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  1. DATE: October 1, 2026 at 04:30PM
    SOURCE: PSYPOST.ORG

    ** Research quality varies widely from fantastic to small exploratory studies. Please check research methods when conclusions are very important to you. **
    -------------------------------------------------

    TITLE: Americans’ support for political violence fell in 2026, but MAGA supporters remain the most likely to justify it

    URL: psypost.org/support-for-politi

    A recent nationally representative survey suggests that American public support for political violence decreased heading into the 2026 midterm elections, contrary to popular fears. The findings indicate that while partisan tensions remain high, about three-quarters of U.S. adults say political violence is never justified in general, and very few say they would be willing to commit it. The research was published as a preprint on SocArXiv, meaning it has not yet been peer-reviewed.

    Political violence involves the use of physical force to advance a political agenda. This can range from damaging property to threatening, injuring, or killing individuals for ideological reasons. Aside from the immediate physical harm, political violence has long-term effects on public mental health and social stability. As the 2026 midterm elections approached, many political observers and citizens alike expressed concern that a highly polarized environment might lead to a spike in violent behavior.

    These fears are sometimes amplified by public opinion polls, but survey design can play a large role in how these attitudes are measured. A 2022 study suggested that poorly designed polling questions often inflate apparent support for partisan violence, pointing out that Americans’ actual willingness to commit physical harm is much narrower than some surveys imply.

    To accurately track these attitudes over time, a research team led by Garen J. Wintemute, a distinguished professor of emergency medicine, the Baker-Teret Chair in Violence Prevention, and director of the Centers for Violence Prevention at the University of California, Davis, launched an annual, nationally representative survey project in 2022.

    “Political violence poses a serious threat to the United States,” Wintemute told PsyPost. “We are seeking to understand factors associated with justification for and willingness to commit political violence.”

    As part of this ongoing monitoring effort, a study covered by PsyPost in 2025 found that individuals who identify as “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) Republicans were more likely to view political violence as justified compared to other Americans, though they were not necessarily more willing to personally carry out such acts. With the 2026 midterms looming and several recent high-profile incidents of government-initiated violence in the news, chiefly in connection with mass deportation efforts, the researchers anticipated that public appetite for political violence might increase.

    This expectation was bolstered by the fact that their 2025 survey had found an increase in justification for violence compared to 2024. They conducted the mid-2026 wave of their survey to test whether this sentiment continued to rise.

    The researchers analyzed data from the fifth wave of their annual survey, which was administered online between May 15 and June 15, 2026. The sample included 7,752 adult participants drawn from the Ipsos KnowledgePanel, a probability-based panel designed to reflect the demographic makeup of the noninstitutionalized U.S. population.

    The survey measured three main concepts: respondents’ beliefs about the potential for future civil war, their justification for using political violence, and their personal willingness to engage in it. For these questions, the survey explicitly defined violence as physical force strong enough that it could cause pain or injury to a person.

    Respondents first indicated whether they felt violence was ever justified in general or to achieve any of 21 specific political goals. These goals included preserving a certain American way of life, stopping police violence, preventing voter fraud, or stopping illegal immigration. A new question in the 2026 survey asked those who said violence was “never justified” in general and for all 21 objectives to clarify their stance, checking to see if their rejection of violence was unconditional.

    The subset of respondents who said violence was at least sometimes justified for at least one objective (about three-quarters of the sample) were then asked how willing they would be to personally damage property, threaten people, injure someone, or kill someone to advance a political objective. They were also asked about their willingness to target specific populations, such as elected officials, police officers, election workers, or members of an opposing political party. Finally, all participants were asked how likely they were to use a firearm in a situation where they felt political violence was justified.

    The results point to a broad decline in support for political violence. Out of 53 survey items measuring anticipation of, justification for, and willingness to commit political violence, 51 showed small average decreases between mid-2025 and mid-2026, and 35 of these decreases were statistically significant.

    “The general perception is that political violence is common and increasing,” Wintemute noted. “Neither of those things is true. And in our survey respondents, support for political violence fell from 2025 to 2026, across the political spectrum.”

    In 2026, the share who said violence was usually or always justified for any single objective never exceeded 13 percent. But 35.8 percent said it was justified for at least one of the 21 objectives, down significantly from 38.7 percent in 2025. Additionally, among the nearly one-quarter of respondents who said violence was never justified for any of the listed objectives, over 91 percent clarified that their rejection was absolute and unconditional.

    When it came to personal willingness to carry out violence, the numbers were even lower. Among the respondents who felt political violence was at least sometimes justified, only about 2 percent said they were “very or completely willing” to damage property, threaten, injure, or kill another person. Willingness to act in a group or as a lone actor also declined from the previous year.

    When asked about firearms, 6.7 percent said it was very or extremely likely they would be armed in a situation where they felt political violence was justified, down from 9.1 percent. Only 1.5 percent said it was very or extremely likely they would shoot someone, and 1.1 percent said it was very or extremely likely they would threaten someone with a gun. All four firearm measures declined significantly from the previous year.

    Only two measures rose: expectation of a civil war, which increased significantly (from 7.1 to 8.0 percent strongly agreeing), and the belief that one was needed to “set things right,” which edged up from 3.3 to 3.9 percent, a change that was not statistically significant.

    The researchers also examined differences among political groups. MAGA Republicans and MAGA supporters who do not identify as Republicans tended to report higher levels of justification for political violence compared to Democrats and non-MAGA Republicans. For instance, 50.5 percent of MAGA Republicans and 52.5 percent of non-Republican MAGA supporters considered violence usually or always justified to advance at least one objective, compared with 35.8 percent overall. However, strong Democrats were the most supportive of violence “to remove Donald Trump from the presidency this year.”

    Among respondents who considered violence justified, non-Republican MAGA supporters were more willing than others to commit violence against 12 of 14 target populations, ranking second behind strong Democrats for members of private armed militias and federal immigration agents. Declines in support occurred across the political spectrum overall, though changes within individual groups were mostly small. MAGA Republicans moved slightly in the other direction on several items about the potential need for violence and civil war.

    “We found, as others have, that support for political violence is generally stronger on the political right than on the political left,” Wintemute explained. Noting that most respondents reject political violence in general, he added, “Willingness to commit political violence is another matter; it is rare across the board. The vast majority of respondents in our surveys reject political violence altogether, and most of those who consider it acceptable are not willing to become involved in it themselves.”

    This dynamic mirrors the team’s earlier findings. In a separate study recently published in PLOS One, the researchers analyzed baseline data collected from the same survey project in 2022. They found that Republicans and conservatives were much more likely than Democrats and liberals to view political violence as justified for specific objectives.

    James Druckman, a professor of political science at the University of Rochester who was not involved in the research, noted that this differs from much earlier work. “This contrasts with prior work that typically does not find differences across parties,” he told PsyPost. “The focus on various objectives also is novel.”

    The 2022 data also revealed that this partisan gap disappeared when respondents were asked about their own violent intentions. Just as in the mid-2026 survey, fewer than 3 percent of people in 2022 were willing to threaten, injure, or kill someone for political purposes, with no meaningful differences between party affiliations. While strong Republicans in 2022 were more likely to anticipate being armed during a hypothetical political conflict, the actual willingness to use a weapon against another person remained exceptionally low across the board.

    “They differentiate justification from willingness which is important, and show that very few people are willing to actually engage in violence,” Druckman noted. He added that the design of the 2022 study bolstered his confidence in the results: “I appreciate the high quality sample and inclusion of items on non-political violence prior to the political violence items.”

    That survey asked about violence in nonpolitical situations, such as self-defense, before turning to political violence. “I also appreciate looking at self-defensive violence, showing it is more justifiable,” Druckman said.

    These findings are in line with research covered by PsyPost in 2024, which found a similar nationwide decrease in support for political violence and belief in an imminent civil war between 2022 and 2023. Together, the data suggest declining support for political violence, even during periods of intense political stress.

    In a statement accompanying the research, the study authors emphasized the power of public norms. “These findings are clear,” they wrote. “Entrapment in a spiral of escalating political violence is not inevitable in the United States. Those who promote political violence should recognize that they do not have the public’s support and that promoting violence may exact a political cost.”

    “We who reject political violence must make our rejection known to our families, friends, and larger social networks,” the researchers added. “A public climate of non-acceptance for violence can help reduce the likelihood of it occurring.”

    As for the 2022 data, Druckman cautioned that public opinion is deeply tied to the specific moment it is measured. “It is important to contextualize this to 2022 and that Democrats held power and it was during the pandemic still and major economic downturns and a gun-buying spike,” he explained. “One has to think carefully about generalizing (as would be the case at any point in time). The objectives also leaned more in the directions of items Republicans may have stronger beliefs about.”

    This raises “an interesting question,” Druckman added: “If this is all a function of the timing in context or psychological predispositions or some mix?”

    There are also a few things to keep in mind when interpreting the mid-2026 findings. First, survey responses about hypothetical willingness to commit violence do not perfectly predict how people will behave in real life. Some respondents might overstate their willingness to fight for a cause, while others might underreport their aggressive intentions because they know violence is socially unacceptable.

    Also, the survey only asked about willingness to commit violence to the subset of people who first agreed that violence could be justified. Because different political groups passed this initial filter at different rates, the follow-up comparisons about personal willingness are based on varied sample proportions.

    Finally, the survey was fielded over a single month in mid-2026, a period that included a mass shooting at a San Diego mosque, the president’s proposal to compensate supporters who had committed political violence, and ongoing international conflicts. The authors also note that small overall changes in the data could potentially mask larger individual shifts that cancel each other out.

    Moving forward, the research team hopes to translate these findings into proactive solutions. “Next year we hope to launch a randomized trial of an intervention to prevent political violence,” Wintemute said.

    The study, “Decreased Support for Political Violence in the United States in Mid-2026: Findings from a Nationally Representative Survey,” was authored by Garen J. Wintemute, Sonia L. Robinson, Daniel J. Tancredi, Krista Neumann, Shaina Sta. Cruz, Aaron B. Shev, Elizabeth A. Tomsich, Bradley Velasquez, Mona A. Wright, and Veronica A. Pear.

    (Note: The article has been updated with quotes from James Druckman)

    URL: psypost.org/support-for-politi

    -------------------------------------------------

    Private, vetted email list for mental health professionals: clinicians-exchange.org

    Unofficial Psychology Today Xitter to toot feed at Psych Today Unofficial Bot @PTUnofficialBot

    -------------------------------------------------

    #psychology #counseling #socialwork #psychotherapy @psychotherapist @psychotherapists @psychology @socialpsych @socialwork @psychiatry #mentalhealth #psychiatry #healthcare #depression #psychotherapist #PoliticalViolence #Midterms2026 #PublicOpinion #MAGA #PoliticalViolenceWhenJustified #ViolencePrevention #SurveyResearch #IpsosKnowledgePanel #PublicNorms #CivilDiscourse

  2. DATE: October 1, 2026 at 04:30PM
    SOURCE: PSYPOST.ORG

    ** Research quality varies widely from fantastic to small exploratory studies. Please check research methods when conclusions are very important to you. **
    -------------------------------------------------

    TITLE: Americans’ support for political violence fell in 2026, but MAGA supporters remain the most likely to justify it

    URL: psypost.org/support-for-politi

    A recent nationally representative survey suggests that American public support for political violence decreased heading into the 2026 midterm elections, contrary to popular fears. The findings indicate that while partisan tensions remain high, about three-quarters of U.S. adults say political violence is never justified in general, and very few say they would be willing to commit it. The research was published as a preprint on SocArXiv, meaning it has not yet been peer-reviewed.

    Political violence involves the use of physical force to advance a political agenda. This can range from damaging property to threatening, injuring, or killing individuals for ideological reasons. Aside from the immediate physical harm, political violence has long-term effects on public mental health and social stability. As the 2026 midterm elections approached, many political observers and citizens alike expressed concern that a highly polarized environment might lead to a spike in violent behavior.

    These fears are sometimes amplified by public opinion polls, but survey design can play a large role in how these attitudes are measured. A 2022 study suggested that poorly designed polling questions often inflate apparent support for partisan violence, pointing out that Americans’ actual willingness to commit physical harm is much narrower than some surveys imply.

    To accurately track these attitudes over time, a research team led by Garen J. Wintemute, a distinguished professor of emergency medicine, the Baker-Teret Chair in Violence Prevention, and director of the Centers for Violence Prevention at the University of California, Davis, launched an annual, nationally representative survey project in 2022.

    “Political violence poses a serious threat to the United States,” Wintemute told PsyPost. “We are seeking to understand factors associated with justification for and willingness to commit political violence.”

    As part of this ongoing monitoring effort, a study covered by PsyPost in 2025 found that individuals who identify as “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) Republicans were more likely to view political violence as justified compared to other Americans, though they were not necessarily more willing to personally carry out such acts. With the 2026 midterms looming and several recent high-profile incidents of government-initiated violence in the news, chiefly in connection with mass deportation efforts, the researchers anticipated that public appetite for political violence might increase.

    This expectation was bolstered by the fact that their 2025 survey had found an increase in justification for violence compared to 2024. They conducted the mid-2026 wave of their survey to test whether this sentiment continued to rise.

    The researchers analyzed data from the fifth wave of their annual survey, which was administered online between May 15 and June 15, 2026. The sample included 7,752 adult participants drawn from the Ipsos KnowledgePanel, a probability-based panel designed to reflect the demographic makeup of the noninstitutionalized U.S. population.

    The survey measured three main concepts: respondents’ beliefs about the potential for future civil war, their justification for using political violence, and their personal willingness to engage in it. For these questions, the survey explicitly defined violence as physical force strong enough that it could cause pain or injury to a person.

    Respondents first indicated whether they felt violence was ever justified in general or to achieve any of 21 specific political goals. These goals included preserving a certain American way of life, stopping police violence, preventing voter fraud, or stopping illegal immigration. A new question in the 2026 survey asked those who said violence was “never justified” in general and for all 21 objectives to clarify their stance, checking to see if their rejection of violence was unconditional.

    The subset of respondents who said violence was at least sometimes justified for at least one objective (about three-quarters of the sample) were then asked how willing they would be to personally damage property, threaten people, injure someone, or kill someone to advance a political objective. They were also asked about their willingness to target specific populations, such as elected officials, police officers, election workers, or members of an opposing political party. Finally, all participants were asked how likely they were to use a firearm in a situation where they felt political violence was justified.

    The results point to a broad decline in support for political violence. Out of 53 survey items measuring anticipation of, justification for, and willingness to commit political violence, 51 showed small average decreases between mid-2025 and mid-2026, and 35 of these decreases were statistically significant.

    “The general perception is that political violence is common and increasing,” Wintemute noted. “Neither of those things is true. And in our survey respondents, support for political violence fell from 2025 to 2026, across the political spectrum.”

    In 2026, the share who said violence was usually or always justified for any single objective never exceeded 13 percent. But 35.8 percent said it was justified for at least one of the 21 objectives, down significantly from 38.7 percent in 2025. Additionally, among the nearly one-quarter of respondents who said violence was never justified for any of the listed objectives, over 91 percent clarified that their rejection was absolute and unconditional.

    When it came to personal willingness to carry out violence, the numbers were even lower. Among the respondents who felt political violence was at least sometimes justified, only about 2 percent said they were “very or completely willing” to damage property, threaten, injure, or kill another person. Willingness to act in a group or as a lone actor also declined from the previous year.

    When asked about firearms, 6.7 percent said it was very or extremely likely they would be armed in a situation where they felt political violence was justified, down from 9.1 percent. Only 1.5 percent said it was very or extremely likely they would shoot someone, and 1.1 percent said it was very or extremely likely they would threaten someone with a gun. All four firearm measures declined significantly from the previous year.

    Only two measures rose: expectation of a civil war, which increased significantly (from 7.1 to 8.0 percent strongly agreeing), and the belief that one was needed to “set things right,” which edged up from 3.3 to 3.9 percent, a change that was not statistically significant.

    The researchers also examined differences among political groups. MAGA Republicans and MAGA supporters who do not identify as Republicans tended to report higher levels of justification for political violence compared to Democrats and non-MAGA Republicans. For instance, 50.5 percent of MAGA Republicans and 52.5 percent of non-Republican MAGA supporters considered violence usually or always justified to advance at least one objective, compared with 35.8 percent overall. However, strong Democrats were the most supportive of violence “to remove Donald Trump from the presidency this year.”

    Among respondents who considered violence justified, non-Republican MAGA supporters were more willing than others to commit violence against 12 of 14 target populations, ranking second behind strong Democrats for members of private armed militias and federal immigration agents. Declines in support occurred across the political spectrum overall, though changes within individual groups were mostly small. MAGA Republicans moved slightly in the other direction on several items about the potential need for violence and civil war.

    “We found, as others have, that support for political violence is generally stronger on the political right than on the political left,” Wintemute explained. Noting that most respondents reject political violence in general, he added, “Willingness to commit political violence is another matter; it is rare across the board. The vast majority of respondents in our surveys reject political violence altogether, and most of those who consider it acceptable are not willing to become involved in it themselves.”

    This dynamic mirrors the team’s earlier findings. In a separate study recently published in PLOS One, the researchers analyzed baseline data collected from the same survey project in 2022. They found that Republicans and conservatives were much more likely than Democrats and liberals to view political violence as justified for specific objectives.

    James Druckman, a professor of political science at the University of Rochester who was not involved in the research, noted that this differs from much earlier work. “This contrasts with prior work that typically does not find differences across parties,” he told PsyPost. “The focus on various objectives also is novel.”

    The 2022 data also revealed that this partisan gap disappeared when respondents were asked about their own violent intentions. Just as in the mid-2026 survey, fewer than 3 percent of people in 2022 were willing to threaten, injure, or kill someone for political purposes, with no meaningful differences between party affiliations. While strong Republicans in 2022 were more likely to anticipate being armed during a hypothetical political conflict, the actual willingness to use a weapon against another person remained exceptionally low across the board.

    “They differentiate justification from willingness which is important, and show that very few people are willing to actually engage in violence,” Druckman noted. He added that the design of the 2022 study bolstered his confidence in the results: “I appreciate the high quality sample and inclusion of items on non-political violence prior to the political violence items.”

    That survey asked about violence in nonpolitical situations, such as self-defense, before turning to political violence. “I also appreciate looking at self-defensive violence, showing it is more justifiable,” Druckman said.

    These findings are in line with research covered by PsyPost in 2024, which found a similar nationwide decrease in support for political violence and belief in an imminent civil war between 2022 and 2023. Together, the data suggest declining support for political violence, even during periods of intense political stress.

    In a statement accompanying the research, the study authors emphasized the power of public norms. “These findings are clear,” they wrote. “Entrapment in a spiral of escalating political violence is not inevitable in the United States. Those who promote political violence should recognize that they do not have the public’s support and that promoting violence may exact a political cost.”

    “We who reject political violence must make our rejection known to our families, friends, and larger social networks,” the researchers added. “A public climate of non-acceptance for violence can help reduce the likelihood of it occurring.”

    As for the 2022 data, Druckman cautioned that public opinion is deeply tied to the specific moment it is measured. “It is important to contextualize this to 2022 and that Democrats held power and it was during the pandemic still and major economic downturns and a gun-buying spike,” he explained. “One has to think carefully about generalizing (as would be the case at any point in time). The objectives also leaned more in the directions of items Republicans may have stronger beliefs about.”

    This raises “an interesting question,” Druckman added: “If this is all a function of the timing in context or psychological predispositions or some mix?”

    There are also a few things to keep in mind when interpreting the mid-2026 findings. First, survey responses about hypothetical willingness to commit violence do not perfectly predict how people will behave in real life. Some respondents might overstate their willingness to fight for a cause, while others might underreport their aggressive intentions because they know violence is socially unacceptable.

    Also, the survey only asked about willingness to commit violence to the subset of people who first agreed that violence could be justified. Because different political groups passed this initial filter at different rates, the follow-up comparisons about personal willingness are based on varied sample proportions.

    Finally, the survey was fielded over a single month in mid-2026, a period that included a mass shooting at a San Diego mosque, the president’s proposal to compensate supporters who had committed political violence, and ongoing international conflicts. The authors also note that small overall changes in the data could potentially mask larger individual shifts that cancel each other out.

    Moving forward, the research team hopes to translate these findings into proactive solutions. “Next year we hope to launch a randomized trial of an intervention to prevent political violence,” Wintemute said.

    The study, “Decreased Support for Political Violence in the United States in Mid-2026: Findings from a Nationally Representative Survey,” was authored by Garen J. Wintemute, Sonia L. Robinson, Daniel J. Tancredi, Krista Neumann, Shaina Sta. Cruz, Aaron B. Shev, Elizabeth A. Tomsich, Bradley Velasquez, Mona A. Wright, and Veronica A. Pear.

    (Note: The article has been updated with quotes from James Druckman)

    URL: psypost.org/support-for-politi

    -------------------------------------------------

    Private, vetted email list for mental health professionals: clinicians-exchange.org

    Unofficial Psychology Today Xitter to toot feed at Psych Today Unofficial Bot @PTUnofficialBot

    -------------------------------------------------

    #psychology #counseling #socialwork #psychotherapy @psychotherapist @psychotherapists @psychology @socialpsych @socialwork @psychiatry #mentalhealth #psychiatry #healthcare #depression #psychotherapist #PoliticalViolence #Midterms2026 #PublicOpinion #MAGA #PoliticalViolenceWhenJustified #ViolencePrevention #SurveyResearch #IpsosKnowledgePanel #PublicNorms #CivilDiscourse

  3. DATE: October 1, 2026 at 04:30PM
    SOURCE: PSYPOST.ORG

    ** Research quality varies widely from fantastic to small exploratory studies. Please check research methods when conclusions are very important to you. **
    -------------------------------------------------

    TITLE: Americans’ support for political violence fell in 2026, but MAGA supporters remain the most likely to justify it

    URL: psypost.org/support-for-politi

    A recent nationally representative survey suggests that American public support for political violence decreased heading into the 2026 midterm elections, contrary to popular fears. The findings indicate that while partisan tensions remain high, about three-quarters of U.S. adults say political violence is never justified in general, and very few say they would be willing to commit it. The research was published as a preprint on SocArXiv, meaning it has not yet been peer-reviewed.

    Political violence involves the use of physical force to advance a political agenda. This can range from damaging property to threatening, injuring, or killing individuals for ideological reasons. Aside from the immediate physical harm, political violence has long-term effects on public mental health and social stability. As the 2026 midterm elections approached, many political observers and citizens alike expressed concern that a highly polarized environment might lead to a spike in violent behavior.

    These fears are sometimes amplified by public opinion polls, but survey design can play a large role in how these attitudes are measured. A 2022 study suggested that poorly designed polling questions often inflate apparent support for partisan violence, pointing out that Americans’ actual willingness to commit physical harm is much narrower than some surveys imply.

    To accurately track these attitudes over time, a research team led by Garen J. Wintemute, a distinguished professor of emergency medicine, the Baker-Teret Chair in Violence Prevention, and director of the Centers for Violence Prevention at the University of California, Davis, launched an annual, nationally representative survey project in 2022.

    “Political violence poses a serious threat to the United States,” Wintemute told PsyPost. “We are seeking to understand factors associated with justification for and willingness to commit political violence.”

    As part of this ongoing monitoring effort, a study covered by PsyPost in 2025 found that individuals who identify as “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) Republicans were more likely to view political violence as justified compared to other Americans, though they were not necessarily more willing to personally carry out such acts. With the 2026 midterms looming and several recent high-profile incidents of government-initiated violence in the news, chiefly in connection with mass deportation efforts, the researchers anticipated that public appetite for political violence might increase.

    This expectation was bolstered by the fact that their 2025 survey had found an increase in justification for violence compared to 2024. They conducted the mid-2026 wave of their survey to test whether this sentiment continued to rise.

    The researchers analyzed data from the fifth wave of their annual survey, which was administered online between May 15 and June 15, 2026. The sample included 7,752 adult participants drawn from the Ipsos KnowledgePanel, a probability-based panel designed to reflect the demographic makeup of the noninstitutionalized U.S. population.

    The survey measured three main concepts: respondents’ beliefs about the potential for future civil war, their justification for using political violence, and their personal willingness to engage in it. For these questions, the survey explicitly defined violence as physical force strong enough that it could cause pain or injury to a person.

    Respondents first indicated whether they felt violence was ever justified in general or to achieve any of 21 specific political goals. These goals included preserving a certain American way of life, stopping police violence, preventing voter fraud, or stopping illegal immigration. A new question in the 2026 survey asked those who said violence was “never justified” in general and for all 21 objectives to clarify their stance, checking to see if their rejection of violence was unconditional.

    The subset of respondents who said violence was at least sometimes justified for at least one objective (about three-quarters of the sample) were then asked how willing they would be to personally damage property, threaten people, injure someone, or kill someone to advance a political objective. They were also asked about their willingness to target specific populations, such as elected officials, police officers, election workers, or members of an opposing political party. Finally, all participants were asked how likely they were to use a firearm in a situation where they felt political violence was justified.

    The results point to a broad decline in support for political violence. Out of 53 survey items measuring anticipation of, justification for, and willingness to commit political violence, 51 showed small average decreases between mid-2025 and mid-2026, and 35 of these decreases were statistically significant.

    “The general perception is that political violence is common and increasing,” Wintemute noted. “Neither of those things is true. And in our survey respondents, support for political violence fell from 2025 to 2026, across the political spectrum.”

    In 2026, the share who said violence was usually or always justified for any single objective never exceeded 13 percent. But 35.8 percent said it was justified for at least one of the 21 objectives, down significantly from 38.7 percent in 2025. Additionally, among the nearly one-quarter of respondents who said violence was never justified for any of the listed objectives, over 91 percent clarified that their rejection was absolute and unconditional.

    When it came to personal willingness to carry out violence, the numbers were even lower. Among the respondents who felt political violence was at least sometimes justified, only about 2 percent said they were “very or completely willing” to damage property, threaten, injure, or kill another person. Willingness to act in a group or as a lone actor also declined from the previous year.

    When asked about firearms, 6.7 percent said it was very or extremely likely they would be armed in a situation where they felt political violence was justified, down from 9.1 percent. Only 1.5 percent said it was very or extremely likely they would shoot someone, and 1.1 percent said it was very or extremely likely they would threaten someone with a gun. All four firearm measures declined significantly from the previous year.

    Only two measures rose: expectation of a civil war, which increased significantly (from 7.1 to 8.0 percent strongly agreeing), and the belief that one was needed to “set things right,” which edged up from 3.3 to 3.9 percent, a change that was not statistically significant.

    The researchers also examined differences among political groups. MAGA Republicans and MAGA supporters who do not identify as Republicans tended to report higher levels of justification for political violence compared to Democrats and non-MAGA Republicans. For instance, 50.5 percent of MAGA Republicans and 52.5 percent of non-Republican MAGA supporters considered violence usually or always justified to advance at least one objective, compared with 35.8 percent overall. However, strong Democrats were the most supportive of violence “to remove Donald Trump from the presidency this year.”

    Among respondents who considered violence justified, non-Republican MAGA supporters were more willing than others to commit violence against 12 of 14 target populations, ranking second behind strong Democrats for members of private armed militias and federal immigration agents. Declines in support occurred across the political spectrum overall, though changes within individual groups were mostly small. MAGA Republicans moved slightly in the other direction on several items about the potential need for violence and civil war.

    “We found, as others have, that support for political violence is generally stronger on the political right than on the political left,” Wintemute explained. Noting that most respondents reject political violence in general, he added, “Willingness to commit political violence is another matter; it is rare across the board. The vast majority of respondents in our surveys reject political violence altogether, and most of those who consider it acceptable are not willing to become involved in it themselves.”

    This dynamic mirrors the team’s earlier findings. In a separate study recently published in PLOS One, the researchers analyzed baseline data collected from the same survey project in 2022. They found that Republicans and conservatives were much more likely than Democrats and liberals to view political violence as justified for specific objectives.

    James Druckman, a professor of political science at the University of Rochester who was not involved in the research, noted that this differs from much earlier work. “This contrasts with prior work that typically does not find differences across parties,” he told PsyPost. “The focus on various objectives also is novel.”

    The 2022 data also revealed that this partisan gap disappeared when respondents were asked about their own violent intentions. Just as in the mid-2026 survey, fewer than 3 percent of people in 2022 were willing to threaten, injure, or kill someone for political purposes, with no meaningful differences between party affiliations. While strong Republicans in 2022 were more likely to anticipate being armed during a hypothetical political conflict, the actual willingness to use a weapon against another person remained exceptionally low across the board.

    “They differentiate justification from willingness which is important, and show that very few people are willing to actually engage in violence,” Druckman noted. He added that the design of the 2022 study bolstered his confidence in the results: “I appreciate the high quality sample and inclusion of items on non-political violence prior to the political violence items.”

    That survey asked about violence in nonpolitical situations, such as self-defense, before turning to political violence. “I also appreciate looking at self-defensive violence, showing it is more justifiable,” Druckman said.

    These findings are in line with research covered by PsyPost in 2024, which found a similar nationwide decrease in support for political violence and belief in an imminent civil war between 2022 and 2023. Together, the data suggest declining support for political violence, even during periods of intense political stress.

    In a statement accompanying the research, the study authors emphasized the power of public norms. “These findings are clear,” they wrote. “Entrapment in a spiral of escalating political violence is not inevitable in the United States. Those who promote political violence should recognize that they do not have the public’s support and that promoting violence may exact a political cost.”

    “We who reject political violence must make our rejection known to our families, friends, and larger social networks,” the researchers added. “A public climate of non-acceptance for violence can help reduce the likelihood of it occurring.”

    As for the 2022 data, Druckman cautioned that public opinion is deeply tied to the specific moment it is measured. “It is important to contextualize this to 2022 and that Democrats held power and it was during the pandemic still and major economic downturns and a gun-buying spike,” he explained. “One has to think carefully about generalizing (as would be the case at any point in time). The objectives also leaned more in the directions of items Republicans may have stronger beliefs about.”

    This raises “an interesting question,” Druckman added: “If this is all a function of the timing in context or psychological predispositions or some mix?”

    There are also a few things to keep in mind when interpreting the mid-2026 findings. First, survey responses about hypothetical willingness to commit violence do not perfectly predict how people will behave in real life. Some respondents might overstate their willingness to fight for a cause, while others might underreport their aggressive intentions because they know violence is socially unacceptable.

    Also, the survey only asked about willingness to commit violence to the subset of people who first agreed that violence could be justified. Because different political groups passed this initial filter at different rates, the follow-up comparisons about personal willingness are based on varied sample proportions.

    Finally, the survey was fielded over a single month in mid-2026, a period that included a mass shooting at a San Diego mosque, the president’s proposal to compensate supporters who had committed political violence, and ongoing international conflicts. The authors also note that small overall changes in the data could potentially mask larger individual shifts that cancel each other out.

    Moving forward, the research team hopes to translate these findings into proactive solutions. “Next year we hope to launch a randomized trial of an intervention to prevent political violence,” Wintemute said.

    The study, “Decreased Support for Political Violence in the United States in Mid-2026: Findings from a Nationally Representative Survey,” was authored by Garen J. Wintemute, Sonia L. Robinson, Daniel J. Tancredi, Krista Neumann, Shaina Sta. Cruz, Aaron B. Shev, Elizabeth A. Tomsich, Bradley Velasquez, Mona A. Wright, and Veronica A. Pear.

    (Note: The article has been updated with quotes from James Druckman)

    URL: psypost.org/support-for-politi

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  4. DATE: September 30, 2026 at 08:49AM
    SOURCE: SCIENCE DAILY PSYCHIATIRY FEED

    TITLE: Cannabis users were twice as likely to commit violence, review finds

    URL: sciencedaily.com/releases/2026

    A review of more than 265,000 people found that cannabis use was associated with higher rates of both committing violence and becoming a victim of it. The researchers say the link is significant but does not prove cannabis itself is the cause.

    URL: sciencedaily.com/releases/2026

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  5. DATE: September 30, 2026 at 08:49AM
    SOURCE: SCIENCE DAILY PSYCHIATIRY FEED

    TITLE: Cannabis users were twice as likely to commit violence, review finds

    URL: sciencedaily.com/releases/2026

    A review of more than 265,000 people found that cannabis use was associated with higher rates of both committing violence and becoming a victim of it. The researchers say the link is significant but does not prove cannabis itself is the cause.

    URL: sciencedaily.com/releases/2026

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  6. DATE: September 30, 2026 at 08:49AM
    SOURCE: SCIENCE DAILY PSYCHIATIRY FEED

    TITLE: Cannabis users were twice as likely to commit violence, review finds

    URL: sciencedaily.com/releases/2026

    A review of more than 265,000 people found that cannabis use was associated with higher rates of both committing violence and becoming a victim of it. The researchers say the link is significant but does not prove cannabis itself is the cause.

    URL: sciencedaily.com/releases/2026

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  7. DATE: September 21, 2026 at 08:00AM
    SOURCE: PSYPOST.ORG

    ** Research quality varies widely from fantastic to small exploratory studies. Please check research methods when conclusions are very important to you. **
    -------------------------------------------------

    TITLE: Support for political violence drops across the board, though MAGA supporters remain the most likely to justify it

    URL: psypost.org/support-for-politi

    A recent nationally representative survey suggests that American public support for political violence decreased heading into the 2026 midterm elections, contrary to popular fears. The findings indicate that while partisan tensions remain high, an overwhelming majority of adults in the United States unconditionally reject the idea of using physical force to achieve political goals. The research was published as a preprint on SocArXiv, meaning it has not yet been peer-reviewed.

    Political violence involves the use of physical force to advance a political agenda. This can range from damaging property to threatening, injuring, or killing individuals for ideological reasons. Aside from the immediate physical harm, political violence has long-term effects on public mental health and social stability. As the 2026 midterm elections approached, many political observers and citizens alike expressed concern that a highly polarized environment might lead to a spike in violent behavior.

    These fears are sometimes amplified by public opinion polls, but survey design can play a large role in how these attitudes are measured. A 2022 study suggested that poorly designed polling questions often inflate apparent support for partisan violence, pointing out that Americans’ actual willingness to commit physical harm is much narrower than some surveys imply.

    To accurately track these attitudes over time, a research team led by Garen J. Wintemute, a distinguished professor of emergency medicine, the Baker-Teret Chair in Violence Prevention, and director of the Centers for Violence Prevention at the University of California, Davis, launched an annual, nationally representative survey project in 2022.

    “Political violence poses a serious threat to the United States,” Wintemute told PsyPost. “We are seeking to understand factors associated with justification for and willingness to commit political violence.”

    As part of this ongoing monitoring effort, a study covered by PsyPost in 2025 found that individuals who identify as “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) Republicans were more likely to view political violence as justified compared to other Americans, though they were not necessarily more willing to personally carry out such acts. With the 2026 midterms looming and several recent high-profile incidents of government-initiated violence in the news, the researchers anticipated that public appetite for political violence might increase. They conducted the mid-2026 wave of their survey to test whether this expectation matched reality.

    The researchers analyzed data from the fifth wave of their annual survey, which was administered online between May 15 and June 15, 2026. The sample included 7,752 adult participants drawn from the Ipsos KnowledgePanel, a probability-based panel designed to reflect the demographic makeup of the noninstitutionalized U.S. population.

    The survey measured three main concepts: respondents’ beliefs about the potential for future civil war, their justification for using political violence, and their personal willingness to engage in it. For these questions, the survey explicitly defined violence as physical force strong enough that it could cause pain or injury to a person.

    Respondents first indicated whether they felt violence was ever justified in general or to achieve any of 21 specific political goals. These goals included preserving a certain American way of life, stopping police violence, preventing voter fraud, or stopping illegal immigration. A new question in the 2026 survey asked those who said violence was “never justified” to clarify their stance, checking to see if their rejection of violence was unconditional.

    Those who said violence could be justified were then asked how willing they would be to personally damage property, threaten people, injure someone, or kill someone to advance a political objective. They were also asked about their willingness to target specific populations, such as elected officials, police officers, election workers, or members of an opposing political party. Finally, all participants were asked how likely they were to use a firearm in a situation where they felt political violence was justified.

    The results point to a broad rejection of political violence across the ideological spectrum. Out of 53 survey items measuring anticipation of, justification for, and willingness to commit political violence, 51 showed small average decreases between mid-2025 and mid-2026.

    “The general perception is that political violence is common and increasing,” Wintemute noted. “Neither of those things is true. And in our survey respondents, support for political violence fell from 2025 to 2026, across the political spectrum.”

    Overall, high levels of support for violence were quite rare. In 2026, the belief that violence was “usually or always” justified to advance any specific political objective never exceeded 13 percent of the sample. Additionally, among the nearly one-quarter of respondents who said violence was never justified for any of the listed objectives, over 91 percent clarified that their rejection was absolute and unconditional.

    When it came to personal willingness to carry out violence, the numbers were even lower. Among the subset of respondents who felt political violence was at least sometimes justified, only about 2 percent said they were “very or completely willing” to damage property, threaten, injure, or kill another person. Willingness to act in a group or as a lone actor also declined from the previous year. Similarly, fewer than 4 percent of all respondents expected that they would shoot or threaten someone with a firearm to advance a political goal.

    The only measure that increased from 2025 to 2026 was the public’s expectation of a civil war. In 2025, 7.1 percent of respondents strongly agreed that a civil war would happen in the next few years; in 2026, that figure rose to 8.0 percent. However, the belief that a civil war was actually needed to “set things right” remained mostly flat at less than 4 percent.

    The researchers also examined differences among political groups. MAGA Republicans and MAGA supporters who do not identify as Republicans tended to report higher levels of justification for political violence compared to Democrats and non-MAGA Republicans. For instance, roughly half of MAGA-affiliated respondents considered violence justified to advance at least one political objective. Among the small group of respondents who were willing to engage in violence, non-Republican MAGA supporters expressed the highest willingness to target specific populations. Despite these differences, the general trend of declining support for violence was observed among nearly all political groups.

    “We found, as others have, that support for political violence is generally stronger on the political right than on the political left,” Wintemute explained. “Willingness to commit political violence is another matter; it is rare across the board. The vast majority of respondents in our surveys reject political violence altogether, and most of those who consider it acceptable are not willing to become involved in it themselves.”

    These findings are in line with research covered by PsyPost in 2024, which found a similar nationwide decrease in support for political violence and belief in an imminent civil war between 2022 and 2023. Together, the data suggest a resilient public aversion to political violence, even during periods of intense political stress.

    In a statement accompanying the research, the study authors emphasized the power of public norms. “These findings are clear,” they wrote. “Entrapment in a spiral of escalating political violence is not inevitable in the United States. Those who promote political violence should recognize that they do not have the public’s support and that promoting violence may exact a political cost.”

    “We who reject political violence must make our rejection known to our families, friends, and larger social networks,” the researchers added. “A public climate of non-acceptance for violence can help reduce the likelihood of it occurring.”

    There are a few things to keep in mind when interpreting these findings. First, survey responses about hypothetical willingness to commit violence do not perfectly predict how people will behave in real life. Some respondents might overstate their willingness to fight for a cause, while others might underreport their aggressive intentions because they know violence is socially unacceptable.

    Also, the survey only asked about willingness to commit violence to the subset of people who first agreed that violence could be justified. Because different political groups passed this initial filter at different rates, the follow-up comparisons about personal willingness are based on varied sample proportions. For example, fewer Democrats than Republicans met the initial criteria, meaning the follow-up percentages for Democrats represent a smaller, more specific subset of that group. Finally, the survey was fielded over a single month in mid-2026, and rapidly unfolding political events or news stories could quickly shift public sentiment in unpredictable ways.

    Moving forward, the research team hopes to translate these findings into proactive solutions. “Next year we hope to launch a randomized trial of an intervention to prevent political violence,” Wintemute said.

    The study, “Decreased Support for Political Violence in the United States in Mid-2026: Findings from a Nationally Representative Survey,” was authored by Garen J. Wintemute, Sonia L. Robinson, Daniel J. Tancredi, Krista Neumann, Shaina Sta. Cruz, Aaron B. Shev, Elizabeth A. Tomsich, Bradley Velasquez, Mona A. Wright, and Veronica A. Pear.

    URL: psypost.org/support-for-politi

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  8. DATE: September 21, 2026 at 08:00AM
    SOURCE: PSYPOST.ORG

    ** Research quality varies widely from fantastic to small exploratory studies. Please check research methods when conclusions are very important to you. **
    -------------------------------------------------

    TITLE: Support for political violence drops across the board, though MAGA supporters remain the most likely to justify it

    URL: psypost.org/support-for-politi

    A recent nationally representative survey suggests that American public support for political violence decreased heading into the 2026 midterm elections, contrary to popular fears. The findings indicate that while partisan tensions remain high, an overwhelming majority of adults in the United States unconditionally reject the idea of using physical force to achieve political goals. The research was published as a preprint on SocArXiv, meaning it has not yet been peer-reviewed.

    Political violence involves the use of physical force to advance a political agenda. This can range from damaging property to threatening, injuring, or killing individuals for ideological reasons. Aside from the immediate physical harm, political violence has long-term effects on public mental health and social stability. As the 2026 midterm elections approached, many political observers and citizens alike expressed concern that a highly polarized environment might lead to a spike in violent behavior.

    These fears are sometimes amplified by public opinion polls, but survey design can play a large role in how these attitudes are measured. A 2022 study suggested that poorly designed polling questions often inflate apparent support for partisan violence, pointing out that Americans’ actual willingness to commit physical harm is much narrower than some surveys imply.

    To accurately track these attitudes over time, a research team led by Garen J. Wintemute, a distinguished professor of emergency medicine, the Baker-Teret Chair in Violence Prevention, and director of the Centers for Violence Prevention at the University of California, Davis, launched an annual, nationally representative survey project in 2022.

    “Political violence poses a serious threat to the United States,” Wintemute told PsyPost. “We are seeking to understand factors associated with justification for and willingness to commit political violence.”

    As part of this ongoing monitoring effort, a study covered by PsyPost in 2025 found that individuals who identify as “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) Republicans were more likely to view political violence as justified compared to other Americans, though they were not necessarily more willing to personally carry out such acts. With the 2026 midterms looming and several recent high-profile incidents of government-initiated violence in the news, the researchers anticipated that public appetite for political violence might increase. They conducted the mid-2026 wave of their survey to test whether this expectation matched reality.

    The researchers analyzed data from the fifth wave of their annual survey, which was administered online between May 15 and June 15, 2026. The sample included 7,752 adult participants drawn from the Ipsos KnowledgePanel, a probability-based panel designed to reflect the demographic makeup of the noninstitutionalized U.S. population.

    The survey measured three main concepts: respondents’ beliefs about the potential for future civil war, their justification for using political violence, and their personal willingness to engage in it. For these questions, the survey explicitly defined violence as physical force strong enough that it could cause pain or injury to a person.

    Respondents first indicated whether they felt violence was ever justified in general or to achieve any of 21 specific political goals. These goals included preserving a certain American way of life, stopping police violence, preventing voter fraud, or stopping illegal immigration. A new question in the 2026 survey asked those who said violence was “never justified” to clarify their stance, checking to see if their rejection of violence was unconditional.

    Those who said violence could be justified were then asked how willing they would be to personally damage property, threaten people, injure someone, or kill someone to advance a political objective. They were also asked about their willingness to target specific populations, such as elected officials, police officers, election workers, or members of an opposing political party. Finally, all participants were asked how likely they were to use a firearm in a situation where they felt political violence was justified.

    The results point to a broad rejection of political violence across the ideological spectrum. Out of 53 survey items measuring anticipation of, justification for, and willingness to commit political violence, 51 showed small average decreases between mid-2025 and mid-2026.

    “The general perception is that political violence is common and increasing,” Wintemute noted. “Neither of those things is true. And in our survey respondents, support for political violence fell from 2025 to 2026, across the political spectrum.”

    Overall, high levels of support for violence were quite rare. In 2026, the belief that violence was “usually or always” justified to advance any specific political objective never exceeded 13 percent of the sample. Additionally, among the nearly one-quarter of respondents who said violence was never justified for any of the listed objectives, over 91 percent clarified that their rejection was absolute and unconditional.

    When it came to personal willingness to carry out violence, the numbers were even lower. Among the subset of respondents who felt political violence was at least sometimes justified, only about 2 percent said they were “very or completely willing” to damage property, threaten, injure, or kill another person. Willingness to act in a group or as a lone actor also declined from the previous year. Similarly, fewer than 4 percent of all respondents expected that they would shoot or threaten someone with a firearm to advance a political goal.

    The only measure that increased from 2025 to 2026 was the public’s expectation of a civil war. In 2025, 7.1 percent of respondents strongly agreed that a civil war would happen in the next few years; in 2026, that figure rose to 8.0 percent. However, the belief that a civil war was actually needed to “set things right” remained mostly flat at less than 4 percent.

    The researchers also examined differences among political groups. MAGA Republicans and MAGA supporters who do not identify as Republicans tended to report higher levels of justification for political violence compared to Democrats and non-MAGA Republicans. For instance, roughly half of MAGA-affiliated respondents considered violence justified to advance at least one political objective. Among the small group of respondents who were willing to engage in violence, non-Republican MAGA supporters expressed the highest willingness to target specific populations. Despite these differences, the general trend of declining support for violence was observed among nearly all political groups.

    “We found, as others have, that support for political violence is generally stronger on the political right than on the political left,” Wintemute explained. “Willingness to commit political violence is another matter; it is rare across the board. The vast majority of respondents in our surveys reject political violence altogether, and most of those who consider it acceptable are not willing to become involved in it themselves.”

    These findings are in line with research covered by PsyPost in 2024, which found a similar nationwide decrease in support for political violence and belief in an imminent civil war between 2022 and 2023. Together, the data suggest a resilient public aversion to political violence, even during periods of intense political stress.

    In a statement accompanying the research, the study authors emphasized the power of public norms. “These findings are clear,” they wrote. “Entrapment in a spiral of escalating political violence is not inevitable in the United States. Those who promote political violence should recognize that they do not have the public’s support and that promoting violence may exact a political cost.”

    “We who reject political violence must make our rejection known to our families, friends, and larger social networks,” the researchers added. “A public climate of non-acceptance for violence can help reduce the likelihood of it occurring.”

    There are a few things to keep in mind when interpreting these findings. First, survey responses about hypothetical willingness to commit violence do not perfectly predict how people will behave in real life. Some respondents might overstate their willingness to fight for a cause, while others might underreport their aggressive intentions because they know violence is socially unacceptable.

    Also, the survey only asked about willingness to commit violence to the subset of people who first agreed that violence could be justified. Because different political groups passed this initial filter at different rates, the follow-up comparisons about personal willingness are based on varied sample proportions. For example, fewer Democrats than Republicans met the initial criteria, meaning the follow-up percentages for Democrats represent a smaller, more specific subset of that group. Finally, the survey was fielded over a single month in mid-2026, and rapidly unfolding political events or news stories could quickly shift public sentiment in unpredictable ways.

    Moving forward, the research team hopes to translate these findings into proactive solutions. “Next year we hope to launch a randomized trial of an intervention to prevent political violence,” Wintemute said.

    The study, “Decreased Support for Political Violence in the United States in Mid-2026: Findings from a Nationally Representative Survey,” was authored by Garen J. Wintemute, Sonia L. Robinson, Daniel J. Tancredi, Krista Neumann, Shaina Sta. Cruz, Aaron B. Shev, Elizabeth A. Tomsich, Bradley Velasquez, Mona A. Wright, and Veronica A. Pear.

    URL: psypost.org/support-for-politi

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  9. DATE: September 21, 2026 at 08:00AM
    SOURCE: PSYPOST.ORG

    ** Research quality varies widely from fantastic to small exploratory studies. Please check research methods when conclusions are very important to you. **
    -------------------------------------------------

    TITLE: Support for political violence drops across the board, though MAGA supporters remain the most likely to justify it

    URL: psypost.org/support-for-politi

    A recent nationally representative survey suggests that American public support for political violence decreased heading into the 2026 midterm elections, contrary to popular fears. The findings indicate that while partisan tensions remain high, an overwhelming majority of adults in the United States unconditionally reject the idea of using physical force to achieve political goals. The research was published as a preprint on SocArXiv, meaning it has not yet been peer-reviewed.

    Political violence involves the use of physical force to advance a political agenda. This can range from damaging property to threatening, injuring, or killing individuals for ideological reasons. Aside from the immediate physical harm, political violence has long-term effects on public mental health and social stability. As the 2026 midterm elections approached, many political observers and citizens alike expressed concern that a highly polarized environment might lead to a spike in violent behavior.

    These fears are sometimes amplified by public opinion polls, but survey design can play a large role in how these attitudes are measured. A 2022 study suggested that poorly designed polling questions often inflate apparent support for partisan violence, pointing out that Americans’ actual willingness to commit physical harm is much narrower than some surveys imply.

    To accurately track these attitudes over time, a research team led by Garen J. Wintemute, a distinguished professor of emergency medicine, the Baker-Teret Chair in Violence Prevention, and director of the Centers for Violence Prevention at the University of California, Davis, launched an annual, nationally representative survey project in 2022.

    “Political violence poses a serious threat to the United States,” Wintemute told PsyPost. “We are seeking to understand factors associated with justification for and willingness to commit political violence.”

    As part of this ongoing monitoring effort, a study covered by PsyPost in 2025 found that individuals who identify as “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) Republicans were more likely to view political violence as justified compared to other Americans, though they were not necessarily more willing to personally carry out such acts. With the 2026 midterms looming and several recent high-profile incidents of government-initiated violence in the news, the researchers anticipated that public appetite for political violence might increase. They conducted the mid-2026 wave of their survey to test whether this expectation matched reality.

    The researchers analyzed data from the fifth wave of their annual survey, which was administered online between May 15 and June 15, 2026. The sample included 7,752 adult participants drawn from the Ipsos KnowledgePanel, a probability-based panel designed to reflect the demographic makeup of the noninstitutionalized U.S. population.

    The survey measured three main concepts: respondents’ beliefs about the potential for future civil war, their justification for using political violence, and their personal willingness to engage in it. For these questions, the survey explicitly defined violence as physical force strong enough that it could cause pain or injury to a person.

    Respondents first indicated whether they felt violence was ever justified in general or to achieve any of 21 specific political goals. These goals included preserving a certain American way of life, stopping police violence, preventing voter fraud, or stopping illegal immigration. A new question in the 2026 survey asked those who said violence was “never justified” to clarify their stance, checking to see if their rejection of violence was unconditional.

    Those who said violence could be justified were then asked how willing they would be to personally damage property, threaten people, injure someone, or kill someone to advance a political objective. They were also asked about their willingness to target specific populations, such as elected officials, police officers, election workers, or members of an opposing political party. Finally, all participants were asked how likely they were to use a firearm in a situation where they felt political violence was justified.

    The results point to a broad rejection of political violence across the ideological spectrum. Out of 53 survey items measuring anticipation of, justification for, and willingness to commit political violence, 51 showed small average decreases between mid-2025 and mid-2026.

    “The general perception is that political violence is common and increasing,” Wintemute noted. “Neither of those things is true. And in our survey respondents, support for political violence fell from 2025 to 2026, across the political spectrum.”

    Overall, high levels of support for violence were quite rare. In 2026, the belief that violence was “usually or always” justified to advance any specific political objective never exceeded 13 percent of the sample. Additionally, among the nearly one-quarter of respondents who said violence was never justified for any of the listed objectives, over 91 percent clarified that their rejection was absolute and unconditional.

    When it came to personal willingness to carry out violence, the numbers were even lower. Among the subset of respondents who felt political violence was at least sometimes justified, only about 2 percent said they were “very or completely willing” to damage property, threaten, injure, or kill another person. Willingness to act in a group or as a lone actor also declined from the previous year. Similarly, fewer than 4 percent of all respondents expected that they would shoot or threaten someone with a firearm to advance a political goal.

    The only measure that increased from 2025 to 2026 was the public’s expectation of a civil war. In 2025, 7.1 percent of respondents strongly agreed that a civil war would happen in the next few years; in 2026, that figure rose to 8.0 percent. However, the belief that a civil war was actually needed to “set things right” remained mostly flat at less than 4 percent.

    The researchers also examined differences among political groups. MAGA Republicans and MAGA supporters who do not identify as Republicans tended to report higher levels of justification for political violence compared to Democrats and non-MAGA Republicans. For instance, roughly half of MAGA-affiliated respondents considered violence justified to advance at least one political objective. Among the small group of respondents who were willing to engage in violence, non-Republican MAGA supporters expressed the highest willingness to target specific populations. Despite these differences, the general trend of declining support for violence was observed among nearly all political groups.

    “We found, as others have, that support for political violence is generally stronger on the political right than on the political left,” Wintemute explained. “Willingness to commit political violence is another matter; it is rare across the board. The vast majority of respondents in our surveys reject political violence altogether, and most of those who consider it acceptable are not willing to become involved in it themselves.”

    These findings are in line with research covered by PsyPost in 2024, which found a similar nationwide decrease in support for political violence and belief in an imminent civil war between 2022 and 2023. Together, the data suggest a resilient public aversion to political violence, even during periods of intense political stress.

    In a statement accompanying the research, the study authors emphasized the power of public norms. “These findings are clear,” they wrote. “Entrapment in a spiral of escalating political violence is not inevitable in the United States. Those who promote political violence should recognize that they do not have the public’s support and that promoting violence may exact a political cost.”

    “We who reject political violence must make our rejection known to our families, friends, and larger social networks,” the researchers added. “A public climate of non-acceptance for violence can help reduce the likelihood of it occurring.”

    There are a few things to keep in mind when interpreting these findings. First, survey responses about hypothetical willingness to commit violence do not perfectly predict how people will behave in real life. Some respondents might overstate their willingness to fight for a cause, while others might underreport their aggressive intentions because they know violence is socially unacceptable.

    Also, the survey only asked about willingness to commit violence to the subset of people who first agreed that violence could be justified. Because different political groups passed this initial filter at different rates, the follow-up comparisons about personal willingness are based on varied sample proportions. For example, fewer Democrats than Republicans met the initial criteria, meaning the follow-up percentages for Democrats represent a smaller, more specific subset of that group. Finally, the survey was fielded over a single month in mid-2026, and rapidly unfolding political events or news stories could quickly shift public sentiment in unpredictable ways.

    Moving forward, the research team hopes to translate these findings into proactive solutions. “Next year we hope to launch a randomized trial of an intervention to prevent political violence,” Wintemute said.

    The study, “Decreased Support for Political Violence in the United States in Mid-2026: Findings from a Nationally Representative Survey,” was authored by Garen J. Wintemute, Sonia L. Robinson, Daniel J. Tancredi, Krista Neumann, Shaina Sta. Cruz, Aaron B. Shev, Elizabeth A. Tomsich, Bradley Velasquez, Mona A. Wright, and Veronica A. Pear.

    URL: psypost.org/support-for-politi

    -------------------------------------------------

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    Unofficial Psychology Today Xitter to toot feed at Psych Today Unofficial Bot @PTUnofficialBot

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    #psychology #counseling #socialwork #psychotherapy @psychotherapist @psychotherapists @psychology @socialpsych @socialwork @psychiatry #mentalhealth #psychiatry #healthcare #depression #psychotherapist #PoliticalViolence #PublicOpinion #MidtermElection2026 #MAGA #ViolencePrevention #PublicSafety #SurveyResearch #CivilDiscourse #PoliticalViolenceReduction #PublicNorms

  10. DATE: September 19, 2026 at 11:00AM
    SOURCE: PSYPOST.ORG

    ** Research quality varies widely from fantastic to small exploratory studies. Please check research methods when conclusions are very important to you. **
    -------------------------------------------------

    TITLE: Mass shootings and suicides share an unsettling seasonal rhythm, new study finds

    URL: psypost.org/mass-shootings-and

    A recent analysis of public health and crime data found that mass shootings and deaths by suicide in the United States share a nearly identical seasonal pattern, with both events peaking in mid-summer and reaching their lowest points in mid-winter. This parallel timing provides evidence for the idea that many mass shootings may be driven by similar underlying psychological forces as suicides, particularly severe and violent distress. The findings were published in Journal of Biological Rhythms.

    Mass shootings (defined in this context as incidents where four or more people, not counting the shooter, are killed or injured by a firearm) have become increasingly frequent in the United States. To better prevent these tragedies, public health experts are looking for patterns that might explain when and why they happen. One emerging idea is that many mass shooters view their attacks as a final, suicidal act.

    “The study was designed to explore whether epidemiological trends align with evidence from case series investigations that led to the hypothesis proposed by mass shootings researchers that many mass shootings are both homicidal and suicidal, designed as final acts,” said Mark É. Czeisler, a clinical fellow in medicine and resident physician at Brigham and Women’s Hospital and Harvard Medical School.

    For centuries, the seasonality of mood and suicide has presented a paradox to medical professionals. While depression is known to be most severe during the shorter, darker days of winter, suicide deaths actually follow the opposite pattern. A 2019 study of psychiatric patients indicated that highly lethal suicide attempts tend to peak during the summer months when sunlight exposure is highest. In contrast, less severe suicide attempts and general depression do not follow this summer-peaking trend.

    “Seasonality has long been recognized in suicide, and deaths by suicide are lowest in winter and higher in late spring and summer,” Czeisler told PsyPost. “This raised the question: if a subset of mass shootings involves an element of suicidality, do they share the same seasonal rhythm?”

    There are also demographic similarities between the two types of violence. According to a 2024 review of mass shooting epidemiology, the vast majority of mass shooters are adult men, a group that also experiences the highest rates of suicide mortality. Building on these connections, Czeisler and co-author Charles A. Czeisler wanted to see if mass shootings follow the same summer-peaking seasonal rhythm as highly lethal suicide attempts.

    To conduct the analysis, the research team evaluated national data spanning from January 1, 2014, to October 31, 2021. They sourced mass shooting records from the Gun Violence Archive, a comprehensive database that aggregates information from law enforcement, government, and media reports. Information on suicide deaths was obtained from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention mortality databases.

    In total, the researchers evaluated 3,305 mass shootings and 360,827 deaths by suicide that occurred over the nearly eight-year study period. To ensure accuracy, they standardized the length of each month and used statistical models to separate seasonal fluctuations from long-term upward or downward trends in the data. This approach allowed them to isolate the natural rhythmic ebb and flow of these events across the calendar year.

    The analysis found that both mass shootings and deaths by suicide exhibit a highly synchronized seasonal rhythm, with both consistently peaking in mid-summer and dropping to their lowest levels in mid-winter. The models estimated that suicide deaths reached their annual peak around June 23, while mass shootings peaked just days later, around July 3. During the months of June, July, and August, the average number of both mass shootings and suicides was elevated compared to the rest of the year, while December, January, and February saw the lowest numbers.

    The magnitude of the summer increase was vast, particularly for mass shootings. Comparing the summer peak to the winter low, the researchers estimated a 613 percent relative increase in mass shootings. In absolute terms, this meant an increase from about 4.4 mass shootings per standardized month at the winter low to 31.3 mass shootings per month at the summer peak. Suicide deaths showed a 12 percent relative increase, rising from a winter low of roughly 3,439 deaths per month to a summer high of 3,845 deaths per month.

    When looking at individual years, the researchers noted that this seasonal pattern remained largely stable from 2014 through 2019. In 2020, the seasonal spike in mass shootings became even more pronounced, while the summer peak in suicides was smaller than usual. The authors suggest the widespread social disruptions and acute stress of the early COVID-19 pandemic may have influenced these 2020 fluctuations, altering typical patterns of both self-directed and externally directed violence.

    “Both mass shootings and suicide deaths exhibited clear seasonality, with closely aligned seasonal peaks and troughs that peaked in mid-summer and bottomed out in mid-winter,” Czeisler explained. “In other words, mass shootings and suicides tend to rise and fall together across seasons.”

    “This finding does NOT demonstrate that suicides cause mass shootings, or that mass shootings cause suicides,” he noted. “The synchronization is consistent with the hypothesis that many mass shootings are externally directed manifestations of suicidality, but our study does not test or prove that mechanism.”

    The synchronous timing of these events provides evidence for the theory that mass shootings and high-lethality suicides share underlying psychological and environmental triggers. The combination of summertime social demands, higher temperatures, and biological changes in impulsivity or irritability may collectively increase the risk of extreme violence in vulnerable individuals. By identifying this shared summer peak, the researchers hope to guide public health officials to expand mental health resources and violence prevention programs during the warmer months when the need is greatest.

    “Even without fully understanding the underlying causes, recognizing that both mass shootings and suicide deaths consistently increase in mid-summer may help inform preparedness,” Czeisler said. “Health systems, crisis services, and trauma centers can anticipate times of increased demand for mental health and firearm-related injury care.”

    “Similarly, public health agencies and community organizations could intensify firearm safety, safe storage, and suicide prevention efforts in late spring, ahead of the seasonal peak,” he added.

    As with all research, there are a few things to keep in mind. The study highlights a shared timeline but cannot establish exactly why summer brings about this increase in violence. Because there is currently no official national database for mass shootings, the researchers relied on an independent repository, meaning the exact number of incidents could vary slightly depending on how a mass shooting is defined. Additionally, the suicide data for 2021 was provisional and might represent an undercount due to reporting lags.

    “Studies designed to investigate potential mechanisms could further examine seasonality across demographic groups and environmental contexts, including comparisons between the Northern and Southern Hemispheres, where seasonal patterns are reversed,” Czeisler said of future research directions. “Fortunately, mass shootings remain sufficiently rare outside the United States to preclude robust regional comparisons at present.”

    The study, “Seasonality of Mass Shooting Events and Deaths by Suicide in the United States, 2014 to 2021,” was authored by Mark É. Czeisler and Charles A. Czeisler.

    URL: psypost.org/mass-shootings-and

    -------------------------------------------------

    Private, vetted email list for mental health professionals: clinicians-exchange.org

    Unofficial Psychology Today Xitter to toot feed at Psych Today Unofficial Bot @PTUnofficialBot

    -------------------------------------------------

    #psychology #counseling #socialwork #psychotherapy @psychotherapist @psychotherapists @psychology @socialpsych @socialwork @psychiatry #mentalhealth #psychiatry #healthcare #depression #psychotherapist #Seasonality #MassShootings #SuicidePrevention #PublicHealth #MentalHealthAwareness #ViolencePrevention #SummerPeak #PublicHealthData #ViolenceResearch #CzeislerStudy

  11. DATE: September 19, 2026 at 11:00AM
    SOURCE: PSYPOST.ORG

    ** Research quality varies widely from fantastic to small exploratory studies. Please check research methods when conclusions are very important to you. **
    -------------------------------------------------

    TITLE: Mass shootings and suicides share an unsettling seasonal rhythm, new study finds

    URL: psypost.org/mass-shootings-and

    A recent analysis of public health and crime data found that mass shootings and deaths by suicide in the United States share a nearly identical seasonal pattern, with both events peaking in mid-summer and reaching their lowest points in mid-winter. This parallel timing provides evidence for the idea that many mass shootings may be driven by similar underlying psychological forces as suicides, particularly severe and violent distress. The findings were published in Journal of Biological Rhythms.

    Mass shootings (defined in this context as incidents where four or more people, not counting the shooter, are killed or injured by a firearm) have become increasingly frequent in the United States. To better prevent these tragedies, public health experts are looking for patterns that might explain when and why they happen. One emerging idea is that many mass shooters view their attacks as a final, suicidal act.

    “The study was designed to explore whether epidemiological trends align with evidence from case series investigations that led to the hypothesis proposed by mass shootings researchers that many mass shootings are both homicidal and suicidal, designed as final acts,” said Mark É. Czeisler, a clinical fellow in medicine and resident physician at Brigham and Women’s Hospital and Harvard Medical School.

    For centuries, the seasonality of mood and suicide has presented a paradox to medical professionals. While depression is known to be most severe during the shorter, darker days of winter, suicide deaths actually follow the opposite pattern. A 2019 study of psychiatric patients indicated that highly lethal suicide attempts tend to peak during the summer months when sunlight exposure is highest. In contrast, less severe suicide attempts and general depression do not follow this summer-peaking trend.

    “Seasonality has long been recognized in suicide, and deaths by suicide are lowest in winter and higher in late spring and summer,” Czeisler told PsyPost. “This raised the question: if a subset of mass shootings involves an element of suicidality, do they share the same seasonal rhythm?”

    There are also demographic similarities between the two types of violence. According to a 2024 review of mass shooting epidemiology, the vast majority of mass shooters are adult men, a group that also experiences the highest rates of suicide mortality. Building on these connections, Czeisler and co-author Charles A. Czeisler wanted to see if mass shootings follow the same summer-peaking seasonal rhythm as highly lethal suicide attempts.

    To conduct the analysis, the research team evaluated national data spanning from January 1, 2014, to October 31, 2021. They sourced mass shooting records from the Gun Violence Archive, a comprehensive database that aggregates information from law enforcement, government, and media reports. Information on suicide deaths was obtained from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention mortality databases.

    In total, the researchers evaluated 3,305 mass shootings and 360,827 deaths by suicide that occurred over the nearly eight-year study period. To ensure accuracy, they standardized the length of each month and used statistical models to separate seasonal fluctuations from long-term upward or downward trends in the data. This approach allowed them to isolate the natural rhythmic ebb and flow of these events across the calendar year.

    The analysis found that both mass shootings and deaths by suicide exhibit a highly synchronized seasonal rhythm, with both consistently peaking in mid-summer and dropping to their lowest levels in mid-winter. The models estimated that suicide deaths reached their annual peak around June 23, while mass shootings peaked just days later, around July 3. During the months of June, July, and August, the average number of both mass shootings and suicides was elevated compared to the rest of the year, while December, January, and February saw the lowest numbers.

    The magnitude of the summer increase was vast, particularly for mass shootings. Comparing the summer peak to the winter low, the researchers estimated a 613 percent relative increase in mass shootings. In absolute terms, this meant an increase from about 4.4 mass shootings per standardized month at the winter low to 31.3 mass shootings per month at the summer peak. Suicide deaths showed a 12 percent relative increase, rising from a winter low of roughly 3,439 deaths per month to a summer high of 3,845 deaths per month.

    When looking at individual years, the researchers noted that this seasonal pattern remained largely stable from 2014 through 2019. In 2020, the seasonal spike in mass shootings became even more pronounced, while the summer peak in suicides was smaller than usual. The authors suggest the widespread social disruptions and acute stress of the early COVID-19 pandemic may have influenced these 2020 fluctuations, altering typical patterns of both self-directed and externally directed violence.

    “Both mass shootings and suicide deaths exhibited clear seasonality, with closely aligned seasonal peaks and troughs that peaked in mid-summer and bottomed out in mid-winter,” Czeisler explained. “In other words, mass shootings and suicides tend to rise and fall together across seasons.”

    “This finding does NOT demonstrate that suicides cause mass shootings, or that mass shootings cause suicides,” he noted. “The synchronization is consistent with the hypothesis that many mass shootings are externally directed manifestations of suicidality, but our study does not test or prove that mechanism.”

    The synchronous timing of these events provides evidence for the theory that mass shootings and high-lethality suicides share underlying psychological and environmental triggers. The combination of summertime social demands, higher temperatures, and biological changes in impulsivity or irritability may collectively increase the risk of extreme violence in vulnerable individuals. By identifying this shared summer peak, the researchers hope to guide public health officials to expand mental health resources and violence prevention programs during the warmer months when the need is greatest.

    “Even without fully understanding the underlying causes, recognizing that both mass shootings and suicide deaths consistently increase in mid-summer may help inform preparedness,” Czeisler said. “Health systems, crisis services, and trauma centers can anticipate times of increased demand for mental health and firearm-related injury care.”

    “Similarly, public health agencies and community organizations could intensify firearm safety, safe storage, and suicide prevention efforts in late spring, ahead of the seasonal peak,” he added.

    As with all research, there are a few things to keep in mind. The study highlights a shared timeline but cannot establish exactly why summer brings about this increase in violence. Because there is currently no official national database for mass shootings, the researchers relied on an independent repository, meaning the exact number of incidents could vary slightly depending on how a mass shooting is defined. Additionally, the suicide data for 2021 was provisional and might represent an undercount due to reporting lags.

    “Studies designed to investigate potential mechanisms could further examine seasonality across demographic groups and environmental contexts, including comparisons between the Northern and Southern Hemispheres, where seasonal patterns are reversed,” Czeisler said of future research directions. “Fortunately, mass shootings remain sufficiently rare outside the United States to preclude robust regional comparisons at present.”

    The study, “Seasonality of Mass Shooting Events and Deaths by Suicide in the United States, 2014 to 2021,” was authored by Mark É. Czeisler and Charles A. Czeisler.

    URL: psypost.org/mass-shootings-and

    -------------------------------------------------

    Private, vetted email list for mental health professionals: clinicians-exchange.org

    Unofficial Psychology Today Xitter to toot feed at Psych Today Unofficial Bot @PTUnofficialBot

    -------------------------------------------------

    #psychology #counseling #socialwork #psychotherapy @psychotherapist @psychotherapists @psychology @socialpsych @socialwork @psychiatry #mentalhealth #psychiatry #healthcare #depression #psychotherapist #Seasonality #MassShootings #SuicidePrevention #PublicHealth #MentalHealthAwareness #ViolencePrevention #SummerPeak #PublicHealthData #ViolenceResearch #CzeislerStudy

  12. DATE: September 19, 2026 at 11:00AM
    SOURCE: PSYPOST.ORG

    ** Research quality varies widely from fantastic to small exploratory studies. Please check research methods when conclusions are very important to you. **
    -------------------------------------------------

    TITLE: Mass shootings and suicides share an unsettling seasonal rhythm, new study finds

    URL: psypost.org/mass-shootings-and

    A recent analysis of public health and crime data found that mass shootings and deaths by suicide in the United States share a nearly identical seasonal pattern, with both events peaking in mid-summer and reaching their lowest points in mid-winter. This parallel timing provides evidence for the idea that many mass shootings may be driven by similar underlying psychological forces as suicides, particularly severe and violent distress. The findings were published in Journal of Biological Rhythms.

    Mass shootings (defined in this context as incidents where four or more people, not counting the shooter, are killed or injured by a firearm) have become increasingly frequent in the United States. To better prevent these tragedies, public health experts are looking for patterns that might explain when and why they happen. One emerging idea is that many mass shooters view their attacks as a final, suicidal act.

    “The study was designed to explore whether epidemiological trends align with evidence from case series investigations that led to the hypothesis proposed by mass shootings researchers that many mass shootings are both homicidal and suicidal, designed as final acts,” said Mark É. Czeisler, a clinical fellow in medicine and resident physician at Brigham and Women’s Hospital and Harvard Medical School.

    For centuries, the seasonality of mood and suicide has presented a paradox to medical professionals. While depression is known to be most severe during the shorter, darker days of winter, suicide deaths actually follow the opposite pattern. A 2019 study of psychiatric patients indicated that highly lethal suicide attempts tend to peak during the summer months when sunlight exposure is highest. In contrast, less severe suicide attempts and general depression do not follow this summer-peaking trend.

    “Seasonality has long been recognized in suicide, and deaths by suicide are lowest in winter and higher in late spring and summer,” Czeisler told PsyPost. “This raised the question: if a subset of mass shootings involves an element of suicidality, do they share the same seasonal rhythm?”

    There are also demographic similarities between the two types of violence. According to a 2024 review of mass shooting epidemiology, the vast majority of mass shooters are adult men, a group that also experiences the highest rates of suicide mortality. Building on these connections, Czeisler and co-author Charles A. Czeisler wanted to see if mass shootings follow the same summer-peaking seasonal rhythm as highly lethal suicide attempts.

    To conduct the analysis, the research team evaluated national data spanning from January 1, 2014, to October 31, 2021. They sourced mass shooting records from the Gun Violence Archive, a comprehensive database that aggregates information from law enforcement, government, and media reports. Information on suicide deaths was obtained from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention mortality databases.

    In total, the researchers evaluated 3,305 mass shootings and 360,827 deaths by suicide that occurred over the nearly eight-year study period. To ensure accuracy, they standardized the length of each month and used statistical models to separate seasonal fluctuations from long-term upward or downward trends in the data. This approach allowed them to isolate the natural rhythmic ebb and flow of these events across the calendar year.

    The analysis found that both mass shootings and deaths by suicide exhibit a highly synchronized seasonal rhythm, with both consistently peaking in mid-summer and dropping to their lowest levels in mid-winter. The models estimated that suicide deaths reached their annual peak around June 23, while mass shootings peaked just days later, around July 3. During the months of June, July, and August, the average number of both mass shootings and suicides was elevated compared to the rest of the year, while December, January, and February saw the lowest numbers.

    The magnitude of the summer increase was vast, particularly for mass shootings. Comparing the summer peak to the winter low, the researchers estimated a 613 percent relative increase in mass shootings. In absolute terms, this meant an increase from about 4.4 mass shootings per standardized month at the winter low to 31.3 mass shootings per month at the summer peak. Suicide deaths showed a 12 percent relative increase, rising from a winter low of roughly 3,439 deaths per month to a summer high of 3,845 deaths per month.

    When looking at individual years, the researchers noted that this seasonal pattern remained largely stable from 2014 through 2019. In 2020, the seasonal spike in mass shootings became even more pronounced, while the summer peak in suicides was smaller than usual. The authors suggest the widespread social disruptions and acute stress of the early COVID-19 pandemic may have influenced these 2020 fluctuations, altering typical patterns of both self-directed and externally directed violence.

    “Both mass shootings and suicide deaths exhibited clear seasonality, with closely aligned seasonal peaks and troughs that peaked in mid-summer and bottomed out in mid-winter,” Czeisler explained. “In other words, mass shootings and suicides tend to rise and fall together across seasons.”

    “This finding does NOT demonstrate that suicides cause mass shootings, or that mass shootings cause suicides,” he noted. “The synchronization is consistent with the hypothesis that many mass shootings are externally directed manifestations of suicidality, but our study does not test or prove that mechanism.”

    The synchronous timing of these events provides evidence for the theory that mass shootings and high-lethality suicides share underlying psychological and environmental triggers. The combination of summertime social demands, higher temperatures, and biological changes in impulsivity or irritability may collectively increase the risk of extreme violence in vulnerable individuals. By identifying this shared summer peak, the researchers hope to guide public health officials to expand mental health resources and violence prevention programs during the warmer months when the need is greatest.

    “Even without fully understanding the underlying causes, recognizing that both mass shootings and suicide deaths consistently increase in mid-summer may help inform preparedness,” Czeisler said. “Health systems, crisis services, and trauma centers can anticipate times of increased demand for mental health and firearm-related injury care.”

    “Similarly, public health agencies and community organizations could intensify firearm safety, safe storage, and suicide prevention efforts in late spring, ahead of the seasonal peak,” he added.

    As with all research, there are a few things to keep in mind. The study highlights a shared timeline but cannot establish exactly why summer brings about this increase in violence. Because there is currently no official national database for mass shootings, the researchers relied on an independent repository, meaning the exact number of incidents could vary slightly depending on how a mass shooting is defined. Additionally, the suicide data for 2021 was provisional and might represent an undercount due to reporting lags.

    “Studies designed to investigate potential mechanisms could further examine seasonality across demographic groups and environmental contexts, including comparisons between the Northern and Southern Hemispheres, where seasonal patterns are reversed,” Czeisler said of future research directions. “Fortunately, mass shootings remain sufficiently rare outside the United States to preclude robust regional comparisons at present.”

    The study, “Seasonality of Mass Shooting Events and Deaths by Suicide in the United States, 2014 to 2021,” was authored by Mark É. Czeisler and Charles A. Czeisler.

    URL: psypost.org/mass-shootings-and

    -------------------------------------------------

    Private, vetted email list for mental health professionals: clinicians-exchange.org

    Unofficial Psychology Today Xitter to toot feed at Psych Today Unofficial Bot @PTUnofficialBot

    -------------------------------------------------

    #psychology #counseling #socialwork #psychotherapy @psychotherapist @psychotherapists @psychology @socialpsych @socialwork @psychiatry #mentalhealth #psychiatry #healthcare #depression #psychotherapist #Seasonality #MassShootings #SuicidePrevention #PublicHealth #MentalHealthAwareness #ViolencePrevention #SummerPeak #PublicHealthData #ViolenceResearch #CzeislerStudy

  13. FYI: Explaining Communication Safety: Communication Safety is Apple's on-device control that blurs nudity, and now violent imagery, sent to or by minors. The mechanics, history and open disputes. ppc.land/communication-safety/ #CommunicationSafety #Apple #OnDeviceControl #Nudity #ViolencePrevention

  14. FYI: Explaining Communication Safety: Communication Safety is Apple's on-device control that blurs nudity, and now violent imagery, sent to or by minors. The mechanics, history and open disputes. ppc.land/communication-safety/ #CommunicationSafety #Apple #OnDeviceControl #Nudity #ViolencePrevention

  15. FYI: Explaining Communication Safety: Communication Safety is Apple's on-device control that blurs nudity, and now violent imagery, sent to or by minors. The mechanics, history and open disputes. ppc.land/communication-safety/ #CommunicationSafety #Apple #OnDeviceControl #Nudity #ViolencePrevention

  16. Plauderfreudiger 'Extremismusberater' Mücke

    Im Zusammenhang mit dem Anschlag auf den CSD in Berlin wurde berichtet, dass der Tatverdächtige Abdul B. Klient bei Violence Prevention Network (VPN) gewesen sei.

    Der Geschäftsführer der gemeinnützigen GmbH, Thomas Mücke, erteilte freimütig Auskünfte. Ja, Abdul B. sei Klient gewesen, dazu "Überfreundlich, angepasst aber undurchschaubar". Anzeichen für psychologische Probleme habe er nicht gezeigt.

    Das sagt also ein 'Extremismusberater' der auf seiner Webseite wirbt mit " Wir reden mit Extremisten. Nicht über sie.". Von sich selbst sagt Mücke, er lege "größten Wert auf einen wertschätzenden und demütigungsfreien Umgang".

    Bei allem Verständnis für das Bedürfnis mehr über den Attentäter zu erfahren: wenn aber der Geschäftsführer einer Beratungsstelle, in jedes Mikrofon spricht, dabei ohne jede Zurückhaltung der Presse bereitwillig Auskünfte über vertrauliche Klientengespräche erteilt, ist das nicht nur unseriös und konterkariert deren eigenes Versprechen, nicht "über Extremisten" zu sprechen, sondern es erscheint darüber hinaus kontraproduktiv für jede Vertrauensbeziehung: allen Klienten muss klar sein, dass die 'Beratungsstelle' jederzeit Massenmedien vertraulich geglaubte Gesprächsinhalte offen legt.

    Dass das VPN über sich selbst schreibt, Zitat, "Datenschutz hat einen besonders hohen Stellenwert für die Geschäftsleitung von Violence Prevention Network gGmbH" mutet pittoresk an.

    taz bestätigt Gespräch mit Thomas Mücke:
    taz.de/Anschlag-auf-CSD-in-Ber

    Webseite der Beratungsstelle:

    violence-prevention-network.de/

    Selbstdarstellung Thomas Mücke:

    violence-prevention-network.de

    #thomasmucke #violenceprevention #violencepreventionnetwork #berlin #csd #montag #deutschland #berlinbubble #islamismus #rechtsextremismus #ausstiegsprogramm #ausstiegshilfe #Ausstiegsprogrammen #Aussteigerprogramm #beratungsstelle #taz #schweigepflicht #berlinbubble #csd2026 #csdberlin
    #csdberlinpride #csdberlin26 #queer

  17. Plauderfreudiger 'Extremismusberater' Mücke

    Im Zusammenhang mit dem Anschlag auf den CSD in Berlin wurde berichtet, dass der Tatverdächtige Abdul B. Klient bei Violence Prevention Network (VPN) gewesen sei.

    Der Geschäftsführer der gemeinnützigen GmbH, Thomas Mücke, erteilte freimütig Auskünfte. Ja, Abdul B. sei Klient gewesen, dazu "Überfreundlich, angepasst aber undurchschaubar". Anzeichen für psychologische Probleme habe er nicht gezeigt.

    Das sagt also ein 'Extremismusberater' der auf seiner Webseite wirbt mit " Wir reden mit Extremisten. Nicht über sie.". Von sich selbst sagt Mücke, er lege "größten Wert auf einen wertschätzenden und demütigungsfreien Umgang".

    Bei allem Verständnis für das Bedürfnis mehr über den Attentäter zu erfahren: wenn aber der Geschäftsführer einer Beratungsstelle, in jedes Mikrofon spricht, dabei ohne jede Zurückhaltung der Presse bereitwillig Auskünfte über vertrauliche Klientengespräche erteilt, ist das nicht nur unseriös und konterkariert deren eigenes Versprechen, nicht "über Extremisten" zu sprechen, sondern es erscheint darüber hinaus kontraproduktiv für jede Vertrauensbeziehung: allen Klienten muss klar sein, dass die 'Beratungsstelle' jederzeit Massenmedien vertraulich geglaubte Gesprächsinhalte offen legt.

    Dass das VPN über sich selbst schreibt, Zitat, "Datenschutz hat einen besonders hohen Stellenwert für die Geschäftsleitung von Violence Prevention Network gGmbH" mutet pittoresk an.

    taz bestätigt Gespräch mit Thomas Mücke:
    taz.de/Anschlag-auf-CSD-in-Ber

    Webseite der Beratungsstelle:

    violence-prevention-network.de/

    Selbstdarstellung Thomas Mücke:

    violence-prevention-network.de

    #thomasmucke #violenceprevention #violencepreventionnetwork #berlin #csd #montag #deutschland #berlinbubble #islamismus #rechtsextremismus #ausstiegsprogramm #ausstiegshilfe #Ausstiegsprogrammen #Aussteigerprogramm #beratungsstelle #taz #schweigepflicht #berlinbubble #csd2026 #csdberlin
    #csdberlinpride #csdberlin26 #queer

  18. Brother's Desperate Call Preceded DC Shooting

    Man's brother called police minutes before DC shooting, signaling threat. Investigators look into family issues and response time.

    #DCShooting, #GunmanBrother, #PoliceResponse, #ViolencePrevention, #FamilyTrouble

    newsletter.tf/brother-calls-po

  19. Recent local reporting says Lexington has passed 75 consecutive days without a homicide, a milestone city leaders say reflects years of declining gun violence.
    #Lexington #Kentucky #CommunitySafety #ViolencePrevention #LocalNews #PublicSafety #news

  20. Violence has a linguistic dimension that's often overlooked.

    A study in the Turkish Journal of Hygiene and Experimental Biology found a clear link between physical violence and "discursive violence" — the harmful language of influential figures, which followers apply more aggressively. Three factors are at play: the perpetrator, the victim, and the cause of violence. Media and law focus on the first two; the hidden driver is the third.

    Family, social and psychological support mechanisms, peers, education, and media all matter. But respectful language isn't just politeness — it can be an evidence-based violence prevention strategy.

    turkhijyen.org/jvi.aspx?pdir=t

    #Law #LawFedi #ViolencePrevention

  21. Violence has a linguistic dimension that's often overlooked.

    A study in the Turkish Journal of Hygiene and Experimental Biology found a clear link between physical violence and "discursive violence" — the harmful language of influential figures, which followers apply more aggressively. Three factors are at play: the perpetrator, the victim, and the cause of violence. Media and law focus on the first two; the hidden driver is the third.

    Family, social and psychological support mechanisms, peers, education, and media all matter. But respectful language isn't just politeness — it can be an evidence-based violence prevention strategy.

    turkhijyen.org/jvi.aspx?pdir=t

    #Law #LawFedi #ViolencePrevention

  22. Violence has a linguistic dimension that's often overlooked.

    A study in the Turkish Journal of Hygiene and Experimental Biology found a clear link between physical violence and "discursive violence" — the harmful language of influential figures, which followers apply more aggressively. Three factors are at play: the perpetrator, the victim, and the cause of violence. Media and law focus on the first two; the hidden driver is the third.

    Family, social and psychological support mechanisms, peers, education, and media all matter. But respectful language isn't just politeness — it can be an evidence-based violence prevention strategy.

    turkhijyen.org/jvi.aspx?pdir=t

    #Law #LawFedi #ViolencePrevention

  23. Violence has a linguistic dimension that's often overlooked.

    A study in the Turkish Journal of Hygiene and Experimental Biology found a clear link between physical violence and "discursive violence" — the harmful language of influential figures, which followers apply more aggressively. Three factors are at play: the perpetrator, the victim, and the cause of violence. Media and law focus on the first two; the hidden driver is the third.

    Family, social and psychological support mechanisms, peers, education, and media all matter. But respectful language isn't just politeness — it can be an evidence-based violence prevention strategy.

    turkhijyen.org/jvi.aspx?pdir=t

  24. Dr. S. Lee Funk draws on more than 35 years of experience working with young people with emotional disturbances to argue that rampage killings are not random. They follow predictable patterns rooted in specific conditions and mindsets. My 5-star review is on Medium. Not light reading, but essential reading for mental health professionals, educators, law enforcement, and policymakers.
    #BookReview #Psychology #Criminology #PublicSafety #ViolencePrevention
    medium.com/@AngieMangino/why-r

  25. Dr. S. Lee Funk draws on more than 35 years of experience working with young people with emotional disturbances to argue that rampage killings are not random. They follow predictable patterns rooted in specific conditions and mindsets. My 5-star review is on Medium. Not light reading, but essential reading for mental health professionals, educators, law enforcement, and policymakers.
    #BookReview #Psychology #Criminology #PublicSafety #ViolencePrevention
    medium.com/@AngieMangino/why-r

  26. Dr. S. Lee Funk draws on more than 35 years of experience working with young people with emotional disturbances to argue that rampage killings are not random. They follow predictable patterns rooted in specific conditions and mindsets. My 5-star review is on Medium. Not light reading, but essential reading for mental health professionals, educators, law enforcement, and policymakers.
    #BookReview #Psychology #Criminology #PublicSafety #ViolencePrevention
    medium.com/@AngieMangino/why-r

  27. Dr. S. Lee Funk draws on more than 35 years of experience working with young people with emotional disturbances to argue that rampage killings are not random. They follow predictable patterns rooted in specific conditions and mindsets. My 5-star review is on Medium. Not light reading, but essential reading for mental health professionals, educators, law enforcement, and policymakers.
    #BookReview #Psychology #Criminology #PublicSafety #ViolencePrevention
    medium.com/@AngieMangino/why-r

  28. Dr. S. Lee Funk has spent more than 35 years studying the psychological origins of violence. His academic work dismantles the myth that rampage killings are random, replacing assumption with rigorous, multi-disciplinary research. If you want to understand one of the most urgent public safety challenges of our time, his Academia.edu profile is a good place to start.
    #Psychology #Criminology #ViolencePrevention #PublicSafety #AcademicResearch
    stevenleefunk.academia.edu

  29. Dr. S. Lee Funk has spent more than 35 years studying the psychological origins of violence. His academic work dismantles the myth that rampage killings are random, replacing assumption with rigorous, multi-disciplinary research. If you want to understand one of the most urgent public safety challenges of our time, his Academia.edu profile is a good place to start.
    #Psychology #Criminology #ViolencePrevention #PublicSafety #AcademicResearch
    stevenleefunk.academia.edu

  30. Dr. S. Lee Funk has spent more than 35 years studying the psychological origins of violence. His academic work dismantles the myth that rampage killings are random, replacing assumption with rigorous, multi-disciplinary research. If you want to understand one of the most urgent public safety challenges of our time, his Academia.edu profile is a good place to start.
    #Psychology #Criminology #ViolencePrevention #PublicSafety #AcademicResearch
    stevenleefunk.academia.edu

  31. Dr. S. Lee Funk has spent more than 35 years studying the psychological origins of violence. His academic work dismantles the myth that rampage killings are random, replacing assumption with rigorous, multi-disciplinary research. If you want to understand one of the most urgent public safety challenges of our time, his Academia.edu profile is a good place to start.
    #Psychology #Criminology #ViolencePrevention #PublicSafety #AcademicResearch
    stevenleefunk.academia.edu

  32. Rampage killings are not random. They follow identifiable patterns rooted in specific conditions and mindsets. That is the central argument of Dr. S. Lee Funk's Why Rampage Killers Emerge, a rigorously researched work drawing on more than 35 years of experience. Essential reading for mental health professionals, educators, law enforcement, and policymakers. Reviewed by Angie Mangino.
    #Psychology #Criminology #PublicSafety #ViolencePrevention #Education
    drsleefunk.com

  33. Rampage killings are not random. They follow identifiable patterns rooted in specific conditions and mindsets. That is the central argument of Dr. S. Lee Funk's Why Rampage Killers Emerge, a rigorously researched work drawing on more than 35 years of experience. Essential reading for mental health professionals, educators, law enforcement, and policymakers. Reviewed by Angie Mangino.
    #Psychology #Criminology #PublicSafety #ViolencePrevention #Education
    drsleefunk.com

  34. Rampage killings are not random. They follow identifiable patterns rooted in specific conditions and mindsets. That is the central argument of Dr. S. Lee Funk's Why Rampage Killers Emerge, a rigorously researched work drawing on more than 35 years of experience. Essential reading for mental health professionals, educators, law enforcement, and policymakers. Reviewed by Angie Mangino.
    #Psychology #Criminology #PublicSafety #ViolencePrevention #Education
    drsleefunk.com

  35. Rampage killings are not random. They follow identifiable patterns rooted in specific conditions and mindsets. That is the central argument of Dr. S. Lee Funk's Why Rampage Killers Emerge, a rigorously researched work drawing on more than 35 years of experience. Essential reading for mental health professionals, educators, law enforcement, and policymakers. Reviewed by Angie Mangino.
    #Psychology #Criminology #PublicSafety #ViolencePrevention #Education
    drsleefunk.com

  36. Dr. S. Lee Funk, author of Why Rampage Killers Emerge and How Rampage Killers Interpret Their Worlds, sat down with Authority Magazine's Jake Frankel to reflect on more than 30 years working with students with serious emotional challenges. His thoughts on ethics, scholarship, and the underestimated role of performative violence in extreme behavior make this interview well worth reading.
    #Psychology #Criminology #ViolencePrevention #AuthorInterview #PublicSafety
    medium.com/authority-magazine/

  37. Dr. S. Lee Funk, author of Why Rampage Killers Emerge and How Rampage Killers Interpret Their Worlds, sat down with Authority Magazine's Jake Frankel to reflect on more than 30 years working with students with serious emotional challenges. His thoughts on ethics, scholarship, and the underestimated role of performative violence in extreme behavior make this interview well worth reading.
    #Psychology #Criminology #ViolencePrevention #AuthorInterview #PublicSafety
    medium.com/authority-magazine/

  38. Dr. S. Lee Funk, author of Why Rampage Killers Emerge and How Rampage Killers Interpret Their Worlds, sat down with Authority Magazine's Jake Frankel to reflect on more than 30 years working with students with serious emotional challenges. His thoughts on ethics, scholarship, and the underestimated role of performative violence in extreme behavior make this interview well worth reading.
    #Psychology #Criminology #ViolencePrevention #AuthorInterview #PublicSafety
    medium.com/authority-magazine/

  39. Dr. S. Lee Funk, author of Why Rampage Killers Emerge and How Rampage Killers Interpret Their Worlds, sat down with Authority Magazine's Jake Frankel to reflect on more than 30 years working with students with serious emotional challenges. His thoughts on ethics, scholarship, and the underestimated role of performative violence in extreme behavior make this interview well worth reading.
    #Psychology #Criminology #ViolencePrevention #AuthorInterview #PublicSafety
    medium.com/authority-magazine/

  40. CW: Southport attack

    The Southport attack was preventable, but his parents and the medical and security systems all failed. It was five years since he was expelled for attacking another school student and carrying a knife, but he was allowed to collect weapons and foster a deep hatred unchecked.

    theguardian.com/uk-news/2025/n

    #SouthportInquiry #SouthportAttack #AxelRudakubana #KnifeCrime #MentalHealthUK #PreventScheme #YouthViolence #ViolencePrevention

  41. CW: Southport attack

    The Southport attack was preventable, but his parents and the medical and security systems all failed. It was five years since he was expelled for attacking another school student and carrying a knife, but he was allowed to collect weapons and foster a deep hatred unchecked.

    theguardian.com/uk-news/2025/n

    #SouthportInquiry #SouthportAttack #AxelRudakubana #KnifeCrime #MentalHealthUK #PreventScheme #YouthViolence #ViolencePrevention

  42. CW: Southport attack

    The Southport attack was preventable, but his parents and the medical and security systems all failed. It was five years since he was expelled for attacking another school student and carrying a knife, but he was allowed to collect weapons and foster a deep hatred unchecked.

    theguardian.com/uk-news/2025/n

    #SouthportInquiry #SouthportAttack #AxelRudakubana #KnifeCrime #MentalHealthUK #PreventScheme #YouthViolence #ViolencePrevention

  43. CW: Southport attack

    The Southport attack was preventable, but his parents and the medical and security systems all failed. It was five years since he was expelled for attacking another school student and carrying a knife, but he was allowed to collect weapons and foster a deep hatred unchecked.

    theguardian.com/uk-news/2025/n

    #SouthportInquiry #SouthportAttack #AxelRudakubana #KnifeCrime #MentalHealthUK #PreventScheme #YouthViolence #ViolencePrevention

  44. @fdroidorg

    Our nonprofit group's award winning, prosocial, non-violent video games were removed by #Google.

    🤥 They claimed that we had misled them by classifying them as #educational. Google purported to know more about our work than we do.

    🎮 Our free games about #consent and #healthyrelationships were unilaterally removed from Google Play, making it much tougher for us to reach and help young people.

    🧡 The ubiquity of smartphones make game marketplaces a necessary channel for us to reach #adolescents directly.

    #indiegames #publichealth #violenceprevention #DVAM #antitrust #criticalthinking #dh #undueinfluence #duopoly #education #students @stopTDV

  45. @fdroidorg

    Our nonprofit group's award winning, prosocial, non-violent video games were removed by #Google.

    🤥 They claimed that we had misled them by classifying them as #educational. Google purported to know more about our work than we do.

    🎮 Our free games about #consent and #healthyrelationships were unilaterally removed from Google Play, making it much tougher for us to reach and help young people.

    🧡 The ubiquity of smartphones make game marketplaces a necessary channel for us to reach #adolescents directly.

    #indiegames #publichealth #violenceprevention #DVAM #antitrust #criticalthinking #dh #undueinfluence #duopoly #education #students @stopTDV

  46. @fdroidorg

    Our nonprofit group's award winning, prosocial, non-violent video games were removed by #Google.

    🤥 They claimed that we had misled them by classifying them as #educational. Google purported to know more about our work than we do.

    🎮 Our free games about #consent and #healthyrelationships were unilaterally removed from Google Play, making it much tougher for us to reach and help young people.

    🧡 The ubiquity of smartphones make game marketplaces a necessary channel for us to reach #adolescents directly.

    #indiegames #publichealth #violenceprevention #DVAM #antitrust #criticalthinking #dh #undueinfluence #duopoly #education #students @stopTDV

  47. @fdroidorg

    Our nonprofit group's award winning, prosocial, non-violent video games were removed by #Google.

    🤥 They claimed that we had misled them by classifying them as #educational. Google purported to know more about our work than we do.

    🎮 Our free games about #consent and #healthyrelationships were unilaterally removed from Google Play, making it much tougher for us to reach and help young people.

    🧡 The ubiquity of smartphones make game marketplaces a necessary channel for us to reach #adolescents directly.

    #indiegames #publichealth #violenceprevention #DVAM #antitrust #criticalthinking #dh #undueinfluence #duopoly #education #students @stopTDV

  48. Misogyny isn’t just a cultural problem—it’s a key driver of political extremism and mass violence. Sociologist Cynthia Miller-Idriss reveals how hatred of women fuels radicalization and why ignoring it blinds us to deeper threats. A must-listen for understanding the roots of violent ideologies. #Misogyny #Extremism #GenderJustice #ViolencePrevention
    #The1APodcast
    npr.org/2025/10/02/nx-s1-55611

  49. Misogyny isn’t just a cultural problem—it’s a key driver of political extremism and mass violence. Sociologist Cynthia Miller-Idriss reveals how hatred of women fuels radicalization and why ignoring it blinds us to deeper threats. A must-listen for understanding the roots of violent ideologies. #Misogyny #Extremism #GenderJustice #ViolencePrevention
    #The1APodcast
    npr.org/2025/10/02/nx-s1-55611

  50. Misogyny isn’t just a cultural problem—it’s a key driver of political extremism and mass violence. Sociologist Cynthia Miller-Idriss reveals how hatred of women fuels radicalization and why ignoring it blinds us to deeper threats. A must-listen for understanding the roots of violent ideologies. #Misogyny #Extremism #GenderJustice #ViolencePrevention
    #The1APodcast
    npr.org/2025/10/02/nx-s1-55611

  51. Misogyny isn’t just a cultural problem—it’s a key driver of political extremism and mass violence. Sociologist Cynthia Miller-Idriss reveals how hatred of women fuels radicalization and why ignoring it blinds us to deeper threats. A must-listen for understanding the roots of violent ideologies. #Misogyny #Extremism #GenderJustice #ViolencePrevention
    #The1APodcast
    npr.org/2025/10/02/nx-s1-55611