Proponents of a financial settlement for the descendants of slaves say it is meant to address the racial inequality that still persists in the United States.
A 2017 Pew study found that the median wealth of white households is $171,000 - 10 times that of black households ($17,100). Democratic presidential candidate Cory Booker introduced a Senate reparations bill and received support from Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders...
2013
19.02.2013. The Parliament of the state of Mississippi ratified the law on the abolition of slavery. Formally, slavery on the territory of the USA was until 2013. Thanks to kind people, they gave me the last date.
https://aftershock.news/?q=node/1412954
#BLM #afroamericans #USA #US #american #slavery #racism #european #capitalism #african #negroes #british #colonialism #anniversary #history -
Since December, #AircraftNoise in Brussels neighborhoods (dense residential, mixed-use; West / North / Canal) has been persistent. In the Jan–Feb monitoring data, peak levels (LAmax) reached 90 dB(A) by day and 84 dB(A) at night, with descending planes passing almost every two minutes. I’m sharing the petition link below. Data: https://noisemonitoring.brussels #noise #BrusselsAirlines
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#MortonFeldman Interviewed by Charles Shere, July, 1967 https://archive.org/details/MortonFeldmanInterview1967
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Happy #polarprideday! Here's to all the wonderful polar scientists around the world, and to a more inclusive and diverse future in this important and exciting field of research! Sad not to be joining #polarpride activities in person today (thanks COVID!), but celebrating at home with jammy doughnuts! 😁🌈 #polarpride2022
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Moving around Venice #MicroMusic #soundstudies “The walls blurred. Dizzying sensation ... whipping around corners and through narrow corridors.” Neuromancer (1984)
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#RoomAcoustics: urban environmental sound drop around 2–3 a.m., with previously masked machine vibrations surfacing (not measured) | graph by Brussels Environment (2025)
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The Enemy Doesn’t Know How Many We Are: A Proposal for Building An Insurgency
For many decades the movement for liberation in the United States has been on the back foot. Overwhelmed by the struggle to survive, many find themselves and their groups reacting to the brutality of the state through programs like Cop Watch, ICE Watch, and demonstrations or encampments. These initiatives are important, even essential, but always in response to the violent overtures of institutionalized racism. They can mitigate a rough situation, help people in a one-off crisis or show solidarity, but no recent attempt has presented a way to win the war against humanity waged by the US government. Taking example from diverse insurgent forces, this text will look at how to adapt effective organizational models to support an anarcho-communist revolution. Armed with this knowledge and committed to see a revolution through, a nascent movement would have the capacity to build a force that can overturn the state and capitalism while constructing liberatory communities of the future.
PDFs:
TheEnemyDoesntKnow.cleaned
The Enemy Doesnt Know Short Edge Zine.cleanedUploads:
https://archive.org/details/the-enemy-doesnt-know https://archive.org/details/the-enemy-doesnt-know-short-edge-zine Full Text:The Enemy Doesn’t Know How Many We Are:
A Proposal for Building An Insurgency
.
.
Contents:
Dedication
Revolutionary pledge
Introduction
The US state is currently at war with its own population, those in the global south and leftist factions
The fight will be won
Rebellions
An insurgency is needed to succeed
What does it take to build an insurgency?
- political and social organizations
- fighting forces
- political education
- revolutionary culture
- material considerations
- strategic timing
Who would support an insurgency
Why an insurgency would succeed in the US
How to start building an insurgency
Until we meet
Further reading
.
.
Dedication
Embarking on this historical mission, it is imperative to pay respects to those who have come before us, fought the most difficult battles and paved the path of struggle with their fortitude. Without them the proposals put forward in this text would not exist, nor the potential of liberation. Specifically we acknowledge Russell Maroon Shoatz, Safiya Bukhari, Carlos Marighella, Lucy Parsons, Kuwasi Balagoon, Lorenzo Orsetti, Yahya Sinwar, Sekou Odinga, Dedan Kimathi, and the many others unnamed for the sake of space, and all those whose names we will never know because they were so brave.
.
Revolutionary pledge
“Positions are seldom lost because they have been destroyed, but almost invariably because the leader has decided in his own mind that the position cannot be held.”i
This observation opens up a world of possibility based on the sheer will not to be deterred. Unlike the paid mercenaries of a state army, liberation forces are gifted with a deep motivation for the struggle. As a guerrilla commander in the KurdishHPG once noted, there can be a successful action with just one fighter if they have the will and determination to succeedii. Fighting a battle is first and foremost a mental feat, and the trials people in the movement face against the armed henchmen of the United States have hardened the resolve of brave political actors. The possibilities that spring steadfastness underpins the following text. This text lays out a strategy for fighting an asymmetrical war against a much better armed and more technologically advanced enemy. The war of the small against the mighty will be won by fortitude and determination.
.Introduction
For many decades the movement for liberation in the United States has been on the back foot. Overwhelmed by the struggle to survive, many find themselves and their groups reacting to the brutality of the state through programs like Cop Watch, ICE Watch, and demonstrations or encampments. These initiatives are important, even essential, but always in response to the violent overtures of institutionalized racism. They can mitigate a rough situation, help people in a one-off crisis or show solidarity, but no recent attempt has presented a way to win the war against humanity waged by the US government.
There are many examples of oppressed people throughout history overcoming their oppressors or colonizers, but not many with a long standing anarcho-communist result. On the other hand, there are a lot of far left groups that currently exist that mean well and have excellent analyses but could benefit from strategic direction in order to become revolutionaries. The question for all those on the side of humanity: how to win the war that has been launched against communities of color? How to effectively overthrow the state? How to organize towards a liberated society? Taking example from diverse insurgent forces, this text will look at how to adapt effective organizational models to support an anarcho-communist revolution. Armed with this knowledge and committed to see a revolution through, a nascent movement would have the capacity to build a force that can overturn the state and capitalism while constructing liberatory communities of the future.
.
The US state is currently at war with its own population, those in the global south and leftist factions
The US was built on human misery, from the slave trade to the genocide of indigenous people. This foundation has seeped through its ideology. With its mentality of domination, the US wants to obliterate its adversaries rather than see people live with dignity or according to revolutionary principles. The COINTELPRO attacks against the Black Panthers and the bombing of the MOVE headquarters line up squarely with its support of the far right in Central and South America. The weight of this reality can be read on the faces of people and felt in day to day interactions: people have to accept the brutality of the United States to live here.
The state makes its war against people of color clear through the development of Cop Cities, the blatantly racist judicial system, routine torture in state and federal prisons, its brutal reaction to uprisings and the military tactics and equipment they bring into city police departments.iii The United States views not only people of color as enemy combatants but those on the left who fight for marginalized people. The legacy of the Red Scare and the execution of Sacco and Vanzetti is alive and well, and visible in the inability of the left to counter ICE raids and police executions. The question isn’t if the movement should start a war with the state. The war is already here. Instead the question is if people of conscience who live under this regime decide to fight back.
Fighting back allows people who have historically been oppressed to fully realize themselves through revolutionary struggle. Contrary to what US propaganda espouses, people are not individualized, separate entities. Everyone rises or falls together. When the state tortures someone in prison, bulldozes families in Palestine, or when a person walks past someone sleeping on the street, pieces of their shared humanity are shaved off. The only way to gain them back is through collective struggle: stopping the perpetrators of violence by fighting back with and for others.Commenting on the self-sacrificing action that HPG fighters took against Turkish Aerospace Industries, one writer noted “It is not an exaggeration to say that the only way to truly live is to wage a continuous struggle.”i
Similarly, Wayne Pharr, a Black Panther Party member, who participated in the firefight against police when they raided the BPP office in Los Angeles, explained how he felt in that moment, “I felt free. I felt absolutely free. I was a free negro. I was making my own route. You couldn’t get in, I couldn’t get out. But in my space, I was the king. In that little space I had, I was the king.”v In this moment the historical degradation by the US was overturned when Pharr and his comrades picked up their guns and shot back.
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The fight will be won
It is infinitely possible to win this war that has been launched by the US against the population, and humanity in general. What does it mean to win? Winning in this text is defined as: destroying the state structure and capitalism and replacing them with liberatory and egalitarian ways of existing as a society. The organization of a liberated community holds just as true today as it did in revolutionary Spain or the Korean People’s Association in
Manchuria: self-governance through a federation of councils, production by collectives, personal property held by use rather than private property, defense militias structured according to and defending revolutionary values, resources distributed appropriately amongst the population, expropriation of the enemy class: turning the assets of the enemy into the collective wealth of the new society and prohibiting them from rising and exploiting again.
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Rebellions
Rebellions and uprisings do not have the capacity to change people’s day to day reality. For example, after the Ferguson Uprising, the police returned with a vengeance. With the state empowered and the movement on the back foot, many of the key participants died in suspicious circumstances, presumably executed by the state. There wasn’t sufficient advancement on an organizational level to expel the police from Ferguson, and defense was not commensurate with any of the gains. There are countless examples in the US of rebellions that are an important expression of dissatisfaction, but without organization, people cannot force the state to permanently retreat and create a new reality in their communities. Even a rebellion that overthrows the regime in power does not go far enough. In 2011 Tunisian President Ben Ali left at the behest of protesters but the entire government structure remained, with remnants of the old regime in power. Even though gains were won, such as dismantling the secret police and women’s rights, the same fundamental political structure persisted. Likewise in Egypt, President Mubarak fled in response to uprisings, but after a few shifts in power, an American puppet president, El-Sisi took power. These uprisings of the Arab Spring unseated leaders, however without concerted reorganization of society, a transformation was impossible.
It is essential to formulate the struggle not as a reform of or rebellion against the current system, but as a revolutionary movement with clear goals and outcomes. The state must be completely dismantled and social structures have to be rebuilt from the basis of liberatory values.
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An insurgency is needed to succeed
Using armed force and social organizations, the goal of an insurgency is to make it impossible for the state to govern its territory, and through political, social and economic organization, effect a liberatory change within that territory. This starts with guerrilla warfare, political polarization, the mobilization of local support, and develops as partisans replace state and capitalist functions with their own.
The objective of an insurgency is to permanently eliminate the state and create long-lasting liberation. This change should replace a capitalist economy with a collective one, change a federal representative government to locally-centered self-governance, remove an exploitative social ethic and instill one that values all members of society and shift from poisoning the land and water to protecting the environment. Fighting forces and political-social organizations are built up simultaneously to, on the one hand, develop liberatory self-governance and collective economies, and, on the other, protect political gains while destroying the state.
Anti-colonial Guinea Bissau shows what an insurgency looks like in practice. Resistance forces built up parallel political and social organizations for years to develop popular support for the struggle. The revolutionary African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) party initiated educational systems, roving hospitals that served fighters and local people and barter bazaars. Amilcar Cabral, the founder of the PAIGC and an agronomist, taught people how to grow food to sustain themselves while also feeding the fighting forces, who would help work the fields with the people. The intertwined growth of revolutionary social organizations and fighting forces made for a complete social transformation within the liberated zones in rural areas that were entirely resistant to Portuguese colonizers. What characterizes an insurgency and differentiates it from a rebellion is that 1) war is waged for abolition of the state, 2) social organizations for self-governance, justice, education, medical care, and other important social projects are built up simultaneously with the war effort, and 3) revolutionary forces work to transform society in the areas they hold.
The remit of an anarcho-communist insurgency is to build a society that is driven by the self-governance of the people. Through the process of engaging in self-governance, people become collectively-minded, self-actualized and responsible for their entire communities. It is ideologically consistent and strategically important to facilitate this type of social organization because: an insurgency is a war for the population. If people agree with the political project, they will want to participate and help the fighters. A salient example is the bank tellers who drove Black Liberation Army (BLA) fighters to Chicago from New York overnight when they needed to hide out, or people from local neighborhoods who would give BLA members their guns if they lost theirs during a firefight.vi This would not have happened without community support and a certain level of organization created by aboveground groups. An insurgency has been described by counterinsurgent experts as 20% military and 80% political;vii another way of articulating the famous Clausewitz quote, “War is a continuation of the policy by other means.” Without people supporting the insurgent forces, it is impossible to have a struggle, and people will support if insurgents are creating sustainable means for true liberation.
This text lays out how the comprehensive process of building an insurgency is integral to engaging many people with a range of capacities and abilities in the revolutionary process, increases the development of all people and creates new economic and political systems, all while materially supporting revolutionary fighters.
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What does it take to build an insurgency?
There are six main fields to consider: 1) political and social organizations 2) fighting forces 3) political education 4) revolutionary culture 5) material considerations and 6) strategic timing.
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1) Political and Social Organizations
Political organizations are expansive assemblies of political actors. Political organizations set up armed factions and social organizations and create the ideological and strategic foundation for both, which, due to this connection, follow consistent political objectives.
Political organizations also set up the means for people to administer their own regions. This self-governance can happen through, for example, neighborhood councils, which form the basis for bottom-up style administration. The council is a forum people can use to coordinate to meet their needs, designating groups to handle that work.
Social organizations are responsible for the production and distribution of resources and the creation of infrastructure. Organizations can include food production, hospitals, schools, construction and activities can range from mediating conflicts to providing medical care and education to producing necessities. These organizations are structured in an egalitarian manner and are based on revolutionary perspectives. They displace those of capitalist businesses and the state.
Effective examples of such political organizations had been developed by the DTK in Northern Kurdistanviii. There were neighborhood councils, conflict resolution bodies, and youth and women’s groups. These bodies made the government of the Turkish state less relevant, as Kurdish people would, for example, utilize DTK mediation over state courts.
Self-governance structures and social organizations create the means for people to feel engaged in day to day life, have determination over their environments and create a material impact. Participation allows for a fundamental shift in values from alienation and competition to looking out for other community members. The well-being of the entire society becomes the responsibility of each person. This reflects the political tenets of the movement, creates collectivity and elicits engagement in revolutionary society and its defense.
In Chiapas the healthcare system was developed after significant and lengthy discussions with many different parts of the population, incorporating their knowledge, outlooks and concerns. For example, traditional healers were initially hesitant to share their methods but the proposal to care for the greatest amount of people possible convinced them. The final result was an overwhelmingly successful healthcare system tended by volunteer health providers, who administer traditional and Western medicine at regional hospitals. The hospitals serve community members, who, in turn, support the healthcare providers.ixx
Social organizations also serve the needs of the armed struggle, intertwining the livelihoods of the fighters and the local community. The fruits of this work are exemplified by Hezbollah. Hezbollah had created armed and social components: welfare, schools, hospitals, supporters with rocket launch rooms in Southern Lebanon. They demonstrated that they care about people’s well-being, giving credence to Hezbollah’s armed defense of the region. The ‘Israeli’ pager attacks on Hezbollah members were thus viewed as attacks on the whole population, bringing much of society, even political opponents, together in support of the organization. Immediately following the incident, one prospective eye donor, a taxi-driver named Hussein, explained his motivations to a local broadcaster. “How can I continue to see while they have been blinded?” he said. “The eye that I will donate will protect the nation.”xi
When people participate in the process of building and running social organizations, they are actively eroding the state’s administrative control. Local people become fighters without ever picking up a gun. An insurgency mobilizes support by normalizing revolutionary social organizations so that regular people use them to, for example, go to the doctor, get food and clothes, become educated, etc. Regular people become political partisans when they participate in self-governance as in the neighbor councils and grandma-run food distributions that cropped up during the Estallido Social uprising in Chile. Or, for example, in Barcelona during the Spanish revolution, neighbors were empowered to physically block bailiffs from entering their neighborhoods to conduct evictions.xii
In essence, the battle for administrative functions is what will determine if the state remains in a region or if the insurgent will be successful. Both the insurgent and the state will win legitimacy if people participate in their social organizations. If people call the police when they have a problem, they are strengthening the state, if they call revolutionaries, they strengthen the insurgency.
If the relationship is strong enough, the enemy’s attempt to undermine social organizations will be unsuccessful. The Zionist regime enters Tulkarm Refugee Camp in the West Bank of Palestine to destroy infrastructure to try to erode the support base of the resistance. Al-Quds Brigades reports that the effect is the opposite: “Once the raid is over, many people check in on us and express their gratitude that we are safe. When they look at the destruction of the camp, they just say, ‘better to lose your wealth than lose your children.’”xiii
Starting the armed struggle and ultimately maintaining a territory is based on the consent of the people in it. Truly liberatory political and social organizations are the key. If people agree with what revolutionaries are doing, they will participate in the self-governance of their neighborhoods and protect the guerrillas, if they disagree, they won’t sustain the insurgency.
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2) Fighting Forces
“The urban guerrilla’s weapons are inferior to the enemy’s, but from the moral point of view, the urban guerrilla has an undeniable superiority.”xiv – Marighella
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Guerrilla Struggle
The goal of fighting forces is to demoralize the enemy and win popular support. The armed work of an insurgency starts with guerrilla units. Due to flexibility and mobility, the guerrilla has the ability to launch attacks anywhere and disappear. Hidden amongst the population, the insurgent chooses when and where to attack, making their attacks unpredictable.
The tactical advantage is with the insurgent at this stage. The state must prove that it can retain order, whereas the insurgent only has to challenge the authority of the state. The state has to spend a lot of money to protect its assets and chase down insurgents, but insurgents can launch effective attacks very inexpensively at targets which are plentiful and in the open.
Time is on the side of the insurgent. An insurgent force can be assembled long before a single bullet is fired.xv Fighters can prepare for years or decades, striking only when the time is right. The EZLN built its forces for over ten years before attacking the state, presenting revolutionary ideas to villagers and systematically recruiting fighters. Taking time to build armed groups concertedly and growing slowly in qualitative force allows for the development of politically aligned and well-trained guerrillas, ready to take action when the time is right.
Guerrilla units are small groups consisting of only a few people, who independently launch attacks to harass the enemy. They are self-contained cells that pick their own targets, but are connected to other units through the guerrilla code, political objectives and allegiance to the overall mission. There is a role for each member of a guerrilla cell, and these roles should overlap in case one person is captured or killed. They can be assembled into columns or sections for larger attacks like ambushes if the conditions are right.
The purpose of the guerrilla forces is to make it impossible for the state to govern (by overextending the enemy, controlling the pace of the fight, for example), defend the population (by attacking state forces who brutalize people), survive (by planning attacks wisely, evading capture, setting up secure infrastructure), support political initiatives, and eventually to take and defend territory.
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Beyond theGuerrilla Struggle
Building of social organizations, the solidarity of the population and the strength of fighting forces will allow guerrillas at a certain point to establish bases and expel the state from their strongholds. Insurgent-controlled areas are those where revolutionary organizations and values prevail and the state no longer has control through administration or force. At this point the guerrilla struggle continues in new areas that are now contested, partially governed by the state.
The transition between hit and run guerrilla warfare and the security of a liberated area necessitates a delicate balance. Forces are needed to both defend the area and to contest regions beyond that territory. For revolutionary fighting forces to drive out the state and maintain a liberated territory, there needs to be a higher level of coordination, strategy and organization.
If we look at the example of the Great Dismal Swamp Maroon, it becomes clear that it is difficult to maintain an island of liberated land within enemy territory. Formerly enslaved people who escape plantations took refuge in the forbidding terrain of the Great Dismal Swamp. Here armed groups would coalesce as needed to coordinate on raids, defend their territory and free other enslaved people. At first the Maroon was impossible to broach by enemy forces due to impassible geography, but eventually the state developed the land, making it no longer functional as a refuge.
The state was able to destroy the territory because its economic and administrative structure remained intact. An insurgent movement needs to push the state’s administrative structure into disarray otherwise the enemy will be able to challenge a liberated area through means beyond armed force.
On the other hand, it is not feasible to go to war outside a liberated area without sufficient protection for that region. The Shinmin Prefecture was an anarchist region in Manchuria comprised of 2 million people. The Korean Anarchist Federation had established self-governing institutions such as mutual banks, workers cooperatives, and liberatory education. Their local militia was supplemented by guerrilla fighters and the region supported guerrilla attacks against imperial Japan in Korea from 1929-1931. However these attacks drew the ire of the Japanese, who sent their agents to infiltrate and assassinate key figures and without sufficient defense of the territory to support the guerrilla actions abroad, an invasion was the death blow.
The Great Dismal Swamp was strong on defense, while the Shinmin Prefecture was more focused on destroying their enemies abroad. Both regions had the problem of being stand alone territories where 1) the guerrillas were not hidden within a enemy-administered populations 2) the insurgents were not able to achieve the balance between defense and attack and 3) the growth of liberated territories was not commensurate with balanced defense and offense.
What is also clear from these examples is that forces defending a territory cannot maintain a guerrilla characteristic and expect longterm existence. A different formation is needed to defend a liberated area. The defense of a territory must be sufficient, and include an offensive component to challenge the terrain of the enemy. Offensive actions and their range must be chosen wisely so as not to generate more enemies than a liberated area can handle. There needs to be a high level of strategic coordination between guerrillas and defense forces of a liberated area.
While at the current moment it seems the movement is some time off from taking and holding territory, it is important to consider the structure and participation in the defense of a territory even during the nascent part of building guerrilla forces. More complex forms of organization and coordination are needed. There can be a strong connection between fighters and councils on a local level, tying defense to political will, but there also needs to be a means for fighting forces working together across broad swathes of geography, and much more concerted coordination in terms of strategy, tactics and logistical support. As fighting groups are trained and built, so should the organizational apparatus that will sustain the fight past the guerrilla stage. This stage is very advantageous tactically for the insurgent, but also the most precarious.
Holding territory can be dangerous while the state is still powerful. The guerrillas can ebb and flow from regions, establishing bases when it is politically and militarily feasible, and ceding it temporarily so as not to get into a head-on fight. Often making a stand does not play to the strengths of an insurgent force. When temporarily ceding territory, informants, sleeper cells and political organizations can remain in place to coordinate with returning guerrillas and make it hard for the state to truly regain a foothold.
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3) Political Education
Insurgencies thrive by being able to address grievances that the state will not. Anarcho-communism presents a range of salient proposals for nearly every facet of life, from collective self-governance to justice to ecology, but there will be strategic moments when putting one or two of those points forward will have the strongest, most wide-spread appeal. Picking the right points to center on at the right times is essential for rallying people toward the cause. For example, the height of the George Floyd Uprising would not be the right time to focus on ecology. The rallying point(s) can change depending on current events and can even be different for different segments of the population. An essential factor is that the points chosen should not be ones the state can fix; they must last the duration of the insurgency.
Propaganda and media serve the important role of isolating the state from the people, making it clear that the hardships people suffer are the unnecessary effects of the US government and capitalist economy. They also work in tandem with revolutionary school curriculum to reinforce a revolutionary narrative.
Revolutionary schools have the important role of helping people understand the role of the state and capitalism, familiarizing people with the history of resistance and building skills that are relevant and useful for a revolutionary society. All subjects taught in these schools are oriented towards creating a better society for all people. For example, Zapatista education provides knowledge about agronomy which helps people in Chiapas become self-sufficient. Or Black Panther schools recounted the history of the United states from the perspective of their communities.
It is impossible for people to get behind a cause when they don’t understand the basic political spectrum. People in the United States are heavily propagandized and most have received poor education. It is essential to build up people’s political understanding and inform them about the histories of oppression and resistance. Political education can take place through multiple mediums such as revolutionary schools, mass propaganda and the guerrilla struggle itself.
Organizing can work as propaganda to draw clear battle lines and create conditions for the struggle. For example, to demonstrate the necessity of guerrilla struggle, revolutionaries can launch a community campaign. Black Liberation Army founder, Dhoruba Bin Wahad, has suggested calling for community control of the police, which is a logical proposal to help solve their rampant murders of black and brown people. However it is a request that the state will never meet. The proposal functions to organize communities of opposition on a local level and the intransigence of the state demonstrates the necessity for revolutionary defense forces to step in.
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4) Revolutionary Culture
A fundamental cultural shift is essential for revolutionary work in the US. Political and social organizations and fighting forces embody this culture, creating goodwill within local communities.xvi
Revolutionary culture requires a collective approach to the struggle. Political actors should be selfless, stand up, steadfast, hold true to their word and show respect for themselves and those who are most disadvantaged in bourgeois society. These qualities are fundamental for achieving a society where every member cares for and is responsible for all the others. The welfare of those who are the most vulnerable become the obligation of all. A leftist revolutionary movement demonstrates a commitment to life and community.
Revolutionary culture runs counter to acculturation in the US, which has indoctrinated people to act against their self-interest. People are socialized from a young age to distrust their neighbors, turn their backs on people in need and look out for themselves before anyone else. This may be the hardest aspect to overcome for developing an effective movement in the US.
The evidence of US culture permeating the movement lies in the thousands of failed political groups, the constant fractures and insurmountable conflicts between comrades, people using the movement to fundraise or do research for their careers, individuals demanding social credit for their revolutionary contributions, an ideological emphasis on isolated, personal initiatives to drive political work and political groups whose policy it is to instrumentalize people in order to achieve their goals.
It is important for people involved in revolutionary work to shed the alienating and competitive ways that have been forced on people by the US regime, in order to build effective collaboration and trust. Cooperation and trust are the bedrock of the the movement, holding it together through difficult situations, and demonstrating the types of relationships that unite a liberatory political project. When people join the movement, they will be acculturated to cooperating with each other.
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5) Material Considerations for Success
Infrastructure requirements include access to and control over communications, food, finances, arms, transportation, means to disseminate information and the ability to supply resources to insurgents and the population.
Logistic and communication networks, independent of the state, serves fighting forces and the population. They are set up with the consideration that the state will try to surveil and disrupt, fully understanding that removing pipelines of resources and information is a good way to incapacitate the insurgent force.
Arms and tactics training are key. This can happen with a supportive army. For example, in 1982 Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) set up a training camp in the Beqaa Valley in Lebanon in response to ‘Israel’s’ invasion.xvii Many insurgent groups such as PFLP, Hezbollah, Asala, the Red Brigades and the PKK trained there.Armed training can also happen within the army of the enemy state. Many of the great militants of the Black Liberation Army, like Kuwasi Balagoon were trained by the US army.
Intelligence on state capacity, enemy figures in key position, arsenal and plans of action is essential. Infiltration of the police and armed forces can be established prior to the initiation of the armed struggle and provide pertinent information. The state has contingency plans for crises and responding to attacks, which are readily available. Insurgents use this information to set traps to use their own plans against them.
An important part of a revolutionary insurgent struggle is that it intends to build a different economic system. This alternative system begins at the outset of a struggle as a way of circulating resources to those who are participants. However money will certainly be necessary. Funding can be planned well in advance of the beginning of the armed struggle, diversifying sources and obscuring where they are held. Funding can come in the form of external support, draining that of the enemy, and community support.
With these factors in mind, it is clear why an analysis of multiple insurgencies suggests that the likelihood of success will increase based on 1) the remoteness from the center of the counterinsurgent’s power 2) the ability for the insurgent to move across an international border 3) international alliances and 4) a local administrative vacuum. In consideration of the physical demands of an insurgency a temperate climate and a spread out population add an advantage.xviii While all these conditions may not necessarily be met in every case where political organizations form, they are useful to consider when launching a struggle.
6) Strategic Timing
An insurgency has the tactical advantage of being able to wait, building up sufficient forces and popular support and striking at a time and location of its choosing. Training and organization can be developed to a high degree before the armed struggle begins.
A crisis or weakening of the state is helpful for launching an insurgency. For example, anti-colonial insurgencies didn’t succeed before 1938, when World War II weakened European states. The insurgent can wait for a moment when the US is tied up in military conflicts and has exhausted its resources, or is lacking popular support. A war on its own soil against an external enemy could, for example, provide the right conditions. Or engaging in multiple armed conflicts abroad would weaken the US state and diminish its international standing, creating an opening for the insurgent.
Strategic timing does not just refer to selecting an appropriate time for the initiation of armed action, but also choices made throughout the conflict.
Once armed action begins, it is important to keep up the pacing and pressure. The state will have the strongest chance of stamping out an insurgency during the initial period, the guerrilla struggle, due to functioning administrative control. To quash an insurgency, the state needs to arrest guerrillas, regain the trust of the population and instate compliant leaders through elections. For this work the state depends on pre-existing civil structures like the police, non-profits, local representatives and social services. This administrative power is very effective at stifling rebellions. The momentum of the George Floyd Uprising was successfully derailed by coordinated civil actions including elected representatives speaking out at marches, legal proceedings being issued against Derek Chauvin and city-to-city coordinated police action against demonstrators.xix
It is important for the insurgent to make the state’s civic bodies unable to function, drawing the conflict into a military terrain. The US Army Marine Counterinsurgency Manual confirms: “Controlling the level of violence is a key aspect of the struggle. A high level of violence often benefits insurgents. The societal insecurity that violence brings discourages or precludes nonmilitary organizations, particularly [administrative proxies of the counter-insurgent]”, which the Manual identifies as, “diplomats, police, politicians, humanitarian aid workers, contractors, and local leaders.”xx The guerrilla, Carlos Marighella confirms, “The role of the urban guerrilla, in order to win the support of the population, is to continue fighting…heightening the disastrous situation within which the government must act.”xxi
Marghiella also emphasizes that, “keeping in mind the interests of the people,” during this process is essential. The insurgent must precisely balance the need to combatively overwhelm the administrative capacity of the state with the need to maintain the goodwill of the population. During the early stages, the insurgent can control the pacing and tenor of the fight and can time it to best suit the social and strategic conditions at each moment.
However launching the armed attack is not just about watching and waiting for an opening, but creating the conditions for the struggle to flourish. It is essential to undermine US civic institutions, eroding popular faith in them, sowing dissent within their ranks and drawing people toward revolutionary social organizations. Increasing distrust in US civic bodies is not a difficult proposal. With dissatisfaction already quite high, insurgent social organizations have fertile ground to grow.
The considerations about strategic timing demonstrate that an insurgency requires a lengthy investment of time. From comprehensive training and research to creating the ideal social conditions for the armed struggle, it is a longterm commitment on the part of the insurgent.
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Who would support an insurgency
In counterinsurgency theory the population is broken down into a perhaps overly simplistic, yet useful, formula: an active minority on the side of the state, an active minority on the side of the insurgent, and a large group of people in the middle that want to go about their daily lives with reasonable stability. Victory will theoretically tilt in favor of the side that can provide the better life.xxii
Currently, without an institutionalized left, and with the lack of general political understanding, the politics of the center produce an acceptance for a brutal and degraded life. It is impossible to talk about a war for the population without acknowledging that the political tenor in the US is by and large extremely right wing.
The question is how to move people further to the left. Part of the answer lies in the armed struggle itself. Armed action from the radical left moves the center further left. It galvanizes people, forcing them to take sides and it creates a new pole of far left politics. When the seriousness of the demands is expressed by the requisite force to achieve it, it is more convincing than rhetoric.
This precedent is reflected in the boom in membership in the Black Panther Party following their armed protest on the floor of the California state Capitol. It can also be observed in the public assistance for armed struggle groups in the 1960’s-1980’s, and the support of radicals in the US for the events of October 7th in Palestine.
Furthermore, during uprisings, sympathy for radical change becomes far more widespread. The George Floyd Uprising elicited support from many sectors of society. Both potential political actors and unpoliticized people were won over by the widespread demonstration of popular sentiment and the virulence of the uprisings. As demonstrators began challenging the police, support for their initiative grew and acceptance of the police fell dramatically.
Being very clear and open about armed struggle can quickly bring in participants. In Chiapas, the EZLN started their work by explicitly building a guerrilla force and clearly expressing their intention to initiate an armed struggle to potential supporters. This drew people towards the struggle by demonstrating a commitment to success and means for people to effect a material change within their communities. There already exists an impetus to take armed action against colonial adversaries, like Willem van Spronsen’s attack on ICE. These public displays demonstrate a groundswell of popular sentiment that could be organized into a cohesive force.
While armed action pushes prevailing opinion further left, armed action complemented by social organizations becomes a thoroughly convincing force. Social programs indicate the genuine intention of political actors to better people’s lives and facilitate people joining the effort.
The combination of armed struggle and social organizations counteract the feeling of helplessness that the state wants to project on people. In the US, there are many communities that are targeted or sidelined by the state, but no one wants to accept a victim role. In fact, this is a dynamic that helps the state control people, and also one that the non-profit industry preys on. Creating an alternative where people can live with dignity, cultivating a culture of respect and creating the capacity to win is key for building self-actualization through struggle. The genuine self-sufficiency of revolutionary communities is an attractive proposal to people who have historically been oppressed.
One of the greatest examples of US brutality is the prison system. It is also the most concentrated population of politicized people in the country. This legacy is thanks to prison organizers like the Nation of Islam, George Jackson, the Black Panthers and incarcerated members of armed struggle groups like the United Freedom Front and the Black Liberation Army. The teachings of comrades from previous generations set the stage for continued work in this vein and for prison uprisings like Attica, Lucasville, and the Vaughn Prison Uprising and the multitude of prison strikes set in motion by Jailhouse Lawyers Speak and many others. People locked up and terrorized daily by the state forces understand the force required to stop them. The proliferation of George Jackson style study groups in many prisons today, some named after him, is testament to this continued political legacy.
Many of those organizing inside would like to participate in movements on the outside but have to deal with the very real problem of securing housing, food, etc. once released. The infrastructure inherent in building an insurgency has the capacity of creating a support structure for these militants, as well as counteracting the state’s intention to rob people of their means of survival. In revolutionary Spain, for example, it wasn’t just liberated fighters reuniting with the battalions who broke open prisons; many people they had politicized joined as well.xxiii
People in prison are an acute example of people who support an insurgency, but there are many others who are routinely terrorized like young people of color, migrants, people lacking money and resources and politicized young people. An insurgent strategy offers a path towards stability and respect.
It is clear is that through an insurgent struggle not everyone will shift further to the left or change their views. While armed leftist action brings the political center toward the left, it also serves to further entrench elements of the right in its anti-social positions. There will always be the minority that supports reactionary objectives. There are two points to consider: Balkanization and suppression.
A common misconception in revolutionary work is that the entire territory of the US needs to be liberated. This is a difficult proposal given many people’s right-wing views and vastness of the geography. A more realistic idea is akin to the proposal of the Republic of New Africa to section off a part of the South – a Balkanization of the territory occupied by the United states.
There remains the question: how protect the movement from actors with a right wing political ideology. First, getting people to sympathize and participate in the movement will create fewer enemies. While there is a right-wing political bent currently throughout the US, this should not be considered a static fact. It is important to consider that the many communities that vocalize right wing views didn’t always do so and do so now because of concerted propaganda efforts on the part of state actors. Being a proactive political movement means engaging in activities and messaging that will effect a change in this failing perspective. Yet it is important to note at this point that reactionaries should not be the focus of efforts. Propaganda efforts can be far reaching enough that they happen to reach right wing people, driving a wedge between those who are deeply racist, xenophobic, etc, and those who actually care about others.
The ideologically hardened right wingers are essentially enemy combatants. Whether they are currently active is not so much a question. If allowed to remain in a territory, they may be or could become agents of the counterinsurgent. They must be thoroughly disabled and removed from liberated territories. It is important to begin considering how to deal with these factions from the perspective of an abolitionist movement. Complete annihilation is essential.
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Why an insurgency would succeed in the US
The strengths of the US become its weaknesses in the face of an insurgency.
The US is hubristically proud of its military might. Military spending far outpaces any other nation, with its spending in 2020 amounting to the same as the next nine highest nations. Equipment and tactics developed in the military are deployed in local police departments as well. From SWAT teams to the FBI to the Department of Homeland Security to militarized police, local residents are bombarded with highly technological and militarized state force.
Within the dynamics of asymmetrical warfare, these are the conditions where the insurgent has the advantage. A more technologically advanced and equipment-laden enemy is too cumbersome to counter guerrilla fighters. Complex apparatuses become a hindrance and the top-down structure can’t pivot quickly enough. Even the Marines agree, “A modern military force capable of waging war against a large conventional force may find itself ill-prepared for a ‘small’ war against a lightly equipped guerrilla force.”xxiv Meticulously recorded videos of the resistance in Palestine show fighters emerging from tunnels to plant bombs on tanks that are not equipped to counter such a close and agile combatant. The modern military is weighed down by its own equipment and structure. Tanks become lumbering death traps. The tactical advantage is with the fighters who don’t have their assets in the open and have the ability for evasion. An insurgent has the capacity to remain invisible on its home terrain and arise at unexpected points to attack and quickly disappear.
An insurgency is cheap for the insurgents, while it is expensive for the state. To appear in control, the state must do its best to stamp out fighters, which takes a great deal of resources, manpower and equipment. Insurgents can use cheaply made weapons to precipitate a great expense for the state. For example, drones made from styrofoam are able to evade detection or tiny drone boats in the Red Sea can damage an aircraft carrier many more times their size and cost. Handmade explosives have the capacity to destroy a tank. Small, cheap and effective devices make it difficult for the counterinsurgent to avoid attacks.
Counterinsurgency doctrine of the Army and Marines is considered to be the most forward thinking treatise on this type of military strategy. Even with lessons learned from military debacles in Iraq and Afghanistan, the US doctrine still demonstrates a fundamental lack of understanding about the motivations of an insurgent. Given the extreme lack of empathy for people’s lives, it is seemingly impossible for military strategists to fathom that others may be driven by genuine concern for their fellow humansxxv. The lack of compassion for the people coupled with a misreading of their adversary makes it difficult for the institutions of the US state to respond appropriately to challenges.
For example, in Afghanistan, US soldiers stationed in Restrepo held a weekly meeting with local elders meant to create connections to win them over and solicit their help routing out insurgents. When questioned by an elder about someone they detained, the soldier in charge became frustrated and finally exclaimed, “You’re not understanding that I don’t fucking care!”xxvi This poignant example illustrates the overall military culture, not to mention US culture, that demonstrates a fundamental disinterest in effective counterinsurgency tactics, even when they are in its best interest.
For its own sake, the counterinsurgent should not respond to guerrilla attacks with overwhelming force, as it risks alienating people and driving them further from its cause.
For example, Safiya Bukhari astutely noted that the New York Police Department made her a member of Black Panther Party. Bukhari was a middle class college student who got involved in the movement after she was arrested for defending a Black Panther from police harassment. She learned from this episode that she had no rights, which galvanized her to join the Party and eventually the Black Liberation Army.
Trump’s execution of Michael Reinoehl in cold blood when he was on the run for shooting a fascist, South Carolina bringing back the firing squad for ‘legal’ executionsxxvii, the popularity of the shooting of a healthcare CEO, the impunity of police to shoot people of color, masked ICE agents tearing families apart, all show that the US state is dead set on losing the war for the population. The overriding indifference of the US government to recognize the humanity of people, particularly people of color, within its borders creates a situation where people want to rid themselves of its hegemony.
The oligarchic nature of the US state, coupled with massive wealth disparity creates the potential ground for class war.xxviii The US’s dependence on capitalist infrastructure further exacerbates its problems. This is a major issue for the state in the face of internal armed struggle, and a huge field of potential for the insurgent. Without a social safety net, the population in the US is vulnerable to natural and economic catastrophes. This is quite apparent with the supply-chain disruptions during the COVID-19 pandemic or the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. Even day to day social problems, like lack of access to medical care, are severe, creating questions about the state’s ability to administer its population.
The very existence of an insurgency necessitates the development of functional and revolutionary supply chains – a direct challenge to the administration of the state. This is understood by US government and the reason why it felt threatened by Black Panther Party breakfast program, ambulance services, health clinics and education programs. Yet its policy of deprivation continues, creating a need for what insurgents have to offer.
Currently, western civilization is catapulting itself towards impending demise. The failure of Ukraine to gain the upper hand against Russia despite the US pouring money into the conflict and the success of the Axis of Resistance against ‘Israel’, particularly Ansar Allah’s defeat of the US Navy, demonstrate that Western military might is waning. The rise of anti-colonial, anti-West movements in the Sahel and West Asia would not have been possible without this weakening. The BRICS alignment is forcing the West to reckon with a new geopolitical order. Seemingly grasping at straws to try to retain its dominant position, the US has been threatening to start a plethora of wars without clear ability to succeed. Furthermore, internal politics in the US have never been more contentious and divisive. With the rise of fascism, and it’s conspiracy-prone base, those who care about people and approach social organization logically are looking for alternatives. The perfect conditions for an insurgency are amassing: the US is waning as a global power, it hosts a wildly divided population and has no plan in place for people’s survival.
The potential success of an insurgent struggle is greater now than ever before. The global order will look very different in the span of a few years to decades. The fall of the brutal hegemony of the US could lead to a restructuring of political and economic relations around the globe. It would be ideal if new forms of society had a liberatory characteristic and to do that comrades in the US can start laying the groundwork for an insurgency.
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How to start building an insurgency
The first step is to set up political organization(s). Members should be aligned in terms of ideology, strategy and, most importantly, around revolutionary rather than radical or reformist goals.
Participants can form either one large organization or facilitate a network of aligned groups. The choice between a network or organization depends on the dispositions of those involved and currently existing formations. Political groups should agree on a structure for their organization and roles of the members, while networks should agree on how organizations will communicate effectively with each other and roles of each group. Both should agree on revolutionary outcomes, codes of behavior, political outlook and ways of measuring success
The political position of this proposal is intended for the revolutionary left, following an anti-capitalist and anti-colonial perspective. Political groups should be fully committed to the destruction of the United States and its racist history and culture. The guiding question that should inform debates is: what would improve the lives of those who have been and are currently most disadvantaged by white supremacist American society: people of color and those who lack money and resources?
Political organizations can focus their work on building militant, political and economic infrastructure. To do so they should start developing social organizations and fighting forces. There are two ways to start: 1) identify the material needs of an insurgency and comrades with the skills to create those organizations and 2) take stock of groups and resources that already exist that could be aligned to further develop the strategic goals.
While social organizations can be based on the skills and abilities of current members, they shouldn’t be exclusively determined on that basis. Consideration should be given to needs of the fighters and needs of community members. For example, some basics needed to support an insurgency include: logistics and infrastructure, communication networks, sources for food and goods for living, community decision making bodies, medical care, and revolutionary education. Likewise, political organizations can consider the acute needs of the people in their areas.
Political education is a foundational aspect of developing the struggle because propaganda and classes can bring in new comrades. Political classes about revolutionary struggle and ideas can attract people who would like to join the political organization, and practical workshops can give them the skills to build out social organizations. Classes and schools can be both for potential organization members and for broader society.
The intention for the social programs is that they should be of far better quality than those of capitalist society. For example, food should be more delicious and wholesome; medical care should be more preventative, caring and accessible; classes should be conducted with the highest level of preparation and research, showing respect for all involved.
There are many revolutionary projects that exist currently that translate well to an insurgent strategy. Food distributions can expand their operations and be further developed to become supplied by comrade farms, for example, increasing self-sufficiency. Conflict resolution groups could be made available to the public to create a body for justice outside of the court system. Medics could receive further training to help build out community health programs and provide medical care for fighters. Always resist the temptation to work with nonprofits. They are structurally aligned with the state.
Even though much groundwork needs to be done before fighting forces start their work, it would be ideal to recruit and train as many people as possible and as early as possible to be ready to act when the time is right. To do this correctly requires a lengthy process. A few members of political organizations can be tasked with doing this. It is important to keep a separation between fighting forces and social organizations.
Building out the fighting forces must be done with the highest level of discretion. Only comrades who are well known to the recruiter should be invited to participate. Comrades with combat experience can train others. This can happen at ranges but also it will be useful to find and utilize surreptitious training areas. A training program for skills and study can de developed to make sure fighters have the skills they need to do actions and resist entrapment. These skills should be practiced regularly.
Many nighttime affinity groups currently exist whose structure and actions mirror that of a guerrilla unit, as a guerrilla warrior doesn’t have to wait for orders to be able to make decisions.xxix They are relatively independent, politically well-versed, conduct hit and run strikes, are fluid and flexible, secure because they don’t necessarily have to know who comprises other groups and able to produce their own propaganda materials. These groups can be a source of fighters.
It is important however to note the differences between nighttime groups and a developed guerrilla struggle. The extensive tunnel networks in Gaza and Vietnam, for example, could not have been constructed without major coordination and organization. Fighting forces need to decide on a secure structure and a means for coordination from the start. Guerrillas don’t need to necessarily know who is in other cells but should have a way to communicate. There should also be a way to communicate between political organizations and fighting forces that should includes ways of determining a greater war strategy. Its important from the outset to also develop plans for sizing up formations in the later stages of the struggle.
Field Marshall DC counsels: “In organizing self-defense groups… the most important consideration is whether or not the person to be incorporated into the group understands fully that what he or she is doing is the right thing to do.”xxx Those who hold guns and are fighting the state should embody the most stand up characteristics of a revolutionary. Fighters should be motivated by the political outcomes, embody what it means to be a political actor and carry a full commitment to the struggle because, just like all political organizations, fighting forces should be a prime example of their own liberatory politics. This is conveyed by how guerrillas treat each other and the people, the types of actions taken and the messaging around actions. Independent motivation is also important because guerrilla units need to act without direction, deciding their own missions and developing their own propaganda.
Finding resolute and committed revolutionaries to become guerrillas is essential, but also the act of participating in revolutionary war builds the characters of those involved. “[T]o be an assailant or terrorist is a quality that ennobles any honorable man because it is an act worthy of a revolutionary engaged in armed struggle against the shameful military dictatorship and its monstrosities.” (Marighella) The sheer engagement in fighting back against the brutal state, and the motivation of love for oppressed people, is enriching for the participants. Even more so, through the participation in collective armed action, fighters develop qualities such as steadfastness and circumspection, which are ideal qualities for people participating in a revolutionary society. The necessary collectivity of an armed unit increases the fighters’ collaborative spirit and ability to think about the whole.
Selflessness is an important quality for a revolutionary, but it is not to indicate a rush towards death. The next sentence that follows the opening Marighella quote for this section is, “Thanks to it, the urban guerrilla can accomplish his principle duty, which is to attack and survive.”xxxi This is not just pragmatic, being that there are far less insurgents than there are of the enemy, but more importantly, it reflects a value system spread throughout all the insurgent forces and organizations. The well-being of the overall community must be synonymous with fighting prowess. Revolutionary culture is a culture of life.
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Revolutionary Culture
The tenure of revolutionary work is presented to the greater public through the culture of political actors. Revolutionary culture should be built on a foundation of participants who are humble, genuine, true to their words and share a longterm commitment to the political struggle. This culture should permeate every activity of a political organization.
All members should be clear, open, honest and hold themselves to the highest standards in terms of their treatment of others. It is important for all political actors to evaluate their motivations: are they doing political work for the sake of their ego, do they have insecurities or are they dealing with mental health challenges? There is role for everyone in developing an insurgency and it is essential that everyone is very honest with themselves and others about their abilities, limitations and personal challenges to know what their role should be. This self-knowledge is essential. Marighella suggests that, “[Guerrilla warfare] is a pledge which the guerrilla makes to himself. When he can no longer face the difficulties, or if he knows that he lacks the patience to wait, then it is better for him to relinquish his role before he betrays his pledge.”xxxii
In order to begin developing revolutionary culture collectively, it is important to forge agreements on expected behaviors of comrades towards each other and towards the public, their commitments to the organization, what qualities to look for in people who want to join and the process and expectations for people leaving the organization.
Collectivity may be atypical for anyone who was acculturated in the US, but active steps can be taken to develop this skill and set a new standard for revolutionary work. Look to members who did not grow up in the US for advice on this matter. They will often have a better model for sociability. Conduct active listening workshops where members practice hearing each other out on matters that don’t have high stakes.
A forum for discussing and resolving disagreements is essential. Conflicts can be headed off by principled critique/self-critique sessions, and handled after the fact by mediation teams, for example. Any critique that is issued should come from a place of trust, commitment and belief that the other member is also committed and open to change.
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Funding
In the beginning stages multiple and diverse sources of funding should be established. Political work may be supported through monetary and in-kind donations, self-sustaining projects, international funding, kidnapping, extortion and expropriation of the enemy class.
Social organizations can be sustained through donations of the participants and supporters. For example, a school or collective kitchen can take sliding scale or monthly donations.
Comrade businesses can have a dual use of making money for comrades but also, when needed, offering logistical support. For example, companies that use trucks or warehouses will one day be useful for storing and moving materiel. Members who have a clean record can apply for a Federal Firearms License in order to sell arms for their livelihood but also offer a friendly place for comrades to acquire them at cost.
Social organizations can be developed for self-sustainability like growing food, producing clothes, building internet mesh networks, weapons or fuel production. As the US economy continues its downward trajectory, these resources will be necessary not just for supporting the fighters but for broader society.
International support can be sought. Ideologically close allies are ideal for trade and funding. There are many enemies of the US who would be eager to support an insurgency in the US but this must be weighed out with the potential of becoming their proxy.
Kidnapping, extortion and expropriation can be used with caution. They should have the dual purpose of putting pressure on the enemy while also gaining funds. These endeavors should be undertaken in the safest way possible, when the odds are stacked in favor of those doing the actions. It is important not to get too many fighters caught up by activities that should support the growth of the insurgency. For example, digital bank robberies are safer and potentially more lucrative than ones in person or extortion can be based out of another country to decrease the risk.
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Summary
- Decide on the goals, commitments and community agreements of the political organization(s).
- Determine organizational structure, means of communication and a plan for growth.
- Create a plan for developing revolutionary culture and conflict resolution.
- Assign specific duties to each member, making sure these duties overlap.
- Develop a method for bringing in new members.
- Develop a metric for measuring success.
- Develop a multi-pronged fundraising strategy, with proposed expansion for different stages of the struggle.
- Identify existing social organizations and decide which essential ones need to be developed.
- Develop a plan for recruiting and training fighters.
- Decide on a structure for units.
- Decide on a means for secure communication.
- Develop a means to confer between political groups and fighting cells on political direction and strategy.
- Decide what issues to focus on for widespread propaganda.
- Develop social organizations.
- Members with key skills and knowledge start building agreed upon social organizations.
- Assigned members speak with already existing projects about joining forces.
- Offer political education for potential new members and/or the public.
- Develop a comprehensive educational program.
- Have a clear system in place for new members to join.
- Recruit fighters.
- Develop a training regimen and assign members to carry out this program.
- Put material needs in place: safe houses, armories, training areas, workshops.
- Develop a plan for weapons procurement.
Until we meet
Setting out to build an insurgency in the US from the current state of the movement might seem like a monumental task but it is important to keep some precedents in mind.
Every organization and every armed struggle had to start from nothing. Many began in even less favorable conditions and with much less support. Know that it is possible to fight through extreme adversity when our organizations are strong, and always remember that it is possible to create the best conditions for the movement.
The situation in the US makes it ripe for political change. The US is flailing politically and economically. People are searching for solutions for basic survival and want to see the development of a capable struggle. Concerted and functional organization creates confidence in people and an insurgency has the capacity to turn a sustainable and humanizing society into a reality.
The tides of political change have been decisively shifting within the last 20 years. The veneer of civil society has eroded, making activism essentially useless. Where previously many on the far left have vocalized a more tempered political vision, now they are taking their cues from the most serious insurgent forces like the Resistance in Palestine. The fact that this is one of the last Western colonial bastions materially connects our struggles, giving political actors psychological fortitude and demonstrating how to fight a more militarized enemy. People in the movement in the US are no longer presenting themselves as radicals, but as revolutionaries, a fundamental perspective necessary to transform a wavering movement into a solid and impenetrable insurgency.
We are never too few and it is never too late to start building. Our determination and steadfastness will lead to our success.
This text is written with love for fellow revolutionaries and belief in our collective capacity. Though many will never know who wrote this document, we convey our respect for everyone who chooses this path.
See you on the battlefield!
Written with love by Sofia Valencia
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Further reading
Warfare Manuals
The Art of War, Sun Tzu
On Organizing Urban Guerrilla Units, Field Marshall D.C.
Handbook for Volunteers of the Irish Republican Army
On Guerrilla Warfare, Mao Tse-Tung
Guerrilla Warfare, Che Guevara
The Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla, Carlos Marighella
The Life and Death of the East Asia Anti-Japan Armed Front, Max Res
Experiences in the Struggle
My Life in the Black Panther Party, Field Marshall D.C.
Maroon the Implacable: The Collected Writings of Russell Maroon Shoatz
Democratic Autonomy in Northern Kurdistan
The Fire and the Word: A History of the Zapatista Movement, Gloria Muñoz Ramírez
Mau Mau From Within a book by Karari Njama, Donald L Barnett
The War Before: A True Life Story, Safiya Bukhari
Counterinsurgency
The Other Side of COIN Kristian Williams
Counterinsurgency Warfare: Theory and Practice, David Galula
Learning to Eat Soup with a Knife: Counterinsurgency Lessons from Malaya and Vietnam, John A. Nagl
The U.S. Army and Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual, David Petraeus
Warfighting, US Marine Corps
Theory
The Philosophy of the Urban Guerrilla, Abraham Guillen
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Further reading
iUS Marine Corps. Warfighting, 2018. iiThe People’s Defence Forces (Kurdish: Hêzên Parastina Gel, HPG) iiiWilliams, Kristian. The Other Side of COIN: Counterinsurgency and Community Policing, 2011. ivAxîn, Tekoşin. Understanding the self-sacrificial fighters marching to victory and changing the course of history, 2024. https://anfenglishmobile.com/features/understanding-the-self-sacrificial-fighters-marching-to-victory-and-changing-the-course-of-history-76052 vNelson, Stanley. Black Panthers: Vanguard of the Revolution, 2015. viBlack Liberation Media. Soldiers Stories, 2021. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u1Tz0ZEiprQ vii Galula, David. Counterinsurgency Warfare: Theory and Practice, 1964. pp 63.viii TATORT Kurdistan. Democratic Autonomy in Northern Kurdistan, 2013.
ix Villarreal, Ginna. Health Care Organized from Below: The Zapatista Experience, 2007. https://www.narconews.com/Issue44/article2502.html
x Warfield, Cian. Understanding Zapatista Autonomy: An Analysis of Healthcare and Education, 2014. https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/cian-warfield-understanding-zapatista-autonomy
xi Abouzeid, Rania. Are Israel and Hezbollah Headed Toward an “Open-Ended Battle”? 2024. https://www.newyorker.com/news/the-lede/are-israel-and-hezbollah-headed-toward-an-open-ended-battle?utm_source=pocket-newtab-en-us
xii Ealham, Chris. Anarchism and the City, 2010. https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/chris-ealham-anarchism-and-the-city
xiii Hanaysha, Shatha.‘Our freedom is close’: why these young Palestinian men choose armed resistance, 2024. https://mondoweiss.net/2024/10/our-freedom-is-close-why-these-young-palestinian-men-choose-armed-resistance/
xiv Marighella, Carlos. Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla, 1969. xv Galula, David. Counterinsurgency Warfare: Theory and Practice,1964. xvi Tse-Tung, Mao. On Guerrilla Warfare, 1937. xvii Ali, Mohanad Hage. Hezbollah and Syria From 1982 to 2011: Power Points Defining the Syria-Hezbollah Relationship, 2019, pp. 3-8. xviii Galula, David. Counterinsurgency Warfare: Theory and Practice, 1964. xix Schoots-McAlpine, Martin. Anatomy of a counter-insurgency: Efforts to undermine the George Floyd uprising. 2020 xx Petraeus, David. The U.S. Army and Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual, 2006. pp 54. xxi Marighella, Carlos. The Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla, 1969. xxii Galula, David. Counterinsurgency Warfare: Theory and Practice, 1964. pp 53. xxiii The Iron Column. A Day Mournful and Overcast, 1937. https://files.libcom.org/files/Uncontrollable-A_day_mournful-read.pdf xxiv US Marine Corps. Warfighting, pp 2-7. xxv Petraeus, David. The U.S. Army and Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual, 2006. pp 27-28. xxvi Hetherington, Tim and Sebastian Junger. Restrepo, 2010. 40:58. https://watchdocumentaries.com/restrepo/ xxvii Sottile, Zoe, Devon M. Sayers, Michelle Watson and Ryan Young,. South Carolina inmate executed by firing squad for first time in US since 2010, 2025. https://www.cnn.com/2025/03/07/us/brad-sigmon-south-carolina-firing-squad-execution xxviii Galula, David. Counterinsurgency Warfare: Theory and Practice,1964. xxix Devillé, Jozef. No Friends but the Mountains, 2018. 13:30. https://vimeo.com/257718365 xxx Field Marshall D.C. On Organizing Urban Guerrilla Units, 1970. xxxi Marighella, Carlos. The Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla, 1969. xxxii Marighella, Carlos. The Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla, 1969.https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=23059
#anarchism #anarchocommunism #antiColonialism #antiImperialism #burkinaFaso #communism #counterinsurgency #guineaBissau #insurgency #palestine #resistance #revolution #westernHegemony
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The fault in our system: Why The George Stinney Jr. story is still important
Table of Contents
- Introduction: The Fault in the System
- The Systemic Failure of 1944
- The Architecture of a Loophole
- The 13th Amendment and the “Except” Clause
- 81 Days: The Velocity of Injustice
- Isolation, Confession, and the Ten-Minute Verdict
- The Silent Suspect: When Justice is a Shield
- The Burke Family and the Protected Elite
- The Physical Impossibility
- Engineering and the Laws of Physics vs. State Narrative
- The Pattern: Beyond Alcolu
- The Ghosts of Alexander McClay Williams, Joe Persons, and James Arcene
- The Filter of Justice: Calibrating the Outcome
- Over-Policing, Differential Processing, and the “Crime Rate” Myth
- The Economic Engineering of Poverty: Wealth Theft
- The Removal of the Breadwinner and Generational Economic Erasure
- The “Why” of the Present
- Modern Parallels and the Continuity of Disparity
- A Note on “The Green Mile”
- Magical Realism vs. Historical Reality
- Conclusion: Closing the Loophole
Introduction: The fault in the system
When I first told my wife and my son about the subject of my next article, they cringed. I don’t blame them. As an engineer who spends my days developing solutions that ensure the reliability and integrity of the systems my clients depend on, my life is dedicated to solutions that are sound. But the story of George Stinney Jr. is a systems failure so profound, so gut-wrenching, that the natural human instinct is to look away.
I struggled with the “why” myself. Why revisit a tragedy from 1944? Why drag a 14-year-old boy back into the light only to watch him sit on a Bible to fit into an electric chair? The answer lies in the foundation of our country. If we do not understand the “Stinney Era,” we cannot understand the modern carceral state. We are not just looking at a sad story; we are looking at the blueprint of mass incarceration—the “teeth” that gave the Jim Crow era its bite.
The Architecture of a Loophole
To understand why George Stinney was executed in 81 days, we have to go back further than 1944. We have to look at the 13th Amendment. While we celebrate it for “ending” slavery, it contained a structural flaw that was exploited by design:
“Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States…”
That “except” clause is the most expensive word in American history. It created a legal bypass. If the state could label a Black person a “criminal,” it could legally return them to a state of servitude. Following the Civil War, Southern states engineered “Black Codes”—laws that criminalized everything from “vagrancy” to “loud talking.” This wasn’t about public safety; it was about labor and social control. The convict leasing system that followed was a direct evolution of the plantation, and by the mid-20th century, this system had evolved into the machinery of state-sanctioned terror that caught George Stinney in its gears.
81 Days: The Velocity of Injustice
In March 1944, in the segregated mill town of Alcolu, South Carolina, two young white girls—Betty June Binnicker and Mary Emma Thames—were found dead in a ditch. The town wanted blood. George Stinney Jr., a 95-pound Black boy who had been seen near the girls earlier that day, was the easiest target.
The “system” functioned with terrifying efficiency:
- Isolation: George was interrogated alone. His parents were forced to flee town under threat of violence, leaving their child in the hands of a mob-controlled state.
- The “Confession”: The police claimed he confessed. No written record of this confession exists. There were no witnesses to the statement.
- The Trial: The trial lasted barely two hours. George’s court-appointed lawyer, a tax commissioner with no trial experience, called zero witnesses and performed no cross-examination.
- The Jury: An all-white jury took less than ten minutes to find him guilty. They did not recommend mercy.
On June 16, 1944, George Stinney Jr. became the youngest person executed in 20th-century America. He was so small that the adult-sized electrodes wouldn’t fit his head. They used a Bible—the very book used to swear in the “justice” that was killing him—as a booster seat. When the current hit, the oversized mask fell off, exposing his terrified, weeping face to the witnesses.
The Silent Suspect: When Justice is a Shield
If George Stinney Jr. did not kill those two girls, then who did? For seventy years, the state of South Carolina acted as if the question were settled. But in the decades following the execution, a much more sinister reality began to emerge from the shadows of Alcolu.
The leading theory, supported by local testimony and research presented during the 2014 exoneration hearing, points toward George Burke Jr. He was the son of a prominent white businessman who owned the lumber mill where George’s father worked. More chillingly, Burke’s father was the foreman of the jury that sent George Stinney to the electric chair.
The community had whispered for years about a deathbed confession from the Burke family, but in 1944, those whispers were a death sentence. In the social hierarchy of a segregated mill town, a member of the Burke family was untouchable. The “system” didn’t just need a culprit; it needed a diversion. By sacrificing a 14-year-old Black boy, the state provided the white community with “closure” while ensuring the powerful remained protected. This is the ultimate callousness: the law wasn’t used to find the truth; it was used as a shield for the privileged and a shroud for the innocent.
The Physical Impossibility
We must also look at the physics—the cold, hard data that the 1944 court ignored. The girls were killed with a fourteen-inch railroad spike, suffering massive skull fractures. Forensic experts in 2014 testified that it would have been physically impossible for a 95-pound child to wield such a weapon with the force required to kill two people while also managing to overpower them both.
George had an alibi—his sister, Amie, was with him grazing the family cow when the girls passed by—but in a system designed to exploit the “punishment clause” of the 13th Amendment, an alibi is just noise. The “duly convicted” label was the goal, and the state achieved it by ignoring the laws of physics and the screams of a child.
The Pattern: Beyond Alcolu
George was a centerpiece, but he was not an anomaly. As I researched this, I found the ghosts of other children whose names have been scrubbed from the collective memory:
- Alexander McClay Williams (1931): At 16, he was the youngest person executed in Pennsylvania history. His “confession” was coerced, and the state suppressed evidence of a bloody handprint that didn’t match his. It took until 2022 for his conviction to be vacated.
- Joe Persons (1915): A boy in Georgia, estimated to be 12 or 13, who was so small that officials debated adding weights to his feet so the hanging would “work.”
- James Arcene (1885): A Cherokee youth executed for a crime committed when he was just 10 years old.
In each of these cases, the 13th Amendment’s “duly convicted” clause was the shield. By providing the thin veneer of a trial, the state could legally commit what was essentially a lynching.
The Filter of Justice: Calibrating the Outcome
When we discuss mass incarceration, a common counter-argument often arises: “Don’t Black people simply commit more crime?” I know that if you calibrate a sensor to only look for anomalies in one specific area, your data will be skewed. To understand the disparity, we must look past the “output” and analyze the “filter” of the legal machine.
1. The Frequency of Interaction Fallacy
The argument that Black people “commit more crime” often confuses crime rates with arrest rates. A 2023 UCLA study using smartphone data from 10,000 officers across 23 cities found that police spend significantly more time in Black neighborhoods, even when those neighborhoods have the same crime rates and income levels as white neighborhoods.
The result is simple math: if you put 100 police officers in one neighborhood and two in another, you will “discover” more crime in the first one—even if the actual behavior is identical. This creates a “feedback loop” where higher arrest records are used to justify even more policing, artificially inflating the statistical profile of a community.
2. Drug Use vs. Drug Arrests
This is the “smoking gun” of systemic bias. For decades, federal surveys from the CDC and the NAACP have shown that Black and white Americans use and sell drugs at almost identical rates. However, despite similar usage, Black Americans are nearly 4 times more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession and 6 times more likely to be incarcerated for drug charges overall. It’s not about who is committing the crime; it’s about who the system is looking for.
3. The “Differential Processing” of Justice
Even when the crime and the criminal history are identical, the system treats the bodies differently:
- Bail: Black defendants are 21% more likely to be denied bail, which forces them to stay in jail while awaiting trial—leading to lost jobs, lost homes, and a higher likelihood of eventually taking a “guilty plea” just to go home.
- Plea Bargaining: Prosecutors are more likely to offer plea deals that include prison time to Black defendants, while white defendants are more likely to be offered “diversion programs” or probation.
- Sentencing Length: According to 2026 data reports, Black men receive sentences that are 19.1% longer than white men for the exact same crimes.
4. Wrongful Convictions: The Margin of Error
If the system were truly objective, the rate of “mistakes” would be equal. It isn’t. Black people make up 13% of the population but over 50% of the exonerated population. Innocent Black people are 7 times more likely to be wrongfully convicted of murder and 12 times more likely to be wrongfully convicted of drug crimes than white people.
George Stinney Jr. is the historical proof of this. The system didn’t care about the truth; it cared about “closure” that fit the racial hierarchy. When someone says, “they commit more crime,” they are looking at the output of a machine and assuming it is a neutral scale. But as an engineer, I see a filter. It filters out white crime through warnings and diversions, and it filters in Black crime through over-policing and structural bias.
The Economic Engineering of Poverty: Wealth Theft
If you want to understand why a large percentage of the Black community remains trapped in poverty today, you need to look no further than the “teeth” of mass incarceration. It was never just about free labor for a season; it was about the permanent maintenance of a lower class.
When the state arrested George Stinney Jr., they didn’t just take a child; they destroyed a household. Within hours of his arrest, his father was fired from the local lumber mill. The family was given mere hours to vacate their company-owned housing and flee the town. They left behind their possessions, their community, and their stability.
Mass incarceration acts as a surgical strike against the Black family unit. By removing men—and in George’s case, the future men of the community—the system achieves several objectives:
- Destruction of the Household Anchor: Historically, when a man was incarcerated or executed, the family lost its primary earner. According to the American Journal of Sociology, paternal incarceration is one of the single greatest predictors of a family falling below the poverty line.
- The “Marriageable Men” Gap: By disproportionately removing Black men from the community, the state created a demographic vacuum. This forced single mothers into a cycle of “survival labor,” where the ability to save, invest, or purchase property became a mathematical impossibility.
- Educational Depletion: A 2014 study by the National Academy of Sciences found that the children of incarcerated parents are significantly less likely to graduate from college, creating a “secondary sentence” that spans generations.
The Numbers Behind the Theft
The statistics are staggering:
- The Wealth Gap: Today, the median white household holds roughly eight times the wealth of the median Black household. This is not a failure of work ethic; it is a result of a century of wealth-stripping policies.
- Lifetime Loss: The Brennan Center for Justice estimated that formerly incarcerated people lose an average of $500,000 in lifetime earnings. When you multiply that by the millions of Black men swept up in the “War on Drugs,” you are looking at trillions of dollars in wealth that never entered the Black community.
- Voter Disenfranchisement: In many states, a felony conviction (the “duly convicted” status of the 13th Amendment) leads to the loss of voting rights. This removes the community’s ability to vote for the very policies—school funding and housing—that build wealth.
Mass incarceration is not a “side effect” of poverty; it is the architect of it. It ensures that the Black community remains in a state of “perpetual catch-up.” Every time a generation begins to build equity, a new wave of “tough on crime” legislation resets the clock.
The “Why” of the Present
People ask me why this matters now. It matters because the “punishment clause” is still in the Constitution. The transition from the Jim Crow executions of the 40s to the mass incarceration boom of the 80s and 90s is a straight line.
I know that systems don’t fix themselves. When we look at the racial disparities in our modern prison system, we are seeing the same logic that executed George Stinney. We are seeing a system that prioritizes “closure” and “control” over “integrity.”
When the Stinney family was run out of town, they lost their property, their stability, and their history. This is how the wealth gap was engineered. Mass incarceration isn’t just about the person in the cell; it is about the “Generational Theft” of Black potential. We care about George Stinney because his execution was a warning shot: The law does not belong to you.
A Note on “The Green Mile”
By the way, as I dug into this, I noticed how many people believe that Stephen King’s The Green Mile is based on George Stinney. While King has never confirmed this, the parallels are undeniable: the two girls, the rural South, the wrongful execution.
But there is a dangerous difference. In the movie, John Coffey is a “Magical Negro”—a gentle giant with supernatural powers. In reality, George Stinney had no magic. He was just a scared 14-year-old child who wanted to go home. By turning these tragedies into “magical fables,” we risk softening the edges of the reality. We don’t need magic to explain George’s innocence; we just need to look at the physics of a 90-pound boy and the corruption of a system that didn’t care to measure the weight of the evidence.
Conclusion: Closing the Loophole
In 2014, seventy years after he was killed, Judge Carmen Mullen vacated George Stinney’s conviction. She cited “fundamental, constitutional violations of due process.” It was a victory, but a hollow one. You cannot return 70 years of life to a boy who was burned to death by his own government.
We revisit this story because the “crack” in the foundation is still there. As long as the 13th Amendment allows for slavery-by-another-name, and as long as our system views Black children as “superpredators” rather than children, George Stinney is not a ghost of the past. He is a mirror of the present.
If a system is designed to protect some by sacrificing others, it has no integrity. It is a bridge waiting to collapse. We owe it to George—and to the children whose names we don’t yet know—to stop patching the cracks and start questioning the blueprint. Until the “except as punishment” loophole is closed and the law is applied without the filter of power and race, we aren’t living in a state of justice. We are just living in a very long, very crowded Green Mile.
Glossary of Terms
- 13th Amendment (Punishment Clause): The section of the US Constitution that abolished slavery except as punishment for a crime, creating a legal loophole for involuntary servitude.
- Black Codes: Laws passed by Southern states after the Civil War to restrict the freedom of Black Americans and compel them to work in a labor economy based on low wages or debt.
- Convict Leasing: A system in which state penitentiaries leased incarcerated people to private companies (e.g., coal mines, railroads) for labor.
- Differential Processing: The phenomenon where individuals of different races are treated differently by the criminal justice system even when the alleged crimes are identical.
- Doli Incapax: A legal doctrine (often ignored in the Jim Crow era) suggesting that children below a certain age are incapable of forming the intent to commit a crime.
- Generational Wealth Theft: The systemic removal of assets, property, and earning potential from a specific community over time, preventing the accumulation of intergenerational wealth.
- Jim Crow Era: The period (late 19th century to mid-20th century) characterized by state and local laws that enforced racial segregation in the United States.
- Vacated Conviction: A legal ruling that voids a previous conviction, treating it as if it never happened due to errors or violations of rights (as seen in Stinney’s 2014 case).
Bibliography & References
Legal & Historical Documents
- U.S. Const. amend. XIII. (1865). The 13th Amendment of the United States Constitution.
- State of South Carolina v. George Stinney, Jr. (1944). Trial Transcript and Court Records (Archived).
- Mullen, C. (2014). Order Vacating Judgment in the Case of State v. George Stinney, Jr. Circuit Court of South Carolina.
Academic Research & Books
- Alexander, M. (2010). The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. The New Press.
- Blackmon, D. A. (2008). Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II. Doubleday.
- National Academy of Sciences. (2014). The Growth of Incarceration in the United States: Exploring Causes and Consequences. National Academies Press.
- The Sentencing Project. (2023). The Color of Justice: Racial and Ethnic Disparity in State Prisons. ### Articles & Data Reports
- Brennan Center for Justice. (2022). Conviction, Imprisonment, and Lost Earnings: How the Criminal Justice System Deepens Inequality.
- UCLA Department of Sociology. (2023). Police Activity Analysis: Surveillance and Deployment in Urban Environments.
- U.S. Sentencing Commission. (2024-2026). Report to the Congress: Federal Sentencing Statistics and Fentanyl Trafficking Trends.
- Urban Institute. (2026). Racial Disparities in Charging and Plea Bargaining: A Longitudinal Study.
- Introduction: The Fault in the System
-
The fault in our system: Why The George Stinney Jr. story is still important
Table of Contents
- Introduction: The Fault in the System
- The Systemic Failure of 1944
- The Architecture of a Loophole
- The 13th Amendment and the “Except” Clause
- 81 Days: The Velocity of Injustice
- Isolation, Confession, and the Ten-Minute Verdict
- The Silent Suspect: When Justice is a Shield
- The Burke Family and the Protected Elite
- The Physical Impossibility
- Engineering and the Laws of Physics vs. State Narrative
- The Pattern: Beyond Alcolu
- The Ghosts of Alexander McClay Williams, Joe Persons, and James Arcene
- The Filter of Justice: Calibrating the Outcome
- Over-Policing, Differential Processing, and the “Crime Rate” Myth
- The Economic Engineering of Poverty: Wealth Theft
- The Removal of the Breadwinner and Generational Economic Erasure
- The “Why” of the Present
- Modern Parallels and the Continuity of Disparity
- A Note on “The Green Mile”
- Magical Realism vs. Historical Reality
- Conclusion: Closing the Loophole
Introduction: The fault in the system
When I first told my wife and my son about the subject of my next article, they cringed. I don’t blame them. As an engineer who spends my days developing solutions that ensure the reliability and integrity of the systems my clients depend on, my life is dedicated to solutions that are sound. But the story of George Stinney Jr. is a systems failure so profound, so gut-wrenching, that the natural human instinct is to look away.
I struggled with the “why” myself. Why revisit a tragedy from 1944? Why drag a 14-year-old boy back into the light only to watch him sit on a Bible to fit into an electric chair? The answer lies in the foundation of our country. If we do not understand the “Stinney Era,” we cannot understand the modern carceral state. We are not just looking at a sad story; we are looking at the blueprint of mass incarceration—the “teeth” that gave the Jim Crow era its bite.
The Architecture of a Loophole
To understand why George Stinney was executed in 81 days, we have to go back further than 1944. We have to look at the 13th Amendment. While we celebrate it for “ending” slavery, it contained a structural flaw that was exploited by design:
“Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States…”
That “except” clause is the most expensive word in American history. It created a legal bypass. If the state could label a Black person a “criminal,” it could legally return them to a state of servitude. Following the Civil War, Southern states engineered “Black Codes”—laws that criminalized everything from “vagrancy” to “loud talking.” This wasn’t about public safety; it was about labor and social control. The convict leasing system that followed was a direct evolution of the plantation, and by the mid-20th century, this system had evolved into the machinery of state-sanctioned terror that caught George Stinney in its gears.
81 Days: The Velocity of Injustice
In March 1944, in the segregated mill town of Alcolu, South Carolina, two young white girls—Betty June Binnicker and Mary Emma Thames—were found dead in a ditch. The town wanted blood. George Stinney Jr., a 95-pound Black boy who had been seen near the girls earlier that day, was the easiest target.
The “system” functioned with terrifying efficiency:
- Isolation: George was interrogated alone. His parents were forced to flee town under threat of violence, leaving their child in the hands of a mob-controlled state.
- The “Confession”: The police claimed he confessed. No written record of this confession exists. There were no witnesses to the statement.
- The Trial: The trial lasted barely two hours. George’s court-appointed lawyer, a tax commissioner with no trial experience, called zero witnesses and performed no cross-examination.
- The Jury: An all-white jury took less than ten minutes to find him guilty. They did not recommend mercy.
On June 16, 1944, George Stinney Jr. became the youngest person executed in 20th-century America. He was so small that the adult-sized electrodes wouldn’t fit his head. They used a Bible—the very book used to swear in the “justice” that was killing him—as a booster seat. When the current hit, the oversized mask fell off, exposing his terrified, weeping face to the witnesses.
The Silent Suspect: When Justice is a Shield
If George Stinney Jr. did not kill those two girls, then who did? For seventy years, the state of South Carolina acted as if the question were settled. But in the decades following the execution, a much more sinister reality began to emerge from the shadows of Alcolu.
The leading theory, supported by local testimony and research presented during the 2014 exoneration hearing, points toward George Burke Jr. He was the son of a prominent white businessman who owned the lumber mill where George’s father worked. More chillingly, Burke’s father was the foreman of the jury that sent George Stinney to the electric chair.
The community had whispered for years about a deathbed confession from the Burke family, but in 1944, those whispers were a death sentence. In the social hierarchy of a segregated mill town, a member of the Burke family was untouchable. The “system” didn’t just need a culprit; it needed a diversion. By sacrificing a 14-year-old Black boy, the state provided the white community with “closure” while ensuring the powerful remained protected. This is the ultimate callousness: the law wasn’t used to find the truth; it was used as a shield for the privileged and a shroud for the innocent.
The Physical Impossibility
We must also look at the physics—the cold, hard data that the 1944 court ignored. The girls were killed with a fourteen-inch railroad spike, suffering massive skull fractures. Forensic experts in 2014 testified that it would have been physically impossible for a 95-pound child to wield such a weapon with the force required to kill two people while also managing to overpower them both.
George had an alibi—his sister, Amie, was with him grazing the family cow when the girls passed by—but in a system designed to exploit the “punishment clause” of the 13th Amendment, an alibi is just noise. The “duly convicted” label was the goal, and the state achieved it by ignoring the laws of physics and the screams of a child.
The Pattern: Beyond Alcolu
George was a centerpiece, but he was not an anomaly. As I researched this, I found the ghosts of other children whose names have been scrubbed from the collective memory:
- Alexander McClay Williams (1931): At 16, he was the youngest person executed in Pennsylvania history. His “confession” was coerced, and the state suppressed evidence of a bloody handprint that didn’t match his. It took until 2022 for his conviction to be vacated.
- Joe Persons (1915): A boy in Georgia, estimated to be 12 or 13, who was so small that officials debated adding weights to his feet so the hanging would “work.”
- James Arcene (1885): A Cherokee youth executed for a crime committed when he was just 10 years old.
In each of these cases, the 13th Amendment’s “duly convicted” clause was the shield. By providing the thin veneer of a trial, the state could legally commit what was essentially a lynching.
The Filter of Justice: Calibrating the Outcome
When we discuss mass incarceration, a common counter-argument often arises: “Don’t Black people simply commit more crime?” I know that if you calibrate a sensor to only look for anomalies in one specific area, your data will be skewed. To understand the disparity, we must look past the “output” and analyze the “filter” of the legal machine.
1. The Frequency of Interaction Fallacy
The argument that Black people “commit more crime” often confuses crime rates with arrest rates. A 2023 UCLA study using smartphone data from 10,000 officers across 23 cities found that police spend significantly more time in Black neighborhoods, even when those neighborhoods have the same crime rates and income levels as white neighborhoods.
The result is simple math: if you put 100 police officers in one neighborhood and two in another, you will “discover” more crime in the first one—even if the actual behavior is identical. This creates a “feedback loop” where higher arrest records are used to justify even more policing, artificially inflating the statistical profile of a community.
2. Drug Use vs. Drug Arrests
This is the “smoking gun” of systemic bias. For decades, federal surveys from the CDC and the NAACP have shown that Black and white Americans use and sell drugs at almost identical rates. However, despite similar usage, Black Americans are nearly 4 times more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession and 6 times more likely to be incarcerated for drug charges overall. It’s not about who is committing the crime; it’s about who the system is looking for.
3. The “Differential Processing” of Justice
Even when the crime and the criminal history are identical, the system treats the bodies differently:
- Bail: Black defendants are 21% more likely to be denied bail, which forces them to stay in jail while awaiting trial—leading to lost jobs, lost homes, and a higher likelihood of eventually taking a “guilty plea” just to go home.
- Plea Bargaining: Prosecutors are more likely to offer plea deals that include prison time to Black defendants, while white defendants are more likely to be offered “diversion programs” or probation.
- Sentencing Length: According to 2026 data reports, Black men receive sentences that are 19.1% longer than white men for the exact same crimes.
4. Wrongful Convictions: The Margin of Error
If the system were truly objective, the rate of “mistakes” would be equal. It isn’t. Black people make up 13% of the population but over 50% of the exonerated population. Innocent Black people are 7 times more likely to be wrongfully convicted of murder and 12 times more likely to be wrongfully convicted of drug crimes than white people.
George Stinney Jr. is the historical proof of this. The system didn’t care about the truth; it cared about “closure” that fit the racial hierarchy. When someone says, “they commit more crime,” they are looking at the output of a machine and assuming it is a neutral scale. But as an engineer, I see a filter. It filters out white crime through warnings and diversions, and it filters in Black crime through over-policing and structural bias.
The Economic Engineering of Poverty: Wealth Theft
If you want to understand why a large percentage of the Black community remains trapped in poverty today, you need to look no further than the “teeth” of mass incarceration. It was never just about free labor for a season; it was about the permanent maintenance of a lower class.
When the state arrested George Stinney Jr., they didn’t just take a child; they destroyed a household. Within hours of his arrest, his father was fired from the local lumber mill. The family was given mere hours to vacate their company-owned housing and flee the town. They left behind their possessions, their community, and their stability.
Mass incarceration acts as a surgical strike against the Black family unit. By removing men—and in George’s case, the future men of the community—the system achieves several objectives:
- Destruction of the Household Anchor: Historically, when a man was incarcerated or executed, the family lost its primary earner. According to the American Journal of Sociology, paternal incarceration is one of the single greatest predictors of a family falling below the poverty line.
- The “Marriageable Men” Gap: By disproportionately removing Black men from the community, the state created a demographic vacuum. This forced single mothers into a cycle of “survival labor,” where the ability to save, invest, or purchase property became a mathematical impossibility.
- Educational Depletion: A 2014 study by the National Academy of Sciences found that the children of incarcerated parents are significantly less likely to graduate from college, creating a “secondary sentence” that spans generations.
The Numbers Behind the Theft
The statistics are staggering:
- The Wealth Gap: Today, the median white household holds roughly eight times the wealth of the median Black household. This is not a failure of work ethic; it is a result of a century of wealth-stripping policies.
- Lifetime Loss: The Brennan Center for Justice estimated that formerly incarcerated people lose an average of $500,000 in lifetime earnings. When you multiply that by the millions of Black men swept up in the “War on Drugs,” you are looking at trillions of dollars in wealth that never entered the Black community.
- Voter Disenfranchisement: In many states, a felony conviction (the “duly convicted” status of the 13th Amendment) leads to the loss of voting rights. This removes the community’s ability to vote for the very policies—school funding and housing—that build wealth.
Mass incarceration is not a “side effect” of poverty; it is the architect of it. It ensures that the Black community remains in a state of “perpetual catch-up.” Every time a generation begins to build equity, a new wave of “tough on crime” legislation resets the clock.
The “Why” of the Present
People ask me why this matters now. It matters because the “punishment clause” is still in the Constitution. The transition from the Jim Crow executions of the 40s to the mass incarceration boom of the 80s and 90s is a straight line.
I know that systems don’t fix themselves. When we look at the racial disparities in our modern prison system, we are seeing the same logic that executed George Stinney. We are seeing a system that prioritizes “closure” and “control” over “integrity.”
When the Stinney family was run out of town, they lost their property, their stability, and their history. This is how the wealth gap was engineered. Mass incarceration isn’t just about the person in the cell; it is about the “Generational Theft” of Black potential. We care about George Stinney because his execution was a warning shot: The law does not belong to you.
A Note on “The Green Mile”
By the way, as I dug into this, I noticed how many people believe that Stephen King’s The Green Mile is based on George Stinney. While King has never confirmed this, the parallels are undeniable: the two girls, the rural South, the wrongful execution.
But there is a dangerous difference. In the movie, John Coffey is a “Magical Negro”—a gentle giant with supernatural powers. In reality, George Stinney had no magic. He was just a scared 14-year-old child who wanted to go home. By turning these tragedies into “magical fables,” we risk softening the edges of the reality. We don’t need magic to explain George’s innocence; we just need to look at the physics of a 90-pound boy and the corruption of a system that didn’t care to measure the weight of the evidence.
Conclusion: Closing the Loophole
In 2014, seventy years after he was killed, Judge Carmen Mullen vacated George Stinney’s conviction. She cited “fundamental, constitutional violations of due process.” It was a victory, but a hollow one. You cannot return 70 years of life to a boy who was burned to death by his own government.
We revisit this story because the “crack” in the foundation is still there. As long as the 13th Amendment allows for slavery-by-another-name, and as long as our system views Black children as “superpredators” rather than children, George Stinney is not a ghost of the past. He is a mirror of the present.
If a system is designed to protect some by sacrificing others, it has no integrity. It is a bridge waiting to collapse. We owe it to George—and to the children whose names we don’t yet know—to stop patching the cracks and start questioning the blueprint. Until the “except as punishment” loophole is closed and the law is applied without the filter of power and race, we aren’t living in a state of justice. We are just living in a very long, very crowded Green Mile.
Glossary of Terms
- 13th Amendment (Punishment Clause): The section of the US Constitution that abolished slavery except as punishment for a crime, creating a legal loophole for involuntary servitude.
- Black Codes: Laws passed by Southern states after the Civil War to restrict the freedom of Black Americans and compel them to work in a labor economy based on low wages or debt.
- Convict Leasing: A system in which state penitentiaries leased incarcerated people to private companies (e.g., coal mines, railroads) for labor.
- Differential Processing: The phenomenon where individuals of different races are treated differently by the criminal justice system even when the alleged crimes are identical.
- Doli Incapax: A legal doctrine (often ignored in the Jim Crow era) suggesting that children below a certain age are incapable of forming the intent to commit a crime.
- Generational Wealth Theft: The systemic removal of assets, property, and earning potential from a specific community over time, preventing the accumulation of intergenerational wealth.
- Jim Crow Era: The period (late 19th century to mid-20th century) characterized by state and local laws that enforced racial segregation in the United States.
- Vacated Conviction: A legal ruling that voids a previous conviction, treating it as if it never happened due to errors or violations of rights (as seen in Stinney’s 2014 case).
Bibliography & References
Legal & Historical Documents
- U.S. Const. amend. XIII. (1865). The 13th Amendment of the United States Constitution.
- State of South Carolina v. George Stinney, Jr. (1944). Trial Transcript and Court Records (Archived).
- Mullen, C. (2014). Order Vacating Judgment in the Case of State v. George Stinney, Jr. Circuit Court of South Carolina.
Academic Research & Books
- Alexander, M. (2010). The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. The New Press.
- Blackmon, D. A. (2008). Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II. Doubleday.
- National Academy of Sciences. (2014). The Growth of Incarceration in the United States: Exploring Causes and Consequences. National Academies Press.
- The Sentencing Project. (2023). The Color of Justice: Racial and Ethnic Disparity in State Prisons. ### Articles & Data Reports
- Brennan Center for Justice. (2022). Conviction, Imprisonment, and Lost Earnings: How the Criminal Justice System Deepens Inequality.
- UCLA Department of Sociology. (2023). Police Activity Analysis: Surveillance and Deployment in Urban Environments.
- U.S. Sentencing Commission. (2024-2026). Report to the Congress: Federal Sentencing Statistics and Fentanyl Trafficking Trends.
- Urban Institute. (2026). Racial Disparities in Charging and Plea Bargaining: A Longitudinal Study.
- Introduction: The Fault in the System
-
The fault in our system: Why The George Stinney Jr. story is still important
Table of Contents
- Introduction: The Fault in the System
- The Systemic Failure of 1944
- The Architecture of a Loophole
- The 13th Amendment and the “Except” Clause
- 81 Days: The Velocity of Injustice
- Isolation, Confession, and the Ten-Minute Verdict
- The Silent Suspect: When Justice is a Shield
- The Burke Family and the Protected Elite
- The Physical Impossibility
- Engineering and the Laws of Physics vs. State Narrative
- The Pattern: Beyond Alcolu
- The Ghosts of Alexander McClay Williams, Joe Persons, and James Arcene
- The Filter of Justice: Calibrating the Outcome
- Over-Policing, Differential Processing, and the “Crime Rate” Myth
- The Economic Engineering of Poverty: Wealth Theft
- The Removal of the Breadwinner and Generational Economic Erasure
- The “Why” of the Present
- Modern Parallels and the Continuity of Disparity
- A Note on “The Green Mile”
- Magical Realism vs. Historical Reality
- Conclusion: Closing the Loophole
Introduction: The fault in the system
When I first told my wife and my son about the subject of my next article, they cringed. I don’t blame them. As an engineer who spends my days developing solutions that ensure the reliability and integrity of the systems my clients depend on, my life is dedicated to solutions that are sound. But the story of George Stinney Jr. is a systems failure so profound, so gut-wrenching, that the natural human instinct is to look away.
I struggled with the “why” myself. Why revisit a tragedy from 1944? Why drag a 14-year-old boy back into the light only to watch him sit on a Bible to fit into an electric chair? The answer lies in the foundation of our country. If we do not understand the “Stinney Era,” we cannot understand the modern carceral state. We are not just looking at a sad story; we are looking at the blueprint of mass incarceration—the “teeth” that gave the Jim Crow era its bite.
The Architecture of a Loophole
To understand why George Stinney was executed in 81 days, we have to go back further than 1944. We have to look at the 13th Amendment. While we celebrate it for “ending” slavery, it contained a structural flaw that was exploited by design:
“Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States…”
That “except” clause is the most expensive word in American history. It created a legal bypass. If the state could label a Black person a “criminal,” it could legally return them to a state of servitude. Following the Civil War, Southern states engineered “Black Codes”—laws that criminalized everything from “vagrancy” to “loud talking.” This wasn’t about public safety; it was about labor and social control. The convict leasing system that followed was a direct evolution of the plantation, and by the mid-20th century, this system had evolved into the machinery of state-sanctioned terror that caught George Stinney in its gears.
81 Days: The Velocity of Injustice
In March 1944, in the segregated mill town of Alcolu, South Carolina, two young white girls—Betty June Binnicker and Mary Emma Thames—were found dead in a ditch. The town wanted blood. George Stinney Jr., a 95-pound Black boy who had been seen near the girls earlier that day, was the easiest target.
The “system” functioned with terrifying efficiency:
- Isolation: George was interrogated alone. His parents were forced to flee town under threat of violence, leaving their child in the hands of a mob-controlled state.
- The “Confession”: The police claimed he confessed. No written record of this confession exists. There were no witnesses to the statement.
- The Trial: The trial lasted barely two hours. George’s court-appointed lawyer, a tax commissioner with no trial experience, called zero witnesses and performed no cross-examination.
- The Jury: An all-white jury took less than ten minutes to find him guilty. They did not recommend mercy.
On June 16, 1944, George Stinney Jr. became the youngest person executed in 20th-century America. He was so small that the adult-sized electrodes wouldn’t fit his head. They used a Bible—the very book used to swear in the “justice” that was killing him—as a booster seat. When the current hit, the oversized mask fell off, exposing his terrified, weeping face to the witnesses.
The Silent Suspect: When Justice is a Shield
If George Stinney Jr. did not kill those two girls, then who did? For seventy years, the state of South Carolina acted as if the question were settled. But in the decades following the execution, a much more sinister reality began to emerge from the shadows of Alcolu.
The leading theory, supported by local testimony and research presented during the 2014 exoneration hearing, points toward George Burke Jr. He was the son of a prominent white businessman who owned the lumber mill where George’s father worked. More chillingly, Burke’s father was the foreman of the jury that sent George Stinney to the electric chair.
The community had whispered for years about a deathbed confession from the Burke family, but in 1944, those whispers were a death sentence. In the social hierarchy of a segregated mill town, a member of the Burke family was untouchable. The “system” didn’t just need a culprit; it needed a diversion. By sacrificing a 14-year-old Black boy, the state provided the white community with “closure” while ensuring the powerful remained protected. This is the ultimate callousness: the law wasn’t used to find the truth; it was used as a shield for the privileged and a shroud for the innocent.
The Physical Impossibility
We must also look at the physics—the cold, hard data that the 1944 court ignored. The girls were killed with a fourteen-inch railroad spike, suffering massive skull fractures. Forensic experts in 2014 testified that it would have been physically impossible for a 95-pound child to wield such a weapon with the force required to kill two people while also managing to overpower them both.
George had an alibi—his sister, Amie, was with him grazing the family cow when the girls passed by—but in a system designed to exploit the “punishment clause” of the 13th Amendment, an alibi is just noise. The “duly convicted” label was the goal, and the state achieved it by ignoring the laws of physics and the screams of a child.
The Pattern: Beyond Alcolu
George was a centerpiece, but he was not an anomaly. As I researched this, I found the ghosts of other children whose names have been scrubbed from the collective memory:
- Alexander McClay Williams (1931): At 16, he was the youngest person executed in Pennsylvania history. His “confession” was coerced, and the state suppressed evidence of a bloody handprint that didn’t match his. It took until 2022 for his conviction to be vacated.
- Joe Persons (1915): A boy in Georgia, estimated to be 12 or 13, who was so small that officials debated adding weights to his feet so the hanging would “work.”
- James Arcene (1885): A Cherokee youth executed for a crime committed when he was just 10 years old.
In each of these cases, the 13th Amendment’s “duly convicted” clause was the shield. By providing the thin veneer of a trial, the state could legally commit what was essentially a lynching.
The Filter of Justice: Calibrating the Outcome
When we discuss mass incarceration, a common counter-argument often arises: “Don’t Black people simply commit more crime?” I know that if you calibrate a sensor to only look for anomalies in one specific area, your data will be skewed. To understand the disparity, we must look past the “output” and analyze the “filter” of the legal machine.
1. The Frequency of Interaction Fallacy
The argument that Black people “commit more crime” often confuses crime rates with arrest rates. A 2023 UCLA study using smartphone data from 10,000 officers across 23 cities found that police spend significantly more time in Black neighborhoods, even when those neighborhoods have the same crime rates and income levels as white neighborhoods.
The result is simple math: if you put 100 police officers in one neighborhood and two in another, you will “discover” more crime in the first one—even if the actual behavior is identical. This creates a “feedback loop” where higher arrest records are used to justify even more policing, artificially inflating the statistical profile of a community.
2. Drug Use vs. Drug Arrests
This is the “smoking gun” of systemic bias. For decades, federal surveys from the CDC and the NAACP have shown that Black and white Americans use and sell drugs at almost identical rates. However, despite similar usage, Black Americans are nearly 4 times more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession and 6 times more likely to be incarcerated for drug charges overall. It’s not about who is committing the crime; it’s about who the system is looking for.
3. The “Differential Processing” of Justice
Even when the crime and the criminal history are identical, the system treats the bodies differently:
- Bail: Black defendants are 21% more likely to be denied bail, which forces them to stay in jail while awaiting trial—leading to lost jobs, lost homes, and a higher likelihood of eventually taking a “guilty plea” just to go home.
- Plea Bargaining: Prosecutors are more likely to offer plea deals that include prison time to Black defendants, while white defendants are more likely to be offered “diversion programs” or probation.
- Sentencing Length: According to 2026 data reports, Black men receive sentences that are 19.1% longer than white men for the exact same crimes.
4. Wrongful Convictions: The Margin of Error
If the system were truly objective, the rate of “mistakes” would be equal. It isn’t. Black people make up 13% of the population but over 50% of the exonerated population. Innocent Black people are 7 times more likely to be wrongfully convicted of murder and 12 times more likely to be wrongfully convicted of drug crimes than white people.
George Stinney Jr. is the historical proof of this. The system didn’t care about the truth; it cared about “closure” that fit the racial hierarchy. When someone says, “they commit more crime,” they are looking at the output of a machine and assuming it is a neutral scale. But as an engineer, I see a filter. It filters out white crime through warnings and diversions, and it filters in Black crime through over-policing and structural bias.
The Economic Engineering of Poverty: Wealth Theft
If you want to understand why a large percentage of the Black community remains trapped in poverty today, you need to look no further than the “teeth” of mass incarceration. It was never just about free labor for a season; it was about the permanent maintenance of a lower class.
When the state arrested George Stinney Jr., they didn’t just take a child; they destroyed a household. Within hours of his arrest, his father was fired from the local lumber mill. The family was given mere hours to vacate their company-owned housing and flee the town. They left behind their possessions, their community, and their stability.
Mass incarceration acts as a surgical strike against the Black family unit. By removing men—and in George’s case, the future men of the community—the system achieves several objectives:
- Destruction of the Household Anchor: Historically, when a man was incarcerated or executed, the family lost its primary earner. According to the American Journal of Sociology, paternal incarceration is one of the single greatest predictors of a family falling below the poverty line.
- The “Marriageable Men” Gap: By disproportionately removing Black men from the community, the state created a demographic vacuum. This forced single mothers into a cycle of “survival labor,” where the ability to save, invest, or purchase property became a mathematical impossibility.
- Educational Depletion: A 2014 study by the National Academy of Sciences found that the children of incarcerated parents are significantly less likely to graduate from college, creating a “secondary sentence” that spans generations.
The Numbers Behind the Theft
The statistics are staggering:
- The Wealth Gap: Today, the median white household holds roughly eight times the wealth of the median Black household. This is not a failure of work ethic; it is a result of a century of wealth-stripping policies.
- Lifetime Loss: The Brennan Center for Justice estimated that formerly incarcerated people lose an average of $500,000 in lifetime earnings. When you multiply that by the millions of Black men swept up in the “War on Drugs,” you are looking at trillions of dollars in wealth that never entered the Black community.
- Voter Disenfranchisement: In many states, a felony conviction (the “duly convicted” status of the 13th Amendment) leads to the loss of voting rights. This removes the community’s ability to vote for the very policies—school funding and housing—that build wealth.
Mass incarceration is not a “side effect” of poverty; it is the architect of it. It ensures that the Black community remains in a state of “perpetual catch-up.” Every time a generation begins to build equity, a new wave of “tough on crime” legislation resets the clock.
The “Why” of the Present
People ask me why this matters now. It matters because the “punishment clause” is still in the Constitution. The transition from the Jim Crow executions of the 40s to the mass incarceration boom of the 80s and 90s is a straight line.
I know that systems don’t fix themselves. When we look at the racial disparities in our modern prison system, we are seeing the same logic that executed George Stinney. We are seeing a system that prioritizes “closure” and “control” over “integrity.”
When the Stinney family was run out of town, they lost their property, their stability, and their history. This is how the wealth gap was engineered. Mass incarceration isn’t just about the person in the cell; it is about the “Generational Theft” of Black potential. We care about George Stinney because his execution was a warning shot: The law does not belong to you.
A Note on “The Green Mile”
By the way, as I dug into this, I noticed how many people believe that Stephen King’s The Green Mile is based on George Stinney. While King has never confirmed this, the parallels are undeniable: the two girls, the rural South, the wrongful execution.
But there is a dangerous difference. In the movie, John Coffey is a “Magical Negro”—a gentle giant with supernatural powers. In reality, George Stinney had no magic. He was just a scared 14-year-old child who wanted to go home. By turning these tragedies into “magical fables,” we risk softening the edges of the reality. We don’t need magic to explain George’s innocence; we just need to look at the physics of a 90-pound boy and the corruption of a system that didn’t care to measure the weight of the evidence.
Conclusion: Closing the Loophole
In 2014, seventy years after he was killed, Judge Carmen Mullen vacated George Stinney’s conviction. She cited “fundamental, constitutional violations of due process.” It was a victory, but a hollow one. You cannot return 70 years of life to a boy who was burned to death by his own government.
We revisit this story because the “crack” in the foundation is still there. As long as the 13th Amendment allows for slavery-by-another-name, and as long as our system views Black children as “superpredators” rather than children, George Stinney is not a ghost of the past. He is a mirror of the present.
If a system is designed to protect some by sacrificing others, it has no integrity. It is a bridge waiting to collapse. We owe it to George—and to the children whose names we don’t yet know—to stop patching the cracks and start questioning the blueprint. Until the “except as punishment” loophole is closed and the law is applied without the filter of power and race, we aren’t living in a state of justice. We are just living in a very long, very crowded Green Mile.
Glossary of Terms
- 13th Amendment (Punishment Clause): The section of the US Constitution that abolished slavery except as punishment for a crime, creating a legal loophole for involuntary servitude.
- Black Codes: Laws passed by Southern states after the Civil War to restrict the freedom of Black Americans and compel them to work in a labor economy based on low wages or debt.
- Convict Leasing: A system in which state penitentiaries leased incarcerated people to private companies (e.g., coal mines, railroads) for labor.
- Differential Processing: The phenomenon where individuals of different races are treated differently by the criminal justice system even when the alleged crimes are identical.
- Doli Incapax: A legal doctrine (often ignored in the Jim Crow era) suggesting that children below a certain age are incapable of forming the intent to commit a crime.
- Generational Wealth Theft: The systemic removal of assets, property, and earning potential from a specific community over time, preventing the accumulation of intergenerational wealth.
- Jim Crow Era: The period (late 19th century to mid-20th century) characterized by state and local laws that enforced racial segregation in the United States.
- Vacated Conviction: A legal ruling that voids a previous conviction, treating it as if it never happened due to errors or violations of rights (as seen in Stinney’s 2014 case).
Bibliography & References
Legal & Historical Documents
- U.S. Const. amend. XIII. (1865). The 13th Amendment of the United States Constitution.
- State of South Carolina v. George Stinney, Jr. (1944). Trial Transcript and Court Records (Archived).
- Mullen, C. (2014). Order Vacating Judgment in the Case of State v. George Stinney, Jr. Circuit Court of South Carolina.
Academic Research & Books
- Alexander, M. (2010). The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. The New Press.
- Blackmon, D. A. (2008). Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II. Doubleday.
- National Academy of Sciences. (2014). The Growth of Incarceration in the United States: Exploring Causes and Consequences. National Academies Press.
- The Sentencing Project. (2023). The Color of Justice: Racial and Ethnic Disparity in State Prisons. ### Articles & Data Reports
- Brennan Center for Justice. (2022). Conviction, Imprisonment, and Lost Earnings: How the Criminal Justice System Deepens Inequality.
- UCLA Department of Sociology. (2023). Police Activity Analysis: Surveillance and Deployment in Urban Environments.
- U.S. Sentencing Commission. (2024-2026). Report to the Congress: Federal Sentencing Statistics and Fentanyl Trafficking Trends.
- Urban Institute. (2026). Racial Disparities in Charging and Plea Bargaining: A Longitudinal Study.
- Introduction: The Fault in the System
-
The fault in our system: Why The George Stinney Jr. story is still important
Table of Contents
- Introduction: The Fault in the System
- The Systemic Failure of 1944
- The Architecture of a Loophole
- The 13th Amendment and the “Except” Clause
- 81 Days: The Velocity of Injustice
- Isolation, Confession, and the Ten-Minute Verdict
- The Silent Suspect: When Justice is a Shield
- The Burke Family and the Protected Elite
- The Physical Impossibility
- Engineering and the Laws of Physics vs. State Narrative
- The Pattern: Beyond Alcolu
- The Ghosts of Alexander McClay Williams, Joe Persons, and James Arcene
- The Filter of Justice: Calibrating the Outcome
- Over-Policing, Differential Processing, and the “Crime Rate” Myth
- The Economic Engineering of Poverty: Wealth Theft
- The Removal of the Breadwinner and Generational Economic Erasure
- The “Why” of the Present
- Modern Parallels and the Continuity of Disparity
- A Note on “The Green Mile”
- Magical Realism vs. Historical Reality
- Conclusion: Closing the Loophole
Introduction: The fault in the system
When I first told my wife and my son about the subject of my next article, they cringed. I don’t blame them. As an engineer who spends my days developing solutions that ensure the reliability and integrity of the systems my clients depend on, my life is dedicated to solutions that are sound. But the story of George Stinney Jr. is a systems failure so profound, so gut-wrenching, that the natural human instinct is to look away.
I struggled with the “why” myself. Why revisit a tragedy from 1944? Why drag a 14-year-old boy back into the light only to watch him sit on a Bible to fit into an electric chair? The answer lies in the foundation of our country. If we do not understand the “Stinney Era,” we cannot understand the modern carceral state. We are not just looking at a sad story; we are looking at the blueprint of mass incarceration—the “teeth” that gave the Jim Crow era its bite.
The Architecture of a Loophole
To understand why George Stinney was executed in 81 days, we have to go back further than 1944. We have to look at the 13th Amendment. While we celebrate it for “ending” slavery, it contained a structural flaw that was exploited by design:
“Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States…”
That “except” clause is the most expensive word in American history. It created a legal bypass. If the state could label a Black person a “criminal,” it could legally return them to a state of servitude. Following the Civil War, Southern states engineered “Black Codes”—laws that criminalized everything from “vagrancy” to “loud talking.” This wasn’t about public safety; it was about labor and social control. The convict leasing system that followed was a direct evolution of the plantation, and by the mid-20th century, this system had evolved into the machinery of state-sanctioned terror that caught George Stinney in its gears.
81 Days: The Velocity of Injustice
In March 1944, in the segregated mill town of Alcolu, South Carolina, two young white girls—Betty June Binnicker and Mary Emma Thames—were found dead in a ditch. The town wanted blood. George Stinney Jr., a 95-pound Black boy who had been seen near the girls earlier that day, was the easiest target.
The “system” functioned with terrifying efficiency:
- Isolation: George was interrogated alone. His parents were forced to flee town under threat of violence, leaving their child in the hands of a mob-controlled state.
- The “Confession”: The police claimed he confessed. No written record of this confession exists. There were no witnesses to the statement.
- The Trial: The trial lasted barely two hours. George’s court-appointed lawyer, a tax commissioner with no trial experience, called zero witnesses and performed no cross-examination.
- The Jury: An all-white jury took less than ten minutes to find him guilty. They did not recommend mercy.
On June 16, 1944, George Stinney Jr. became the youngest person executed in 20th-century America. He was so small that the adult-sized electrodes wouldn’t fit his head. They used a Bible—the very book used to swear in the “justice” that was killing him—as a booster seat. When the current hit, the oversized mask fell off, exposing his terrified, weeping face to the witnesses.
The Silent Suspect: When Justice is a Shield
If George Stinney Jr. did not kill those two girls, then who did? For seventy years, the state of South Carolina acted as if the question were settled. But in the decades following the execution, a much more sinister reality began to emerge from the shadows of Alcolu.
The leading theory, supported by local testimony and research presented during the 2014 exoneration hearing, points toward George Burke Jr. He was the son of a prominent white businessman who owned the lumber mill where George’s father worked. More chillingly, Burke’s father was the foreman of the jury that sent George Stinney to the electric chair.
The community had whispered for years about a deathbed confession from the Burke family, but in 1944, those whispers were a death sentence. In the social hierarchy of a segregated mill town, a member of the Burke family was untouchable. The “system” didn’t just need a culprit; it needed a diversion. By sacrificing a 14-year-old Black boy, the state provided the white community with “closure” while ensuring the powerful remained protected. This is the ultimate callousness: the law wasn’t used to find the truth; it was used as a shield for the privileged and a shroud for the innocent.
The Physical Impossibility
We must also look at the physics—the cold, hard data that the 1944 court ignored. The girls were killed with a fourteen-inch railroad spike, suffering massive skull fractures. Forensic experts in 2014 testified that it would have been physically impossible for a 95-pound child to wield such a weapon with the force required to kill two people while also managing to overpower them both.
George had an alibi—his sister, Amie, was with him grazing the family cow when the girls passed by—but in a system designed to exploit the “punishment clause” of the 13th Amendment, an alibi is just noise. The “duly convicted” label was the goal, and the state achieved it by ignoring the laws of physics and the screams of a child.
The Pattern: Beyond Alcolu
George was a centerpiece, but he was not an anomaly. As I researched this, I found the ghosts of other children whose names have been scrubbed from the collective memory:
- Alexander McClay Williams (1931): At 16, he was the youngest person executed in Pennsylvania history. His “confession” was coerced, and the state suppressed evidence of a bloody handprint that didn’t match his. It took until 2022 for his conviction to be vacated.
- Joe Persons (1915): A boy in Georgia, estimated to be 12 or 13, who was so small that officials debated adding weights to his feet so the hanging would “work.”
- James Arcene (1885): A Cherokee youth executed for a crime committed when he was just 10 years old.
In each of these cases, the 13th Amendment’s “duly convicted” clause was the shield. By providing the thin veneer of a trial, the state could legally commit what was essentially a lynching.
The Filter of Justice: Calibrating the Outcome
When we discuss mass incarceration, a common counter-argument often arises: “Don’t Black people simply commit more crime?” I know that if you calibrate a sensor to only look for anomalies in one specific area, your data will be skewed. To understand the disparity, we must look past the “output” and analyze the “filter” of the legal machine.
1. The Frequency of Interaction Fallacy
The argument that Black people “commit more crime” often confuses crime rates with arrest rates. A 2023 UCLA study using smartphone data from 10,000 officers across 23 cities found that police spend significantly more time in Black neighborhoods, even when those neighborhoods have the same crime rates and income levels as white neighborhoods.
The result is simple math: if you put 100 police officers in one neighborhood and two in another, you will “discover” more crime in the first one—even if the actual behavior is identical. This creates a “feedback loop” where higher arrest records are used to justify even more policing, artificially inflating the statistical profile of a community.
2. Drug Use vs. Drug Arrests
This is the “smoking gun” of systemic bias. For decades, federal surveys from the CDC and the NAACP have shown that Black and white Americans use and sell drugs at almost identical rates. However, despite similar usage, Black Americans are nearly 4 times more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession and 6 times more likely to be incarcerated for drug charges overall. It’s not about who is committing the crime; it’s about who the system is looking for.
3. The “Differential Processing” of Justice
Even when the crime and the criminal history are identical, the system treats the bodies differently:
- Bail: Black defendants are 21% more likely to be denied bail, which forces them to stay in jail while awaiting trial—leading to lost jobs, lost homes, and a higher likelihood of eventually taking a “guilty plea” just to go home.
- Plea Bargaining: Prosecutors are more likely to offer plea deals that include prison time to Black defendants, while white defendants are more likely to be offered “diversion programs” or probation.
- Sentencing Length: According to 2026 data reports, Black men receive sentences that are 19.1% longer than white men for the exact same crimes.
4. Wrongful Convictions: The Margin of Error
If the system were truly objective, the rate of “mistakes” would be equal. It isn’t. Black people make up 13% of the population but over 50% of the exonerated population. Innocent Black people are 7 times more likely to be wrongfully convicted of murder and 12 times more likely to be wrongfully convicted of drug crimes than white people.
George Stinney Jr. is the historical proof of this. The system didn’t care about the truth; it cared about “closure” that fit the racial hierarchy. When someone says, “they commit more crime,” they are looking at the output of a machine and assuming it is a neutral scale. But as an engineer, I see a filter. It filters out white crime through warnings and diversions, and it filters in Black crime through over-policing and structural bias.
The Economic Engineering of Poverty: Wealth Theft
If you want to understand why a large percentage of the Black community remains trapped in poverty today, you need to look no further than the “teeth” of mass incarceration. It was never just about free labor for a season; it was about the permanent maintenance of a lower class.
When the state arrested George Stinney Jr., they didn’t just take a child; they destroyed a household. Within hours of his arrest, his father was fired from the local lumber mill. The family was given mere hours to vacate their company-owned housing and flee the town. They left behind their possessions, their community, and their stability.
Mass incarceration acts as a surgical strike against the Black family unit. By removing men—and in George’s case, the future men of the community—the system achieves several objectives:
- Destruction of the Household Anchor: Historically, when a man was incarcerated or executed, the family lost its primary earner. According to the American Journal of Sociology, paternal incarceration is one of the single greatest predictors of a family falling below the poverty line.
- The “Marriageable Men” Gap: By disproportionately removing Black men from the community, the state created a demographic vacuum. This forced single mothers into a cycle of “survival labor,” where the ability to save, invest, or purchase property became a mathematical impossibility.
- Educational Depletion: A 2014 study by the National Academy of Sciences found that the children of incarcerated parents are significantly less likely to graduate from college, creating a “secondary sentence” that spans generations.
The Numbers Behind the Theft
The statistics are staggering:
- The Wealth Gap: Today, the median white household holds roughly eight times the wealth of the median Black household. This is not a failure of work ethic; it is a result of a century of wealth-stripping policies.
- Lifetime Loss: The Brennan Center for Justice estimated that formerly incarcerated people lose an average of $500,000 in lifetime earnings. When you multiply that by the millions of Black men swept up in the “War on Drugs,” you are looking at trillions of dollars in wealth that never entered the Black community.
- Voter Disenfranchisement: In many states, a felony conviction (the “duly convicted” status of the 13th Amendment) leads to the loss of voting rights. This removes the community’s ability to vote for the very policies—school funding and housing—that build wealth.
Mass incarceration is not a “side effect” of poverty; it is the architect of it. It ensures that the Black community remains in a state of “perpetual catch-up.” Every time a generation begins to build equity, a new wave of “tough on crime” legislation resets the clock.
The “Why” of the Present
People ask me why this matters now. It matters because the “punishment clause” is still in the Constitution. The transition from the Jim Crow executions of the 40s to the mass incarceration boom of the 80s and 90s is a straight line.
I know that systems don’t fix themselves. When we look at the racial disparities in our modern prison system, we are seeing the same logic that executed George Stinney. We are seeing a system that prioritizes “closure” and “control” over “integrity.”
When the Stinney family was run out of town, they lost their property, their stability, and their history. This is how the wealth gap was engineered. Mass incarceration isn’t just about the person in the cell; it is about the “Generational Theft” of Black potential. We care about George Stinney because his execution was a warning shot: The law does not belong to you.
A Note on “The Green Mile”
By the way, as I dug into this, I noticed how many people believe that Stephen King’s The Green Mile is based on George Stinney. While King has never confirmed this, the parallels are undeniable: the two girls, the rural South, the wrongful execution.
But there is a dangerous difference. In the movie, John Coffey is a “Magical Negro”—a gentle giant with supernatural powers. In reality, George Stinney had no magic. He was just a scared 14-year-old child who wanted to go home. By turning these tragedies into “magical fables,” we risk softening the edges of the reality. We don’t need magic to explain George’s innocence; we just need to look at the physics of a 90-pound boy and the corruption of a system that didn’t care to measure the weight of the evidence.
Conclusion: Closing the Loophole
In 2014, seventy years after he was killed, Judge Carmen Mullen vacated George Stinney’s conviction. She cited “fundamental, constitutional violations of due process.” It was a victory, but a hollow one. You cannot return 70 years of life to a boy who was burned to death by his own government.
We revisit this story because the “crack” in the foundation is still there. As long as the 13th Amendment allows for slavery-by-another-name, and as long as our system views Black children as “superpredators” rather than children, George Stinney is not a ghost of the past. He is a mirror of the present.
If a system is designed to protect some by sacrificing others, it has no integrity. It is a bridge waiting to collapse. We owe it to George—and to the children whose names we don’t yet know—to stop patching the cracks and start questioning the blueprint. Until the “except as punishment” loophole is closed and the law is applied without the filter of power and race, we aren’t living in a state of justice. We are just living in a very long, very crowded Green Mile.
Glossary of Terms
- 13th Amendment (Punishment Clause): The section of the US Constitution that abolished slavery except as punishment for a crime, creating a legal loophole for involuntary servitude.
- Black Codes: Laws passed by Southern states after the Civil War to restrict the freedom of Black Americans and compel them to work in a labor economy based on low wages or debt.
- Convict Leasing: A system in which state penitentiaries leased incarcerated people to private companies (e.g., coal mines, railroads) for labor.
- Differential Processing: The phenomenon where individuals of different races are treated differently by the criminal justice system even when the alleged crimes are identical.
- Doli Incapax: A legal doctrine (often ignored in the Jim Crow era) suggesting that children below a certain age are incapable of forming the intent to commit a crime.
- Generational Wealth Theft: The systemic removal of assets, property, and earning potential from a specific community over time, preventing the accumulation of intergenerational wealth.
- Jim Crow Era: The period (late 19th century to mid-20th century) characterized by state and local laws that enforced racial segregation in the United States.
- Vacated Conviction: A legal ruling that voids a previous conviction, treating it as if it never happened due to errors or violations of rights (as seen in Stinney’s 2014 case).
Bibliography & References
Legal & Historical Documents
- U.S. Const. amend. XIII. (1865). The 13th Amendment of the United States Constitution.
- State of South Carolina v. George Stinney, Jr. (1944). Trial Transcript and Court Records (Archived).
- Mullen, C. (2014). Order Vacating Judgment in the Case of State v. George Stinney, Jr. Circuit Court of South Carolina.
Academic Research & Books
- Alexander, M. (2010). The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. The New Press.
- Blackmon, D. A. (2008). Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II. Doubleday.
- National Academy of Sciences. (2014). The Growth of Incarceration in the United States: Exploring Causes and Consequences. National Academies Press.
- The Sentencing Project. (2023). The Color of Justice: Racial and Ethnic Disparity in State Prisons. ### Articles & Data Reports
- Brennan Center for Justice. (2022). Conviction, Imprisonment, and Lost Earnings: How the Criminal Justice System Deepens Inequality.
- UCLA Department of Sociology. (2023). Police Activity Analysis: Surveillance and Deployment in Urban Environments.
- U.S. Sentencing Commission. (2024-2026). Report to the Congress: Federal Sentencing Statistics and Fentanyl Trafficking Trends.
- Urban Institute. (2026). Racial Disparities in Charging and Plea Bargaining: A Longitudinal Study.
- Introduction: The Fault in the System
-
Brussels invite:
Join us next Friday, May 3rd, for a Resonance - Open Sound Lab on
Artificial intelligence in sound studies and planning research: a re-discovery of sound ethnography
Public Library (fr), Rue Mercelis Street 19, 1050, Ixelles - Brussels - BE.
Free entry, start 18:30.#ReSilenceEU #ArtTech #UrbanSound #SonicAffect #AI
#AER #SonicUrbanism
https://resilence.eu/caroline-claus/
https://resonance-mao.be/ -
In Barcelona for the 2nd ReSilence Horizon Eu plenary meeting
Poblenou Campus, Pompeu Fabra University
#UrbanSound #SoundArt #SoundStudies #UrbanStudies #AIEthics
S+T+ARTS ReSilence.eu
-
Ten years ago, on 13/11/2015, I made these field recordings at the site from which young men involved in the Paris attacks left for Paris; arrests took place on the same spot the following day. Recording “before having words.” I had spent seven years working in the street life of these kids and was moving into sound studies in urban planning. This experience motivated a move away from #soundscape towards #atmospheres, #habitus, #infrastructures of violence, & #affect. https://aporee.org/maps/?loc=30439
-
Ten years ago, on 13/11/2015, I made these field recordings at the site from which young men involved in the Paris attacks left for Paris; arrests took place on the same spot the following day. Recording “before having words.” I had spent seven years working in the street life of these kids and was moving into sound studies in urban planning. This experience motivated a move away from #soundscape towards #atmospheres, #habitus, #infrastructures of violence, & #affect. https://aporee.org/maps/?loc=30439
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2. Groff v. DeJoy: What counts as an “undue hardship” under Title VII’s requirement that employers accommodate employees religion unless it imposes an undue hardship.
3. Counterman v. Colorado: what kind of an intent must a speaker have for their speech to qualify as a true threat unprotected by the First Amendment Free Speech Clause
#SupremeCourt #equality #truethreat #unduehardship #freeSpeech #religion #Sabbath #FirstAmendment #speech #religion
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“Christmas Eve,” 1862 (Thomas Nast, Harper’s Weekly, Vol. 7, pp. 8-9, Christmas edition, 1862, public domain; click to enlarge).
When thinking about what life was like for the Pennsylvania volunteer soldiers who served their nation during the American Civil War, the influence of nineteenth century artists on their lives would likely not be the first thing that comes to mind. The orders they received from their superior officers in the Army and the “trickle down” effect of the directives issued by state and federal elected officials to those Union Army officers, yes, but visual artists? Probably not.
But artists and their artwork—paintings and illustrations created during and after the 1860s—did leave their mark on the psyches of soldiers in ways that were profoundly illuminating and long lasting.
Many of the most powerful artworks that were likely seen and reflected on by members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry were those drawn by Thomas Nast (1840-1902), a native of Germany who had emigrated to the United States from Bavaria with his mother and siblings in 1846. He spent most of his formative years in New York City, where he took up drawing while still in school. As he aged, he came to view America as his homeland, but still grew up experiencing many German traditions—as had many 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers during their own formative years. (Company K, for example, was established in August 1861 as an “all-German company” of the 47th Pennsylvania.)
Nast’s first depiction of the Christmas season (shown above) was created for the cover and centerfold of the Christmas edition of Harper’s Weekly 1862, shortly after he was hired as a staff illustrator.
“Santa Claus in Camp,” 1863 (Thomas Nast, Harper’s Weekly, January 3, 1863, public domain; click to enlarge).
He then continued to create illustrations of Santa for Harper’s Weekly in subsequent years. According to journalist Lorraine Boissoneault:
You could call it the face that launched a thousand Christmas letters. Appearing on January 3, 1863, in the illustrated magazine Harper’s Weekly, two images cemented the nation’s obsession with a jolly old elf. The first drawing shows Santa distributing presents in a Union Army camp. Lest any reader question Santa’s allegiance in the Civil War, he wears a jacket patterned with stars and pants colored in stripes. In his hands, he holds a puppet toy with a rope around its neck, its features like those of Confederate president Jefferson Davis….
According to historians at Grant Cottage, “In 1868, newly elected 18th President U.S. Grant paid tribute to Thomas Nast by saying, ‘Two things elected me, the sword of Sheridan and the pencil of Thomas Nast.’”
As a result, members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry had ample time to become well acquainted with Nast’s artistry and his support for their efforts, as part of the United States Army, to end the Civil War and preserve America’s Union. An ardent abolitionist, Nast also actively supported the federal government’s efforts to eradicate the brutal practice of chattel slavery.
Fort Taylor, Key West, Florida (Harper’s Weekly, 1864, public domain).
Nast’s first illustrations of Santa Claus and depictions of soldiers longing for family at Christmas would initially have been seen by 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers while they were stationed far from home at Fort Taylor in Key West, Florida—just two months after the regiment had sustained a shockingly high rate of casualties during the Battle of Pocotaligo, South Carolina on October 22, 1862. More than one hundred members of the regiment had been killed in action, mortally wounded, grievously wounded, or wounded less seriously, but still able to continue their service.
So terrible was the outcome that it would have been enough to make an impression even on individual 47th Pennsylvanians who hadn’t been wounded. They were not only now battle tested, they were battle scarred, according to comments made by individual members of the regiment in the letters they wrote to families and friends back home during that Christmas of 1862.
No matter how strong their capacity for overcoming adversity had been before that battle, their hearts and minds would never be the same. It would take time to heal and move forward—time they were given while stationed on garrison duty for more than a year.
Fort Jefferson (Harper’s Weekly, August 26, 1865, public domain; click to enlarge).
By the time that the American Civil War was ending its third year, the mental wounds of Pocotaligo were far less fresh than they had been the previous Christmas. Still stationed in Florida on garrison duty in 1863, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry was now a divided regiment. While slightly more than half of the regiment was still on duty at in Key West, as companies A, B, C, E, G, and I remained at Fort Taylor, the remaining members of the regiment—companies D, F, H, and K—were now even farther away from home—stationed at Fort Jefferson, the Union’s remote outpost that was situated so far off of Florida’s coast that it was accessible only by ship.
Letters penned to family and friends back in Pennsylvania during the early part of 1863 capture a sense of sadness and longing that pervaded the regiment—as 47th Pennsylvanians mourned the loss of their deceased comrades and thought about how deeply they missed their own families.
Gradually, as the year wore on, those feelings turned to acceptance of their respective losses and, eventually, frustration at still being assigned to garrison duty when they felt they could and should be helping the federal government bring a faster end to the war by defeating the Confederate States Army through enough tide-turning combat engagements that the Confederate States of America would finally surrender and agree to re-unify the nation.
By early 1864, the wish of those 47th Pennsylvanians was granted by senior Union Army officials. They were not only given the opportunity to return to combat, but to return to intense combat as a history-making regiment.
The only regiment from Pennsylvania to fight in the Union’s 1864 Red River Campaign across Louisiana, the 47th Pennsylvanians repeatedly displayed their valor as the blood of more and more of their comrades was spilled to eradicate slavery across the nation while also fighting to preserve the nation’s Union. By the fall of 1864, they were participating in such fierce, repeated battles across Virginia during Union Major-General Philip Sheridan’s 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign that President Abraham Lincoln was able to secure his reelection and the tide of the American Civil War was decisively turned in the federal government’s favor once and for all.
Ruins of Charleston, South Carolina as seen from the Circular Church, 1865 (U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, public domain).
By April 1865, the Confederate States Army had surrendered, the war was over and President Lincoln was gone, felled by an assassin’s bullet that had too easily found its target. So, once again, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were in mourning.
Sent back to America’s Deep South that summer, they were assigned to Reconstruction duties in Savannah, Georgia and Charleston, South Carolina, where they helped to reestablish functioning local and state governments, rebuild shattered infrastructure, and reinvigorate a free press that was dedicated to supporting a unified nation—all while other Pennsylvania volunteer regiments were being mustered out and sent home.
Finally, after a long and storied period of service to their nation, the 47th Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers were given their honorable discharge papers at Camp Cadwalader in Philadelphia, and were then sent home to their own family and friends in communities across Pennsylvania in early January 1866.
Return to Civilian Life
“Santa Claus and His Works,” 1866 (Thomas Nast, Harper’s Weekly, December 29, 1866, public domain; click to enlarge).
Attempting to regain some sense of normalcy as their post-war lives unfolded over the years between the late 1860s and the early 1900s, many of the surviving veterans of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry resumed the jobs they held prior to the war while others found new and better ways to make a living. Some became small business creators, pastors or other church officials, members of their local town councils or school boards, beloved doctors, or even inventors. One even became the lieutenant governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
Most also married and began families, some small, some large. Still others made their way west—as far as the states of California and Washington—in search of fortune or, more commonly, places where war’s Grim Reaper would never find them again.
“‘Twas the Night Before Christmas,” 1866 (Thomas Nast, Harper’s Weekly, December 25, 1886, public domain; click to enlarge).
As the years rolled on, they saw more and more of Thomas Nast’s work as it was published in Harper’s Weekly, particularly at Christmas. But the Santa Claus of war was now transformed by Nast as the Saint Nicholas of his childhood in Germany—kind, altruistic, loving, and jolly.
Over time, those illustrations collectively formed the “mind pictures” that the majority of American children and adults experienced when they imagined Santa Claus. So powerful has Nast’s influence been that, even today, when Americans encounter the many variations of Santa used to promote products in Christmas advertising campaigns, they see images that are often based on Nast’s nineteenth century drawings—drawings that had their genesis as beacons of light and hope during one of the darkest times in America’s history.
Like Abraham Lincoln, Nast has been helping Americans to summon and follow “the better angels of our nature” for more than one hundred and sixty years. May the power of his art help us all continue to do so this year and for the remainder of our days.
Sources:
- Boissoneault, Lorraine. “A Civil War Cartoonist Created the Modern Image of Santa Claus as Union Propaganda.” Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Magazine, December 19, 2018.
- “Drawn Together: The Friendship of U.S. Grant and Thomas Nast” (video). Wilton, New York: Grant Cottage, May 14, 2022.
- “Santa Claus,” in “Thomas Nast.” Columbus, Ohio: University Libraries, The Ohio State University, retrieved online December 23, 2023.
- “Santa Claus in Camp (from ‘Harper’s Weekly,’ vol. 7, p. 1).” New York, New York: The Met, retrieved online December 23, 2023.
- Vinson, J. Chal. “Thomas Nast and the American Political Scene,” in American Quarterly, vol. 9, no. 3, Autumn 1957, pp. 337-344. Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
#47thPennsylvaniaInfantry #47thPennsylvaniaVolunteers #AbrahamLincoln #America #AmericanCivilWar #AmericanHistory #Army #Art #Christmas #CivilWar #Florida #FortJefferson #FortTaylor #History #Infantry #KeyWest #Military #Pennsylvania #PennsylvaniaHistory #ThomasNast #UlyssesSGrant #Union
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“Christmas Eve,” 1862 (Thomas Nast, Harper’s Weekly, Vol. 7, pp. 8-9, Christmas edition, 1862, public domain; click to enlarge).
When thinking about what life was like for the Pennsylvania volunteer soldiers who served their nation during the American Civil War, the influence of nineteenth century artists on their lives would likely not be the first thing that comes to mind. The orders they received from their superior officers in the Army and the “trickle down” effect of the directives issued by state and federal elected officials to those Union Army officers, yes, but visual artists? Probably not.
But artists and their artwork—paintings and illustrations created during and after the 1860s—did leave their mark on the psyches of soldiers in ways that were profoundly illuminating and long lasting.
Many of the most powerful artworks that were likely seen and reflected on by members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry were those drawn by Thomas Nast (1840-1902), a native of Germany who had emigrated to the United States from Bavaria with his mother and siblings in 1846. He spent most of his formative years in New York City, where he took up drawing while still in school. As he aged, he came to view America as his homeland, but still grew up experiencing many German traditions—as had many 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers during their own formative years. (Company K, for example, was established in August 1861 as an “all-German company” of the 47th Pennsylvania.)
Nast’s first depiction of the Christmas season (shown above) was created for the cover and centerfold of the Christmas edition of Harper’s Weekly 1862, shortly after he was hired as a staff illustrator.
“Santa Claus in Camp,” 1863 (Thomas Nast, Harper’s Weekly, January 3, 1863, public domain; click to enlarge).
He then continued to create illustrations of Santa for Harper’s Weekly in subsequent years. According to journalist Lorraine Boissoneault:
You could call it the face that launched a thousand Christmas letters. Appearing on January 3, 1863, in the illustrated magazine Harper’s Weekly, two images cemented the nation’s obsession with a jolly old elf. The first drawing shows Santa distributing presents in a Union Army camp. Lest any reader question Santa’s allegiance in the Civil War, he wears a jacket patterned with stars and pants colored in stripes. In his hands, he holds a puppet toy with a rope around its neck, its features like those of Confederate president Jefferson Davis….
According to historians at Grant Cottage, “In 1868, newly elected 18th President U.S. Grant paid tribute to Thomas Nast by saying, ‘Two things elected me, the sword of Sheridan and the pencil of Thomas Nast.’”
As a result, members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry had ample time to become well acquainted with Nast’s artistry and his support for their efforts, as part of the United States Army, to end the Civil War and preserve America’s Union. An ardent abolitionist, Nast also actively supported the federal government’s efforts to eradicate the brutal practice of chattel slavery.
Fort Taylor, Key West, Florida (Harper’s Weekly, 1864, public domain).
Nast’s first illustrations of Santa Claus and depictions of soldiers longing for family at Christmas would initially have been seen by 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers while they were stationed far from home at Fort Taylor in Key West, Florida—just two months after the regiment had sustained a shockingly high rate of casualties during the Battle of Pocotaligo, South Carolina on October 22, 1862. More than one hundred members of the regiment had been killed in action, mortally wounded, grievously wounded, or wounded less seriously, but still able to continue their service.
So terrible was the outcome that it would have been enough to make an impression even on individual 47th Pennsylvanians who hadn’t been wounded. They were not only now battle tested, they were battle scarred, according to comments made by individual members of the regiment in the letters they wrote to families and friends back home during that Christmas of 1862.
No matter how strong their capacity for overcoming adversity had been before that battle, their hearts and minds would never be the same. It would take time to heal and move forward—time they were given while stationed on garrison duty for more than a year.
Fort Jefferson (Harper’s Weekly, August 26, 1865, public domain; click to enlarge).
By the time that the American Civil War was ending its third year, the mental wounds of Pocotaligo were far less fresh than they had been the previous Christmas. Still stationed in Florida on garrison duty in 1863, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry was now a divided regiment. While slightly more than half of the regiment was still on duty at in Key West, as companies A, B, C, E, G, and I remained at Fort Taylor, the remaining members of the regiment—companies D, F, H, and K—were now even farther away from home—stationed at Fort Jefferson, the Union’s remote outpost that was situated so far off of Florida’s coast that it was accessible only by ship.
Letters penned to family and friends back in Pennsylvania during the early part of 1863 capture a sense of sadness and longing that pervaded the regiment—as 47th Pennsylvanians mourned the loss of their deceased comrades and thought about how deeply they missed their own families.
Gradually, as the year wore on, those feelings turned to acceptance of their respective losses and, eventually, frustration at still being assigned to garrison duty when they felt they could and should be helping the federal government bring a faster end to the war by defeating the Confederate States Army through enough tide-turning combat engagements that the Confederate States of America would finally surrender and agree to re-unify the nation.
By early 1864, the wish of those 47th Pennsylvanians was granted by senior Union Army officials. They were not only given the opportunity to return to combat, but to return to intense combat as a history-making regiment.
The only regiment from Pennsylvania to fight in the Union’s 1864 Red River Campaign across Louisiana, the 47th Pennsylvanians repeatedly displayed their valor as the blood of more and more of their comrades was spilled to eradicate slavery across the nation while also fighting to preserve the nation’s Union. By the fall of 1864, they were participating in such fierce, repeated battles across Virginia during Union Major-General Philip Sheridan’s 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign that President Abraham Lincoln was able to secure his reelection and the tide of the American Civil War was decisively turned in the federal government’s favor once and for all.
Ruins of Charleston, South Carolina as seen from the Circular Church, 1865 (U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, public domain).
By April 1865, the Confederate States Army had surrendered, the war was over and President Lincoln was gone, felled by an assassin’s bullet that had too easily found its target. So, once again, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were in mourning.
Sent back to America’s Deep South that summer, they were assigned to Reconstruction duties in Savannah, Georgia and Charleston, South Carolina, where they helped to reestablish functioning local and state governments, rebuild shattered infrastructure, and reinvigorate a free press that was dedicated to supporting a unified nation—all while other Pennsylvania volunteer regiments were being mustered out and sent home.
Finally, after a long and storied period of service to their nation, the 47th Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers were given their honorable discharge papers at Camp Cadwalader in Philadelphia, and were then sent home to their own family and friends in communities across Pennsylvania in early January 1866.
Return to Civilian Life
“Santa Claus and His Works,” 1866 (Thomas Nast, Harper’s Weekly, December 29, 1866, public domain; click to enlarge).
Attempting to regain some sense of normalcy as their post-war lives unfolded over the years between the late 1860s and the early 1900s, many of the surviving veterans of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry resumed the jobs they held prior to the war while others found new and better ways to make a living. Some became small business creators, pastors or other church officials, members of their local town councils or school boards, beloved doctors, or even inventors. One even became the lieutenant governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
Most also married and began families, some small, some large. Still others made their way west—as far as the states of California and Washington—in search of fortune or, more commonly, places where war’s Grim Reaper would never find them again.
“‘Twas the Night Before Christmas,” 1866 (Thomas Nast, Harper’s Weekly, December 25, 1886, public domain; click to enlarge).
As the years rolled on, they saw more and more of Thomas Nast’s work as it was published in Harper’s Weekly, particularly at Christmas. But the Santa Claus of war was now transformed by Nast as the Saint Nicholas of his childhood in Germany—kind, altruistic, loving, and jolly.
Over time, those illustrations collectively formed the “mind pictures” that the majority of American children and adults experienced when they imagined Santa Claus. So powerful has Nast’s influence been that, even today, when Americans encounter the many variations of Santa used to promote products in Christmas advertising campaigns, they see images that are often based on Nast’s nineteenth century drawings—drawings that had their genesis as beacons of light and hope during one of the darkest times in America’s history.
Like Abraham Lincoln, Nast has been helping Americans to summon and follow “the better angels of our nature” for more than one hundred and sixty years. May the power of his art help us all continue to do so this year and for the remainder of our days.
Sources:
- Boissoneault, Lorraine. “A Civil War Cartoonist Created the Modern Image of Santa Claus as Union Propaganda.” Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Magazine, December 19, 2018.
- “Drawn Together: The Friendship of U.S. Grant and Thomas Nast” (video). Wilton, New York: Grant Cottage, May 14, 2022.
- “Santa Claus,” in “Thomas Nast.” Columbus, Ohio: University Libraries, The Ohio State University, retrieved online December 23, 2023.
- “Santa Claus in Camp (from ‘Harper’s Weekly,’ vol. 7, p. 1).” New York, New York: The Met, retrieved online December 23, 2023.
- Vinson, J. Chal. “Thomas Nast and the American Political Scene,” in American Quarterly, vol. 9, no. 3, Autumn 1957, pp. 337-344. Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
#47thPennsylvaniaInfantry #47thPennsylvaniaVolunteers #AbrahamLincoln #America #AmericanCivilWar #AmericanHistory #Army #Art #Christmas #CivilWar #Florida #FortJefferson #FortTaylor #History #Infantry #KeyWest #Military #Pennsylvania #PennsylvaniaHistory #ThomasNast #UlyssesSGrant #Union
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“Christmas Eve,” 1862 (Thomas Nast, Harper’s Weekly, Vol. 7, pp. 8-9, Christmas edition, 1862, public domain; click to enlarge).
When thinking about what life was like for the Pennsylvania volunteer soldiers who served their nation during the American Civil War, the influence of nineteenth century artists on their lives would likely not be the first thing that comes to mind. The orders they received from their superior officers in the Army and the “trickle down” effect of the directives issued by state and federal elected officials to those Union Army officers, yes, but visual artists? Probably not.
But artists and their artwork—paintings and illustrations created during and after the 1860s—did leave their mark on the psyches of soldiers in ways that were profoundly illuminating and long lasting.
Many of the most powerful artworks that were likely seen and reflected on by members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry were those drawn by Thomas Nast (1840-1902), a native of Germany who had emigrated to the United States from Bavaria with his mother and siblings in 1846. He spent most of his formative years in New York City, where he took up drawing while still in school. As he aged, he came to view America as his homeland, but still grew up experiencing many German traditions—as had many 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers during their own formative years. (Company K, for example, was established in August 1861 as an “all-German company” of the 47th Pennsylvania.)
Nast’s first depiction of the Christmas season (shown above) was created for the cover and centerfold of the Christmas edition of Harper’s Weekly 1862, shortly after he was hired as a staff illustrator.
“Santa Claus in Camp,” 1863 (Thomas Nast, Harper’s Weekly, January 3, 1863, public domain; click to enlarge).
He then continued to create illustrations of Santa for Harper’s Weekly in subsequent years. According to journalist Lorraine Boissoneault:
You could call it the face that launched a thousand Christmas letters. Appearing on January 3, 1863, in the illustrated magazine Harper’s Weekly, two images cemented the nation’s obsession with a jolly old elf. The first drawing shows Santa distributing presents in a Union Army camp. Lest any reader question Santa’s allegiance in the Civil War, he wears a jacket patterned with stars and pants colored in stripes. In his hands, he holds a puppet toy with a rope around its neck, its features like those of Confederate president Jefferson Davis….
According to historians at Grant Cottage, “In 1868, newly elected 18th President U.S. Grant paid tribute to Thomas Nast by saying, ‘Two things elected me, the sword of Sheridan and the pencil of Thomas Nast.’”
As a result, members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry had ample time to become well acquainted with Nast’s artistry and his support for their efforts, as part of the United States Army, to end the Civil War and preserve America’s Union. An ardent abolitionist, Nast also actively supported the federal government’s efforts to eradicate the brutal practice of chattel slavery.
Fort Taylor, Key West, Florida (Harper’s Weekly, 1864, public domain).
Nast’s first illustrations of Santa Claus and depictions of soldiers longing for family at Christmas would initially have been seen by 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers while they were stationed far from home at Fort Taylor in Key West, Florida—just two months after the regiment had sustained a shockingly high rate of casualties during the Battle of Pocotaligo, South Carolina on October 22, 1862. More than one hundred members of the regiment had been killed in action, mortally wounded, grievously wounded, or wounded less seriously, but still able to continue their service.
So terrible was the outcome that it would have been enough to make an impression even on individual 47th Pennsylvanians who hadn’t been wounded. They were not only now battle tested, they were battle scarred, according to comments made by individual members of the regiment in the letters they wrote to families and friends back home during that Christmas of 1862.
No matter how strong their capacity for overcoming adversity had been before that battle, their hearts and minds would never be the same. It would take time to heal and move forward—time they were given while stationed on garrison duty for more than a year.
Fort Jefferson (Harper’s Weekly, August 26, 1865, public domain; click to enlarge).
By the time that the American Civil War was ending its third year, the mental wounds of Pocotaligo were far less fresh than they had been the previous Christmas. Still stationed in Florida on garrison duty in 1863, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry was now a divided regiment. While slightly more than half of the regiment was still on duty at in Key West, as companies A, B, C, E, G, and I remained at Fort Taylor, the remaining members of the regiment—companies D, F, H, and K—were now even farther away from home—stationed at Fort Jefferson, the Union’s remote outpost that was situated so far off of Florida’s coast that it was accessible only by ship.
Letters penned to family and friends back in Pennsylvania during the early part of 1863 capture a sense of sadness and longing that pervaded the regiment—as 47th Pennsylvanians mourned the loss of their deceased comrades and thought about how deeply they missed their own families.
Gradually, as the year wore on, those feelings turned to acceptance of their respective losses and, eventually, frustration at still being assigned to garrison duty when they felt they could and should be helping the federal government bring a faster end to the war by defeating the Confederate States Army through enough tide-turning combat engagements that the Confederate States of America would finally surrender and agree to re-unify the nation.
By early 1864, the wish of those 47th Pennsylvanians was granted by senior Union Army officials. They were not only given the opportunity to return to combat, but to return to intense combat as a history-making regiment.
The only regiment from Pennsylvania to fight in the Union’s 1864 Red River Campaign across Louisiana, the 47th Pennsylvanians repeatedly displayed their valor as the blood of more and more of their comrades was spilled to eradicate slavery across the nation while also fighting to preserve the nation’s Union. By the fall of 1864, they were participating in such fierce, repeated battles across Virginia during Union Major-General Philip Sheridan’s 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign that President Abraham Lincoln was able to secure his reelection and the tide of the American Civil War was decisively turned in the federal government’s favor once and for all.
Ruins of Charleston, South Carolina as seen from the Circular Church, 1865 (U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, public domain).
By April 1865, the Confederate States Army had surrendered, the war was over and President Lincoln was gone, felled by an assassin’s bullet that had too easily found its target. So, once again, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were in mourning.
Sent back to America’s Deep South that summer, they were assigned to Reconstruction duties in Savannah, Georgia and Charleston, South Carolina, where they helped to reestablish functioning local and state governments, rebuild shattered infrastructure, and reinvigorate a free press that was dedicated to supporting a unified nation—all while other Pennsylvania volunteer regiments were being mustered out and sent home.
Finally, after a long and storied period of service to their nation, the 47th Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers were given their honorable discharge papers at Camp Cadwalader in Philadelphia, and were then sent home to their own family and friends in communities across Pennsylvania in early January 1866.
Return to Civilian Life
“Santa Claus and His Works,” 1866 (Thomas Nast, Harper’s Weekly, December 29, 1866, public domain; click to enlarge).
Attempting to regain some sense of normalcy as their post-war lives unfolded over the years between the late 1860s and the early 1900s, many of the surviving veterans of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry resumed the jobs they held prior to the war while others found new and better ways to make a living. Some became small business creators, pastors or other church officials, members of their local town councils or school boards, beloved doctors, or even inventors. One even became the lieutenant governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
Most also married and began families, some small, some large. Still others made their way west—as far as the states of California and Washington—in search of fortune or, more commonly, places where war’s Grim Reaper would never find them again.
“‘Twas the Night Before Christmas,” 1866 (Thomas Nast, Harper’s Weekly, December 25, 1886, public domain; click to enlarge).
As the years rolled on, they saw more and more of Thomas Nast’s work as it was published in Harper’s Weekly, particularly at Christmas. But the Santa Claus of war was now transformed by Nast as the Saint Nicholas of his childhood in Germany—kind, altruistic, loving, and jolly.
Over time, those illustrations collectively formed the “mind pictures” that the majority of American children and adults experienced when they imagined Santa Claus. So powerful has Nast’s influence been that, even today, when Americans encounter the many variations of Santa used to promote products in Christmas advertising campaigns, they see images that are often based on Nast’s nineteenth century drawings—drawings that had their genesis as beacons of light and hope during one of the darkest times in America’s history.
Like Abraham Lincoln, Nast has been helping Americans to summon and follow “the better angels of our nature” for more than one hundred and sixty years. May the power of his art help us all continue to do so this year and for the remainder of our days.
Sources:
- Boissoneault, Lorraine. “A Civil War Cartoonist Created the Modern Image of Santa Claus as Union Propaganda.” Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Magazine, December 19, 2018.
- “Drawn Together: The Friendship of U.S. Grant and Thomas Nast” (video). Wilton, New York: Grant Cottage, May 14, 2022.
- “Santa Claus,” in “Thomas Nast.” Columbus, Ohio: University Libraries, The Ohio State University, retrieved online December 23, 2023.
- “Santa Claus in Camp (from ‘Harper’s Weekly,’ vol. 7, p. 1).” New York, New York: The Met, retrieved online December 23, 2023.
- Vinson, J. Chal. “Thomas Nast and the American Political Scene,” in American Quarterly, vol. 9, no. 3, Autumn 1957, pp. 337-344. Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
#47thPennsylvaniaInfantry #47thPennsylvaniaVolunteers #AbrahamLincoln #America #AmericanCivilWar #AmericanHistory #Army #Art #Christmas #CivilWar #Florida #FortJefferson #FortTaylor #History #Infantry #KeyWest #Military #Pennsylvania #PennsylvaniaHistory #ThomasNast #UlyssesSGrant #Union
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Happy #polarprideday! Here's to all the wonderful polar scientists around the world, and to a more inclusive and diverse future in this important and exciting field of research! Sad not to be joining #polarpride activities in person today (thanks COVID!), but celebrating at home with jammy doughnuts! 😁🌈 #polarpride2022
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Happy #polarprideday! Here's to all the wonderful polar scientists around the world, and to a more inclusive and diverse future in this important and exciting field of research! Sad not to be joining #polarpride activities in person today (thanks COVID!), but celebrating at home with jammy doughnuts! 😁🌈 #polarpride2022