home.social

#publicpolicy — Public Fediverse posts

Live and recent posts from across the Fediverse tagged #publicpolicy, aggregated by home.social.

  1. What Can Brazil Learn from Global Cybersecurity Regulation?

    This is the second and final article on the lessons Brazil can draw from the cybersecurity regulatory initiatives…
    #Spain #ES #Europe #Europa #EU #Telefónica #Cybersecurity #PublicPolicy
    europesays.com/spain/83431/

  2. subject to the cloud act...?

    seems likely

    'Unnamed companies are looking at setting up six data centres in Tasmania, a document tabled by the state government in parliament reveals'

    #genAI #tasmania #publicPolicy #datacentres #polycrisis

    abc.net.au/news/2026-09-09/six

  3. subject to the cloud act...?

    seems likely

    'Unnamed companies are looking at setting up six data centres in Tasmania, a document tabled by the state government in parliament reveals'

    #genAI #tasmania #publicPolicy #datacentres #polycrisis

    abc.net.au/news/2026-09-09/six

  4. subject to the cloud act...?

    seems likely

    'Unnamed companies are looking at setting up six data centres in Tasmania, a document tabled by the state government in parliament reveals'

    #genAI #tasmania #publicPolicy #datacentres #polycrisis

    abc.net.au/news/2026-09-09/six

  5. subject to the cloud act...?

    seems likely

    'Unnamed companies are looking at setting up six data centres in Tasmania, a document tabled by the state government in parliament reveals'

    #genAI #tasmania #publicPolicy #datacentres #polycrisis

    abc.net.au/news/2026-09-09/six

  6. subject to the cloud act...?

    seems likely

    'Unnamed companies are looking at setting up six data centres in Tasmania, a document tabled by the state government in parliament reveals'

    #genAI #tasmania #publicPolicy #datacentres #polycrisis

    abc.net.au/news/2026-09-09/six

  7. Whoever owns the compute owns the world?

    In my latest post, I argue that governments should own or co-own part of the infrastructure behind AI. Regulation and taxation matter, but neither gives us the control we need.

    We Need Public Ownership of AI Infrastructure
    marcpuricelli.cv/posts/we-need

    #AI #DigitalSovereignty #PublicPolicy

  8. Whoever owns the compute owns the world?

    In my latest post, I argue that governments should own or co-own part of the infrastructure behind AI. Regulation and taxation matter, but neither gives us the control we need.

    We Need Public Ownership of AI Infrastructure
    marcpuricelli.cv/posts/we-need

    #AI #DigitalSovereignty #PublicPolicy

  9. Whoever owns the compute owns the world?

    In my latest post, I argue that governments should own or co-own part of the infrastructure behind AI. Regulation and taxation matter, but neither gives us the control we need.

    We Need Public Ownership of AI Infrastructure
    marcpuricelli.cv/posts/we-need

    #AI #DigitalSovereignty #PublicPolicy

  10. Whoever owns the compute owns the world?

    In my latest post, I argue that governments should own or co-own part of the infrastructure behind AI. Regulation and taxation matter, but neither gives us the control we need.

    We Need Public Ownership of AI Infrastructure
    marcpuricelli.cv/posts/we-need

    #AI #DigitalSovereignty #PublicPolicy

  11. Whoever owns the compute owns the world?

    In my latest post, I argue that governments should own or co-own part of the infrastructure behind AI. Regulation and taxation matter, but neither gives us the control we need.

    We Need Public Ownership of AI Infrastructure
    marcpuricelli.cv/posts/we-need

    #AI #DigitalSovereignty #PublicPolicy

  12. RE: aus.social/@oscarjiminy/116966

    My local library in Port Philip's always been a real pride of the community. Was designed by a bit of a rockstar architect and it's a kind of keystone community structure in the way that all libraries are but the design really embeds that dynamic in stone and glass.

    This place was always, in my memory, really busy. Folks walking the shelves, sitting reading, standing reading, studying etc etc, all the things folks do in libraries.

    Lately, someone decided to redesign the layout and part of that redesign was to allocate restricted areas. There is now (I would estimate) about 50% of the seating restricted and if you sit there unknowingly (signage is really minimal) you will be asked to move within about ten minutes of having sat down.

    I may be cynical (it's been said before) but it strikes me as pandering to rate payers in an area with a population lousy with renters, though with the massive density developments happening here over the past 20 years I guess we're becoming a minority.

    The point is (for me) that libraries can't afford to be alienating their demographic and I can say anecdotally that ever since the layout adjustments the traffic in this library has fallen off a cliff

    #publicLibraries #portPhilip #publicPolicy #publicSpaces

  13. The latest July 2026 Anti-Trans National Legal Risk Assessment Map from journalist Erin Reed ( @ErinInTheMorn ) is now available, outlining the current legislative environment across the United States. Key updates in this report include:

    • State Reclassifications: Idaho has been moved to the "Do Not Travel" category due to new criminal penalties regarding bathroom usage, and South Carolina's risk tier was raised following expanded restrictions at colleges and universities.

    • National Overview: The report examines the impact of recent federal policies and state-level executive orders on healthcare, identification documents, and public accommodation.

    • State Categorizations: States continue to be evaluated and sorted into tiers ranging from "Most Protective" (including Washington) to "Do Not Travel" based on qualitative analysis of passed and proposed bills.

    #Transgender #LGBTQNews #CurrentEvents #USPolicy #PublicPolicy #StateLegislation

    erininthemorning.com/p/anti-tr

  14. Is Nepal Moving Toward a Socialism-Oriented Federal State or a Capitalist Economy? A Systems-Level Reflection on Nepal’s FY 2026/27 Budget

    The Constitution of Nepal defines Nepal as a “socialism-oriented federal democratic republican state.” Multiple election cycles since the Maoist insurgency suggest that democracy has matured considerably. Political parties broadly operating within the republican democratic framework have consistently remained at the center of political competition. The most recent election, following the Gen-Z movement, arguably strengthened the foundations of the republican system. Political actors advocating a return to monarchy remained on the margins and failed to translate public unrest into electoral dominance. Historically, pro-monarchy sentiment tends to gain visibility when governments fail to deliver expected outcomes. The Gen-Z movement represented perhaps the strongest expression of dissatisfaction with the status quo political order. If the Nepali public genuinely favored restoration of monarchy, that election cycle would have provided an ideal opportunity for monarchy-supporting forces to emerge as a dominant political alternative. Instead, voters largely endorsed parties committed to republican democracy, reinforcing the democratic republican trajectory of the country. Yet another constitutional question remains unresolved: while Nepal appears committed to republican democracy, is it also moving toward becoming a socialism-oriented federal state? This article adopts a devil’s advocate perspective to examine whether the latest fiscal budget advances that constitutional aspiration or whether it reflects a different economic direction.

    The Budget Represents a Development-State Strategy

    Viewed from a systems perspective, the budget rests on a coherent developmental logic. Its central objectives are to accelerate growth through productive investment, strengthen state capacity through reform and digitization, and attract domestic, diaspora, and foreign investment. The underlying diagnosis appears reasonable. Nepal’s challenge is not merely a shortage of money but low productivity, weak state capacity, fragmented development efforts, and bureaucratic friction. The budget attempts to connect infrastructure, energy, agriculture, tourism, technology, and investment into a more integrated economic architecture. Borrowing is presented not as a tool for consumption but as an instrument for productivity-enhancing investment. From this perspective, the budget is essentially a wager on state capacity. If government institutions become more effective, projects are completed on time, corruption is reduced, and investment translates into economic growth, then higher borrowing may be justified. Many countries such as South Korea and Vietnam that successfully modernized followed versions of this strategy. The budget therefore deserves credit for attempting to move the conversation beyond annual expenditures toward a broader development framework.

    Is the Budget Fundamentally a Trickle-Down Strategy?

    A central question is whether the budget’s theory of change resembles a form of trickle-down economics. Much of the strategy focuses on investment promotion, infrastructure expansion, digitization, regulatory reform, business facilitation, and productivity growth. The implicit assumption appears to be that economic growth will eventually spread throughout society through employment generation, enterprise creation, and broader economic opportunities. The concern is not whether growth is desirable. The concern is whether the benefits of growth will reach marginalized populations quickly and equitably enough. Critics may reasonably ask whether the budget places greater emphasis on investors, businesses, and the middle class than on direct improvements in the economic conditions of vulnerable communities. If economic gains remain concentrated among those already positioned to benefit from investment opportunities, the constitutional aspiration of a socialism-oriented state becomes harder to reconcile with actual policy outcomes.

    Do Specific Policy Choices Reflect a Capitalist Rather Than Socialism-Oriented Direction?

    Several policy signals raise broader questions about the state’s economic philosophy. First, taxes imposed on education and health services are likely to be passed on to consumers unless strong regulatory mechanisms prevent it. If the objective is to increase reliance on public education and public healthcare, improving the quality and competitiveness of those services may be a more effective first step than creating additional costs within private alternatives. Second, electricity consumption thresholds before tax appear low relative to the growing electrification of modern households. As families adopt induction cooking, electric vehicles, heat pumps, and other appliances, many middle-income households could exceed these thresholds. The result may unintentionally encourage continued reliance on gas, firewood, or other fossil-fuel alternatives. If the objective is to redirect electricity toward industrial use, expanding generation capacity may be more sustainable than discouraging household consumption.

    Third, enthusiasm for data centers, AI, remote work, and digital services raises a deeper strategic question. Is Nepal building on its own long-term comparative advantages, or is it once again responding primarily to incentives created elsewhere? Nepal previously moved away from potentially transformative assets such as electric public transport systems, ropeways, and large-scale reservoir hydropower development, and  increasingly relied on labor export. The concern is not that digital industries are undesirable, but whether Nepal is repeating a pattern of chasing externally driven opportunities without a clearly articulated national development vision.

    These examples create an impression that the budget may be nudging Nepal toward a model closer to contemporary market capitalism than toward the socialism-oriented framework envisioned by the constitution. Ironically, some parts of the capitalist Americas are currently witnessing renewed interest in democratic-socialist ideas and stronger social welfare policies, while Nepal appears to be emphasizing investment-led growth and market incentives.

    The Real Debate may not Socialism Versus Capitalism

    As the world is witnessing a renewed interest in democratic-socialist ideas and stronger social welfare, the deeper issue may not be whether Nepal is becoming socialist or capitalist country. The more important question is whether the assumptions underpinning the strategy prove correct. Several unintended consequences deserve attention. First, the key question is whether Nepal can finally convert borrowing into productive assets rather than accumulating debt without generating sufficient returns. Second, growth alone does not guarantee broad-based prosperity. The strategy assumes that gains from investment will spread through jobs, enterprise creation, and economic opportunity reaching marginalized communities. History suggests this outcome is possible but far from automatic. Third concern is about governance. The budget assumes improvements in administrative efficiency, project execution, corruption control, bureaucratic coordination, and institutional discipline. If these governance preconditions fail, borrowing could become another source of fiscal stress and public resentment rather than a catalyst for development. Fourth, the budget contains numerous concepts—corridors, processing, digitization, investment facilitation, infrastructure, tourism, and energy. Yet the overarching economic vision remains somewhat implicit. It is unclear whether these initiatives are components of a strategic coherent national development strategy or simply a collection of individually attractive policies held together by optimism rather than a clearly articulated economic vision. The assumption appears to be that combining these fragments will naturally produce prosperity, which deserves scrutiny.

    The fifth concerns Nepal’s long-term development challenge. For more than four decades, billions of rupees have been invested in expanding road access into hill and mountain districts. While connectivity improved significantly, many districts continue to experience population decline as young people migrate to cities or overseas employment. Agricultural land is increasingly abandoned, wildlife pressures have intensified, and local economic opportunities remain limited. This experience suggests that infrastructure alone does not guarantee development. The more fundamental challenge may be employment generation, entrepreneurship, agricultural modernization, and innovation. A clearer budgetary focus on urban and rural entrepreneurship could potentially provide a more direct response to youth migration. Finance, training, vocational education, pilot programs, market access, digital economy initiatives, grants, loans, mentoring, and long-term support mechanisms could then function as supporting pillars around that central objective.

    Finally, Nepal’s strategic location between India and China remains an underdeveloped dimension of national economic planning. The bridge-economy concept appears indirectly through investments in connectivity, energy, logistics, and regional development, but it remains insufficiently explicit. Positioning Nepal within the evolving economic geography of Asia may ultimately prove as important as any individual budget allocation.

    Concluding, the budget reflects a serious attempt to accelerate growth, strengthen state capacity, and attract productive investment. Those objectives are difficult to oppose. However, important questions remain: are some policy choices moving Nepal closer to a market-capitalist model and trickle down economy than to a socialism-oriented nation; is there a sufficiently explicit economic vision connecting the many initiatives contained in the budget; can Nepal finally overcome its historic weakness in execution?The ultimate test will not be the size of the budget, the ambition of the plans, or the sophistication of the theories behind them. It will be whether the strategy creates productive employment, broad-based opportunity, stronger institutions, and a development pathway that keeps young Nepali invested in the country’s future. Efficiency can accelerate development. But democratic legitimacy, social inclusion, and long-term national purpose ultimately determine whether development becomes sustainable.

    Note: This article is inspired by the article “New Team, New Budget: Nepal’s Big Development Bet [Part 1: Big Budget. Big Dreams. Big Assumptions.” published by Dr. Alok Bohora in his Substack website “Nepal Unplugged”. I was acknowledged in his successive article for contributing to the discussion. This article combines my thoughts together my synthesis of above mentioned article.

    Rate this:

    #AgriculturalModernization #ArtificialIntelligence #bijeshMishra #BridgeEconomy #BureaucraticReform #Capitalism #ChinaNepalRelations #ConstitutionOfNepal #CorruptionControl #DataCenters #DevelopmentState #DiasporaInvestment #DigitalEconomy #EconomicGrowth #EconomicPolicy #EconomicVision #energyPolicy #Entrepreneurship #FederalDemocraticRepublic #FiscalPolicy #ForeignDirectInvestment #FY202627Budget #Governance #Hydropower #InclusiveGrowth #IndiaNepalRelations #InfrastructureDevelopment #InstitutionalReform #InvestmentPromotion #LaborMigration #MarketEconomy #NationalDevelopmentStrategy #Nepal #NepalBudget202627 #NepalDevelopment #NepalEconomy #PoliticalEconomy #ProductiveInvestment #PublicAdministration #PublicFinance #PublicPolicy #RuralDevelopment #SocialJustice #SocialismOrientedState #SouthKoreaDevelopmentModel #StateCapacity #SustainableDevelopment #TrickleDownEconomics #UrbanDevelopment #VietnamDevelopmentModel #youthEmployment
  15. Is Nepal Moving Toward a Socialism-Oriented Federal State or a Capitalist Economy? A Systems-Level Reflection on Nepal’s FY 2026/27 Budget

    The Constitution of Nepal defines Nepal as a “socialism-oriented federal democratic republican state.” Multiple election cycles since the Maoist insurgency suggest that democracy has matured considerably. Political parties broadly operating within the republican democratic framework have consistently remained at the center of political competition. The most recent election, following the Gen-Z movement, arguably strengthened the foundations of the republican system. Political actors advocating a return to monarchy remained on the margins and failed to translate public unrest into electoral dominance. Historically, pro-monarchy sentiment tends to gain visibility when governments fail to deliver expected outcomes. The Gen-Z movement represented perhaps the strongest expression of dissatisfaction with the status quo political order. If the Nepali public genuinely favored restoration of monarchy, that election cycle would have provided an ideal opportunity for monarchy-supporting forces to emerge as a dominant political alternative. Instead, voters largely endorsed parties committed to republican democracy, reinforcing the democratic republican trajectory of the country. Yet another constitutional question remains unresolved: while Nepal appears committed to republican democracy, is it also moving toward becoming a socialism-oriented federal state? This article adopts a devil’s advocate perspective to examine whether the latest fiscal budget advances that constitutional aspiration or whether it reflects a different economic direction.

    The Budget Represents a Development-State Strategy

    Viewed from a systems perspective, the budget rests on a coherent developmental logic. Its central objectives are to accelerate growth through productive investment, strengthen state capacity through reform and digitization, and attract domestic, diaspora, and foreign investment. The underlying diagnosis appears reasonable. Nepal’s challenge is not merely a shortage of money but low productivity, weak state capacity, fragmented development efforts, and bureaucratic friction. The budget attempts to connect infrastructure, energy, agriculture, tourism, technology, and investment into a more integrated economic architecture. Borrowing is presented not as a tool for consumption but as an instrument for productivity-enhancing investment. From this perspective, the budget is essentially a wager on state capacity. If government institutions become more effective, projects are completed on time, corruption is reduced, and investment translates into economic growth, then higher borrowing may be justified. Many countries such as South Korea and Vietnam that successfully modernized followed versions of this strategy. The budget therefore deserves credit for attempting to move the conversation beyond annual expenditures toward a broader development framework.

    Is the Budget Fundamentally a Trickle-Down Strategy?

    A central question is whether the budget’s theory of change resembles a form of trickle-down economics. Much of the strategy focuses on investment promotion, infrastructure expansion, digitization, regulatory reform, business facilitation, and productivity growth. The implicit assumption appears to be that economic growth will eventually spread throughout society through employment generation, enterprise creation, and broader economic opportunities. The concern is not whether growth is desirable. The concern is whether the benefits of growth will reach marginalized populations quickly and equitably enough. Critics may reasonably ask whether the budget places greater emphasis on investors, businesses, and the middle class than on direct improvements in the economic conditions of vulnerable communities. If economic gains remain concentrated among those already positioned to benefit from investment opportunities, the constitutional aspiration of a socialism-oriented state becomes harder to reconcile with actual policy outcomes.

    Do Specific Policy Choices Reflect a Capitalist Rather Than Socialism-Oriented Direction?

    Several policy signals raise broader questions about the state’s economic philosophy. First, taxes imposed on education and health services are likely to be passed on to consumers unless strong regulatory mechanisms prevent it. If the objective is to increase reliance on public education and public healthcare, improving the quality and competitiveness of those services may be a more effective first step than creating additional costs within private alternatives. Second, electricity consumption thresholds before tax appear low relative to the growing electrification of modern households. As families adopt induction cooking, electric vehicles, heat pumps, and other appliances, many middle-income households could exceed these thresholds. The result may unintentionally encourage continued reliance on gas, firewood, or other fossil-fuel alternatives. If the objective is to redirect electricity toward industrial use, expanding generation capacity may be more sustainable than discouraging household consumption.

    Third, enthusiasm for data centers, AI, remote work, and digital services raises a deeper strategic question. Is Nepal building on its own long-term comparative advantages, or is it once again responding primarily to incentives created elsewhere? Nepal previously moved away from potentially transformative assets such as electric public transport systems, ropeways, and large-scale reservoir hydropower development, and  increasingly relied on labor export. The concern is not that digital industries are undesirable, but whether Nepal is repeating a pattern of chasing externally driven opportunities without a clearly articulated national development vision.

    These examples create an impression that the budget may be nudging Nepal toward a model closer to contemporary market capitalism than toward the socialism-oriented framework envisioned by the constitution. Ironically, some parts of the capitalist Americas are currently witnessing renewed interest in democratic-socialist ideas and stronger social welfare policies, while Nepal appears to be emphasizing investment-led growth and market incentives.

    The Real Debate may not Socialism Versus Capitalism

    As the world is witnessing a renewed interest in democratic-socialist ideas and stronger social welfare, the deeper issue may not be whether Nepal is becoming socialist or capitalist country. The more important question is whether the assumptions underpinning the strategy prove correct. Several unintended consequences deserve attention. First, the key question is whether Nepal can finally convert borrowing into productive assets rather than accumulating debt without generating sufficient returns. Second, growth alone does not guarantee broad-based prosperity. The strategy assumes that gains from investment will spread through jobs, enterprise creation, and economic opportunity reaching marginalized communities. History suggests this outcome is possible but far from automatic. Third concern is about governance. The budget assumes improvements in administrative efficiency, project execution, corruption control, bureaucratic coordination, and institutional discipline. If these governance preconditions fail, borrowing could become another source of fiscal stress and public resentment rather than a catalyst for development. Fourth, the budget contains numerous concepts—corridors, processing, digitization, investment facilitation, infrastructure, tourism, and energy. Yet the overarching economic vision remains somewhat implicit. It is unclear whether these initiatives are components of a strategic coherent national development strategy or simply a collection of individually attractive policies held together by optimism rather than a clearly articulated economic vision. The assumption appears to be that combining these fragments will naturally produce prosperity, which deserves scrutiny.

    The fifth concerns Nepal’s long-term development challenge. For more than four decades, billions of rupees have been invested in expanding road access into hill and mountain districts. While connectivity improved significantly, many districts continue to experience population decline as young people migrate to cities or overseas employment. Agricultural land is increasingly abandoned, wildlife pressures have intensified, and local economic opportunities remain limited. This experience suggests that infrastructure alone does not guarantee development. The more fundamental challenge may be employment generation, entrepreneurship, agricultural modernization, and innovation. A clearer budgetary focus on urban and rural entrepreneurship could potentially provide a more direct response to youth migration. Finance, training, vocational education, pilot programs, market access, digital economy initiatives, grants, loans, mentoring, and long-term support mechanisms could then function as supporting pillars around that central objective.

    Finally, Nepal’s strategic location between India and China remains an underdeveloped dimension of national economic planning. The bridge-economy concept appears indirectly through investments in connectivity, energy, logistics, and regional development, but it remains insufficiently explicit. Positioning Nepal within the evolving economic geography of Asia may ultimately prove as important as any individual budget allocation.

    Concluding, the budget reflects a serious attempt to accelerate growth, strengthen state capacity, and attract productive investment. Those objectives are difficult to oppose. However, important questions remain: are some policy choices moving Nepal closer to a market-capitalist model and trickle down economy than to a socialism-oriented nation; is there a sufficiently explicit economic vision connecting the many initiatives contained in the budget; can Nepal finally overcome its historic weakness in execution?The ultimate test will not be the size of the budget, the ambition of the plans, or the sophistication of the theories behind them. It will be whether the strategy creates productive employment, broad-based opportunity, stronger institutions, and a development pathway that keeps young Nepali invested in the country’s future. Efficiency can accelerate development. But democratic legitimacy, social inclusion, and long-term national purpose ultimately determine whether development becomes sustainable.

    Note: This article is inspired by the article “New Team, New Budget: Nepal’s Big Development Bet [Part 1: Big Budget. Big Dreams. Big Assumptions.” published by Dr. Alok Bohora in his Substack website “Nepal Unplugged”. I was acknowledged in his successive article for contributing to the discussion. This article combines my thoughts and my synthesis of above mentioned article.

    Rate this:

    #AgriculturalModernization #ArtificialIntelligence #bijeshMishra #BridgeEconomy #BureaucraticReform #Capitalism #ChinaNepalRelations #ConstitutionOfNepal #CorruptionControl #DataCenters #DevelopmentState #DiasporaInvestment #DigitalEconomy #EconomicGrowth #EconomicPolicy #EconomicVision #energyPolicy #Entrepreneurship #FederalDemocraticRepublic #FiscalPolicy #ForeignDirectInvestment #FY202627Budget #Governance #Hydropower #InclusiveGrowth #IndiaNepalRelations #InfrastructureDevelopment #InstitutionalReform #InvestmentPromotion #LaborMigration #MarketEconomy #NationalDevelopmentStrategy #Nepal #NepalBudget202627 #NepalDevelopment #NepalEconomy #PoliticalEconomy #ProductiveInvestment #PublicAdministration #PublicFinance #PublicPolicy #RuralDevelopment #SocialJustice #SocialismOrientedState #SouthKoreaDevelopmentModel #StateCapacity #SustainableDevelopment #TrickleDownEconomics #UrbanDevelopment #VietnamDevelopmentModel #youthEmployment
  16. The NEW Soylent Green

    A Moses-like figure stands before the mic at an NRA convention and thunders, “I will give you my gun when you pry it from my cold, dead fingers.”

    At the end of the sci-fi film Soylent Green, that same actor implores his detective boss to spread the news, “Soylent Green is people!”

    In the movie, as the corpses pile up from an overcrowded, miserable earth, they are carted away in garbage trucks, secretly converted to Soylent Green, and fed back to the living. Soylent Green is better than the old Red and Yellow varieties, but it is scarce, so there are riots. A detective played by Charlton Heston discovers the deception. In a word, humanity has become cannibals, feeding upon itself, in a state-sanctioned system of cyclical violence.

    Such is the world created by the NRA. It plays upon the irrational fears of a few to continue to thwart common sense gun legislation. Its largely successful lobbying over the years has distorted the original intention of the Second Amendment so much so that it has become almost impossible to pass laws more in keeping with the Founders’ intent.

    When the bodies continue to pile up as a result of gun violence, and there is no legislative change primarily due to the lobbying of the NRA and the like, we are in every sense of the word disrespecting the dead and feeding upon ourselves.

    In a state-sanctioned system of cyclical violence.

    Like in Soylent Green.

    And like the movie, the end result is not very pretty.

    But go ahead. Watch the news.

    Take another bite.

    June 23, 2014

     

    #2ndAmmendment #AmericanGunCulture #cannibalisticSociety #CharltonHeston #commonSenseGunLaws #cultureOfFear #cyclicalViolence #deathAndPolitics #Dystopia #Film #gunControl #GunViolence #legislativeParalysis #massShootings #moralOutrage #newsCommentary #NRA #politicalLobbying #propheticWriting #publicPolicy #Satire #SecondAmendment #socialCritique #socialDecay #SoylentGreen #stateSanctionedViolence #Violence #violenceInAmerica
  17. CW: Occasional Foul Language. Always Political.

    Breaking: March to the White House breaks out at the All of U.S. 250 Rally in Washington, D.C.!

    Find a demonstration near you at allofus250.org

    Link: bsky.app/profile/50501movement

    ----------------------------

    Reposted from 50501: The People's Movement

    Join the Movement at fiftyfifty.one

    This robot is unaffiliated w/ 50501

    Replies here are only seen in the Fediverse, not on Bluesky. 50501 volunteers do not monitor this account.

    ----------------------------

    #Coup #Activism #FederalGovernment #USpol #Trump #NoKings #elections #50501Movement #WeAreTheResistance #WeHaveFriendsEverywhere #FDT #PeoplesMovement #FiftyFiftyOne #StopICE #protest #organize

    #MarchToTheWhiteHouse #AllOfUs250 #DCRally #WashingtonDC #PoliticalDemonstration #USPolitics #RallyForChange #PublicPolicy #DemocracyInAction #FindAProtest

  18. A quotation from Mark Twain

    Laws are coldly reasoned out and established upon what the lawmakers believe to be a basis of right. But customs are not. Customs are not enacted, they grow gradually up, imperceptibly and unconsciously, like an oak from its seed. In the fullness of their strength they can stand up straight in front of a world of argument and reasoning and yield not an inch.

    Mark Twain (1835-1910) American writer [pseud. of Samuel Clemens]
    Essay (1906), “The Gorky Incident,” Letters from the Earth (c. 1909; pub. 1962) [ed. DeVoto (1939)]

    More about this quote: wist.info/twain-mark/84113/

    #quote #quotes #quotation #qotd #marktwain #twain #thegorkyincident #custom #irrationality #law #morality #penalty #publicopinion #publicpolicy #punishment #rationality #scandal #socialconventions #taboo #tradition #transgression

  19. The HEPI report suggests that risky borrowing, aggressive expansion, and dependence on volatile revenue streams are no longer isolated issues but structural features of the English higher-education model.
    #HigherEducation #UKUniversities #EducationPolicy #UniversityFinance #PublicPolicy #AcademicSector #usa #news

  20. So many police departments around the nation (USA) are posting messages about youth on electric mopeds. Maybe the focus should instead be on why our roads are so dangerous to kids and pedestrians in the first place? Lets focus on the system and not the individuals trapped voiceless within it. #cyclist #bikecommuter #urbanplanning #cityplanning #bikeadvocacy #publicpolicy

  21. Every institution has a ghost. And no, not the Halloween kind. The kind made of old habits, old fears, old rituals and old incentives. The kind that politely swallows our best reform ideas time and again.

    associationredefine.substack.c

    #democracy #governance #systemsthinking #reform #publicpolicy #politics #politicalculture #InstitutionalMemory #civicdesign

  22. A quotation from Franklin Roosevelt

    There is no question in my mind that it is time for the country to become fairly radical for a generation. History shows that where this occurs occasionally, nations are saved from revolution.

    Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1882-1945) American lawyer, politician, statesman, US President (1933-1945)
    Letter (1930-05-12) to John A. Kingsbury

    Sourcing, notes: wist.info/roosevelt-franklin-d…

    #quote #quotes #quotation #qotd #fdr #franklinroosevelt #domesticpolicy #economics #policy #politicalinstability #politics #publicpolicy #radicalism #revolution #stability

  23. Hi all, an #introduction post! I’m in #Germany, from the US, studying #PublicPolicy and interested in #RenewableEnergy and the #EnergyTransition (esp. #CriticalMinerals). Hoping to meet interesting people here…und mein Deutsch zu verbessern (ich habe fast B2).
    I am a #writer (esp. #ScienceWriting but also a #novelist) and do #photography and #archery. #Harvard class of something (I am not old but…let’s not say how long ago this was). Big fan of coffee.