#anarchistprisoners — Public Fediverse posts

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Help Fires of Freedom help anarchist prisoners of Russia!

@firesoffreedom

Also, please go give them a follow on fedi, so they finally start posting here consistantly instead of corporate dumpsters

#AnarchistPrisoners #PrisonersOfRussia

In Contempt Is Back Online

In Contempt, a monthly roundup of political prisoner, prison rebel, & repression news, calls to action, & analysis, is back online: https://incontempt.ftp.sh/

Amidst the ascending wave of state terror against the beautiful dream and the future for which we fight, fighting repression must be at the core of what it means to fight.

Beyond merely supporting captured and incarcerated fighters with solidarity, the horizon of our struggle confronts all walls, barbed wire, and enclosures that close off the living heart of our dream that all states and capital exist to crush.

For repression is more than prison or its threat (likewise prison extends much further than its walls), so wherever our capacity to act is constrained or we constrain ourselves to not act now or not act yet, there repression lurks. But repression is always fought by fighting. In Contempt seeks to be another tool in this fight.

We seek submissions! Share calls to action, words from the inside, updates and analysis from political prisoners, prison rebels, ongoing cases, or recent arrests! Share phone zaps, fundraisers, events, books, zines, translations, love, and rage! Every month we also produce the column in print to send inside, because the fight is on both sides of the walls.

Contact:

[email protected]
Public PGP key: https://incontempt.ftp.sh/contact/

https://incontempt.ftp.sh/in-contempt-is-back-online/

#InContempt #PrisonerSolidarity #AnarchistPrisoners #Repression

Solidarity with Johann Sainea: Anarchist Incarcerated by the Colombian State

https://kolektiva.media/w/n7wnzRMZLkZJuSevvuPFA3

Letter from ex-prisoner Thomas Meyer-Falk for the International Week of Solidarity with Anarchist Prisoners

https://solidarity.international/index.php/2026/07/31/thouhgts-about-solidarity-1/

#ThomasMeyerFalk #Prison #Solidarity #AnarchistPrisoners

Letter from ex-prisoner Thomas Meyer-Falk for the International Week of Solidarity with Anarchist Prisoners

https://solidarity.international/index.php/2026/07/31/thouhgts-about-solidarity-1/

#ThomasMeyer-Falk #Prison #Solidarity #AnarchistPrisoners

Regarding the Health Situation of Our Comrade Juan Aliste Vega. By Francisco Solar and Joaquín García

It was around February of this year that our brother and comrade Juan Aliste Vega began to experience the first episodes of pain—mild at first—in his left hip. True to his character, he lived with this minor discomfort, but he never normalized it; he knew it was an abnormal pain.

As time passed and the pain intensified, the unusual situation transformed into a worrisome one, so naturally, he sought medical attention at the La Gonzalina prison hospital in Rancagua. Without much success in this initial visit, he was given and prescribed medications such as paracetamol and tramadol. Juan was not satisfied; the pain persisted, the root cause remained unclear, and his daily life was significantly disrupted because the pain naturally led to serious mobility issues. We witnessed his concern and persistence during this period. Juan has never been a complainer, and his unfortunately long time in prison has given him a deep understanding of his body, crucial for remaining resilient in a hostile and uncaring environment.

The day came when Juan could no longer move and had to be rushed to the prison hospital. After a series of negligent acts, X-rays, and unhelpful doctors, he was sent back to his cellblock with painkillers and IV fluids. Something was wrong; we all knew it. A second emergency trip to the hospital that same afternoon was necessary, and a new X-ray analysis revealed possible septic osteoarthritis in his hip. Due to the urgency of his condition, he was transferred to the Rancagua Hospital, where he received strong antibiotics. That same night, he returned to his cellblock.

From that moment on, Juan could only move with crutches. His daily life was severely disrupted. The antibiotics only solved part of the problem; the pain persisted, something was still there. Despite how adverse the situation became in his daily life, we were fortunate enough to be able to support him and thus try to lessen, even if only a little, the burden on his shoulders. These were, and are, the kinds of care and concern we believe should always be shared among comrades, beyond any code of conduct imposed by the prison environment. Revolutionary affection must always prevail over individualistic apathy.

The culmination of this critical situation, which initially led to his hospitalization in the unit, was due to a pain that was more intense than “normal” and once again left him unable to move. Only then did the hospital administration decide to admit him for further evaluation.

We haven’t seen him since that day.

Despite the pain and the complexity of his situation, our comrade has always remained strong and determined to face everything that has been thrown at him. This attitude has always characterized him, ever since, as a teenager, he decided to confront the dictatorship as part of the Lautaro Youth Movement and later, as an independent subversive, relentlessly fighting predatory capitalism and those who uphold it. He has also demonstrated this strength during the nearly 30 years he has spent in prison for two different reasons and in different contexts. During these years, he has not hesitated to participate in various anti-prison movements, mobilizations, and strikes, writing solidarity texts, advocating for the freedom of another comrade, contributing to the groups fighting in the streets, fighting for the dignity of those who visit us, and battling in every corner of this space of confrontation, making it a symbol of the anti-prison struggle.

For more than two months, Juan has been hospitalized at the Penitentiary Hospital of the former Santiago Penitentiary, where he has access to better care, palliative treatments, and, above all, greater closeness and contact with fellow inmates and family.

His condition is extremely serious: multiple diagnoses have revealed a cancerous tumor in his left hip with metastases in various parts of his body.

Aware of the severity of his condition, Juan, as expected, is determined to fight. His messages are of resistance and strength, of struggle and dignity. And we hope that the outpouring of solidarity on the streets will reflect this same sentiment. Because it is essential to connect the world from the outside and from prison. Because it is necessary to live up to Juan Aliste’s legacy and act accordingly.

Francisco Solar Domínguez
Joaquín García Chancks

La Gonzalina Prison – Rancagua
July 2026

Source: https://lazarzamora.cl/sobre-la-situacion-de-salud-del-companero-juan-aliste-vega-por-francisco-solar-y-joaquin-garcia/

Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis: 30 Years Since the Assassination of Anarchist Revolutionary Christoforos Marinos by the State and “the Movement”

On the morning of July 23, 1996, a group of EKAM (ie SWAT team) stormed Christoforos’ cabin. The police and the PASOK government immediately announced that the anarchist Marinos had committed suicide.

That evening we crossed paths in the square with a veteran former comrade of his. He was considered to be the toughest of the cell that had held the titles of the Anarchist Union. He told me, “better this way, otherwise he would have ended up in a mental hospital.” The state got rid of a constant political threat and thus relieved many of the precariousness of their compromises.

At that time I was a young anarchist, hyperactive, but still inexperienced with “serious” action, I had closely coexisted on the street with all the divisions of the former Union and had broken away from them all, suspicious of all the commanders but with a mutually cordial friendship with Christoforos. The then recent history of organized anarchism was the legacy with which I started and from which I had already separated when I got associated with Christoforos. The various fragments of the anarchist organization proved incapable of differentiating themselves from the denouncing role of anti-authoritarian alternativism and activism.

Some time later, a comrade asked me to keep the file of the lawsuit that a group of lawyers had prepared for the murder of Christoforos. It was about 80 pages that documented that it was a police murder that was covered up by the government, the judiciary and “the movement”. The legal investigation exposed the state, PASOK in particular and the agents of human rights advocacy, some of whom had taken on the responsibility of whitewashing the state murder, either in person or with a political stamp, and who later became the pawns of the government left of capital. Along with this, it also exposed the counter-revolutionary anti-authoritarians who had settled for the suicide version. The team of lawyers wimped out. The lawsuit was buried before it was filed. It happened to fall in my hands for safekeeping. It is out there somewhere.

Christoforos lives in the weapons of anarchy, which will never be silenced until the destruction of the state.

Memory is a weapon loaded with the responsibility of the future.

Our promise is, we will build the international anarchist revolutionary organization that our time requires. Christoforos, we will go all the way, with you.

July 23, 2026

Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis

Domokos Prison

Source: https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1642125/

Initiative in Solidarity with Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa

Comrade Pola Roupa and comrade Nikos Maziotis were sentenced to 20 years in prison for their participation in the anarchist urban guerrilla organization Revolutionary Struggle (*Epanastatikós Agónas*, active between 2003 and 2017) under Article 187A of the Greek Penal Code (Greece’s anti-terrorism legislation). Both claimed political responsibility for the organization immediately following their arrest in April 2010.

Today, 16 years after the initial crackdown on Revolutionary Struggle, comrade Nikos remains a prisoner within the jails of the “democracy.” Although he has already served four-fifths of his sentence (as of November 2024), he continues to be subjected to an exceptional regime: he is the first political prisoner (without a life sentence) to remain incarcerated despite having met all legal requirements for parole three years ago. This is by no means a coincidence. He is being subjected to this exceptional treatment due to his steadfast and dignified stance: he does not renounce his convictions, makes no declarations of remorse or recantation, does not discredit his actions or the history of Revolutionary Struggle, and makes no concessions—asserting to all: revolutionaries are neither “re-educated” nor “morally reformed.”

Furthermore, the State is also taking vengeance on comrade Pola by imposing a financial penalty that is effectively perpetual—a measure taken for political reasons and driven by clearly political motives. The financial debt owed to the State—stemming from fines and court costs—has reached an exorbitant figure, totaling 45,000 euros. At the same time, she is barred from accessing or using any of her own property. All of this amounts to a situation where she is being held hostage for life—a colonization of her existence through debt, an organized strategy of economic strangulation designed to ultimately lead to imprisonment.

We are launching this initiative to provide political and material support to our anarchist comrade Nikos Maziotis, who remains imprisoned within the Greek democratic state’s penal system. We also stand in solidarity with our comrade Pola Roupa, who remains subject to restrictive measures until 2030, in addition to bearing the crushing debts imposed upon her.

To make financial contributions or offer solidarity, you can do so via Borrokan or directly through the Athens-based Assembly in Support of Nikos and Pola:
[email protected]

NIKOS MAZIOTISEN ETA POLA ROUPAREN ALDEKO ELKARTASUN EKIMENA / INICIATIVA EN SOLIDARIDAD CON NIKOS MAZIOTIS Y POLA ROUPA

Sent to La Zarzamora

Revolutionary Anarchist Alfredo Cospito Remains Under 41-Bis, Defense Appeal Rejected (Italy)

On July 1st, 2026, the outcome of the June 12th hearing has been announced. The Supervisory Court of Rome rejected the appeal filed by Alfredo’s lawyer against the Ministry of Justice’s decision to renew 41-bis prison regime towards him for another two years. Updates will follow as soon as the documentation is available.

Get Alfredo out of 41-bis.
Get the revolutionary prisoners out of 41-bis.

To continue writing to the comrade:

Alfredo Cospito
C. C. “G. Bacchiddu”
strada provinciale 56 n. 4
Località Bancali
07100 Sassari (SS)
[Italia – Italy]

source

Revolutionary anarchist Alfredo Cospito remains under 41-bis prison regime, defense appeal rejected (Italy)

Revolutionary anarchist Alfredo Cospito remains under 41-bis prison regime, defense appeal rejected

https://actforfree.noblogs.org/2026/07/09/revolutionary-anarchist-alfredo-cospito-remains-under-41-bis-prison-regime-defense-appeal-rejected-italy/

#AlfredoCospito #41BIS #AnarchistPrisoners #Italy

Update on the Imprisonment of Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis

Excerpt from the statement of Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis at the event of the newspaper Apatris on 25/6/2026 at the Evangelismos Squat:

“For the first time, I am publicly informing you that almost two years ago the Supreme Court decision was issued for my appeal against part of the decision of the second instance court. I received the decision with a year’s delay due to a mistake by the lawyer. I had appealed the part of the conviction for my membership in the OEA, because any objective documentation of the existence of an organization under the terms of the 2nd paragraph of 187A and my participation in these conditions was missing. Be careful, under the terms of their own law, not under the political terms of the OEA itself. And especially for the organizational terms, not for the ideological terms of the 1st paragraph. I had offended them with a political memorandum that I had filed in court and published. Very briefly, I filed an appeal to the Supreme Court, denying the false objective cover of the written decision of the court. It will be understood in a moment. With the appeal, the responsibility for the contradiction of political subjectivism and objectivism was transferred to the highest institutional echelon.

The Supreme Court’s decision was dismissive. I recently merged the two sentences that keep me in prison. The final result was the most unfavorable that could have been. My total sentence is 21 years, that is, one year above the ceiling that applies to offenses until 2025. [With the current provisions, the comrade will enter the leave entitlement phase in April 2028 and the suspension entitlement phase in August 2029].

By the way, I want to mention comrade Larry Armao, who assisted me in the appeal to the AP, but did not have time to complete his fluent contribution. He was the only lawyer I have found and was truly a fellow activist.

The AP decision has two characteristics. One is the concept of potential danger. It is not an innovation in jurisprudence. However, I think, for the first time it is formulated so clearly that the danger is not required, not only to have been confirmed, but also to have been manifested as such objectively. It does not matter whether there was a real danger during the period of the act and until its prosecution. As long as it was possible for the danger to arise at some point. Specifically, perhaps no one has been in danger to date from the weapon kept by an anarchist, but the fact that someone holds a weapon and has political intentions that may lead to its use raises the political risks described in the ideological terms of the 1st paragraph of the special counter-revolutionary law.

The second characteristic of the decision is that it overrides the decision of the 2nd instance, in terms that absolutize judicial arbitrariness. For example, the ballistics investigation document that certifies that another weapon was used in the expropriation at the mini casino and another was the weapon stamped with the OEA, is characterized as insignificant and passable, even though the 2nd instance had ruled that it was the same weapon, in order to document that in 2019 the OEA was active as a legally sufficient set of acting persons. The AP put another stone in the spirit of its two decisions, on the coup and on the political crime. Political subjectivity is an objective condition and an insurmountable one.

Let us analyze it a little. The inherently expansive relationship between objectivity and political risk has catalytic consequences for the law of the bourgeoisie. In the shadow of the permanent state of emergency, the pseudo-common foundations of bourgeois ideology, which until recently mediated class domination and terrorism, dissolve themselves. When the social subject is freed from the bourgeois ideological conventions of silencing the class conflict and the historical continuity of the revolution-counter-revolutionary struggle, it recognizes that political subjectivity stems primarily from the resisting subject itself, which breaks the rules of the dominant class. The presence of resistance forces the state and its judges to consider not short-sightedly, only according to immediate dangers, but mainly according to potentially escalated states of emergency. The expansion of the relationship between the objective presence of resistance and the potential for danger is reflected as a contradiction between objectivity and subjectivity in law. Counter-revolutionary prevention requires legal forms suitable for everything. Legal totalitarianism is a derivative of revolutionary social dynamics. It inevitably expands the power of judicial political subjectivism, because it is obliged to constantly respond to the potential, not generally to the not yet realized, but to the even worse for the state, which arises from every realized resistance. The specter of revolution, which takes shape from the persistence of subversive struggle, has led bourgeois law to suicide. We have declared an irreconcilable war and have forced the bourgeois state to abandon its ideological veils and its political mediations in the class struggle.

All the judicial proceedings of the OEA – Cholargou case invested in a false objectivity for the substantiation of the charges. Why? In the second instance, there was a brief regression from false objectivity to manifest subjectivity. In the public trial process, the judges pretended to cleanse the landscape of legal objectivity from its shabby presumptions. This was of course imposed by the presence of the guerrilla truth, forcing them to invest in the public ideological confrontation in the veil of legal objectivity. Thus, the judges were forced to recognize the political concepts that the guerrilla discourse put forward, to the point of speaking of a potentially just armed struggle, but one that was untimely in the conditions of Greek democracy. However, the purging of objectivity from its false evidence led to a contradiction in terms of the court’s purposes. They should have convicted me for my participation in the OEA, with the sole evidence being my own statements, which in order to be sufficient would have to exceed the objective conditions required by the 2nd paragraph. A deafening recognition of the absolute power of political subjectivity. So, after the end of the public debate, the written decision returned to false objectivity through the ridiculous scenarios that had been formulated by the security counter-insurgency transmission and the decision of the first instance. Note, this is not about the separation of subjectivity and objectivity. The subjective assessment of the dynamics of resistance, of the potential danger based on its objectively manifested power, is attempted to be hidden behind a legal objectivity and these efforts give the political subjectivism of the judges an even more authoritarian face, completely ridiculous, on a trajectory of escape from all truth. So why do they insist on legal objectivism? Because of the ideological dominance of the revolutionary struggle, in the moral-social and political field. Legal formality remains a field of negotiation of political conflict, the field of state power, but now the arbitrariness of political expediency has completely taken over it. The decision of the Supreme Court explicitly subordinates reality to the principle of the moral authority of the judge and, as a consequence, the self-evident morality of the state. Ultimately we return to the objectively self-evident, the political possession of objectivity is based on the possession of weapons. It is valid on both sides of the class-political struggle.”

Source: https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1641903/

Statement of Comrade Marianna Manoura Following the Final Trial Sentences (Greece)

24/04/2026

Comrade Marianna Manoura began.

At this point I must make my final statement. As for the decision and my own sentence, I cannot say that I was surprised. After 15 years in the anarchist movement, vindictiveness and severity have come to be expected in the face of fighters, both male and female, who either choose revolutionary armed counter-violence or actively stand alongside them, assisting and helping them.

The fact that the trials took place with such high density on a daily basis and in exhausting schedules, could not even provide the necessary conditions and the necessary time for a substantive examination of the testimonies of the witnesses, the statements of the accused and the final speeches of the lawyers. I honestly wonder how it is possible for a system to allow, and even offer the possibility of making decisions that decide on the lives of dozens of people – in our case, the 5 of us – within 2 hours, from 9:00 to 11:00. This system is protected by the judicial mechanism and this is the way that it accepts to operate. This system uses, and in this way reveals, the expendability of our lives. All that remains is to decide between the depreciation of our lives by the judicial mechanism that condensed the decision-making process into two hours, and the possibility of a pre-determined process. I do not know which is worse. I will say the second, because the first involves an even tiny attempt to rationalise the indictment, and to recognize the unceasing work of the defence lawyers. However, I am very much afraid that the second is probably true, and this because the turn that the said proceedings would take was evident from the beginning.

From the visible signs: The questions that were asked of the witnesses, the adoption of the term IED (improvised explosive device) without having yet taken a position on it and while the expert opinion is clear, from the questions to the accused that were asked only to weld the indictment, to the proposal of the prosecutor who not only distorted the facts, but also had the self-confidence to unofficially assign a managerial role to a person who had no knowledge or involvement with what happened on 31/10, Dimitra Zarafeta. The burden of my erroneous judgment and decision to implicate her in all of this without her knowledge, is something that I bear exclusively.

But there are also the invisible things: The presence of the anti-terrorism branch throughout the trial, the insistence on conducting the case in a specific court despite the objections of both our lawyers and the lawyers of the next cases in the series, the bringing of witnesses and supporters, and the installation of railings for the last and legally crucial week of the trial, all suggest that the end of this process was already written. By you? By the anti-terrorism department? I don’t know and it doesn’t matter much.

Without any evidence and without any testimony, the prosecution of 187A was maintained. While there was no, not just proof, but also no indication of the existence of an organisation, this charge was attributed to us. Without any logic and without any testimony, the immoral potential deceit was also maintained. While there was no logical justification, this charge was ultimately attributed to me. And not only did your high command attribute these, it added article 15 again and rejected the confluences. I was attributed supply 3 times and processing 3 times. That is, I supplied myself once, I supplied myself again and then I supplied myself again. I processed the materials once, I processed them again and then I processed them again.

And since the evidential process has not been achieved, there are again two possibilities. First, that you do not like us personally, that you are bothered by our character and ethos or simply our faces. And second and more likely, that you have implemented a political order. An order that wants to send clear messages: Exhaustive penalties to those who attempt to challenge the state monopoly on violence, exhaustive penalties to those who assist in such, exhaustive penalties to those who do not choose it but do not distance themselves from it, exhaustive penalties to those who do not choose it but do not condemn it. By sending messages of exemplary behaviour, the state through the judicial mechanism seeks prevention, intimidation and suppression. And all this in a climate of zero accountability, in a climate of omnipotence.

I have mentioned at length the relationship between law and ruling classes, law and violence, law and power. Today it becomes clear once again that the judiciary, through this decision, is fulfilling the role of guardian of the regime perfectly. And the struggle against this regime has a greater criminal value than the drug trade, embezzlement, and human trafficking. The process of criminalizing violence “wherever it comes from” is the one-sided side of the reality of ruling relations, it is the one-dimensional reading of history, and simply the reproduction of the ruling narrative.

The argument of bourgeois democracy, where everything is laid out on the table and everything is under discussion, was also heard a lot. It is not like the barbaric regime of a dictatorship, the barbaric regime of Iran or Cuba. A condition that does not justify so-called “armed propaganda”, since dialogue is possible. Since everyone participates in public affairs through elections, what is the reason for so much tension? I will not refer to the percentage that now participates in elections, where 1 in 2 goes to vote, nor to the fact that this right is given every 4 years. I will speak a little more generally about bourgeois democracy, which is anything but a model of equality and equity. In the period of the domination of capital, democracy is not a form of organisation that opposes capital as such. It is a mechanism used by the capitalist class to achieve its domination over society. What does the democratic state do? It represents the illusion of human control over society, but in reality it is a means of compromise and contradiction. Thus, the class-divided society ends up being dominated by the bourgeoisie, after its victory through violence and terror, through democracy and parliamentarism. A form of organisation that ensures the duration of domination, which obviously cannot be maintained in the long term through terror but only through compromise and consensus.

Its theory proclaimed: The individual is sovereign. But practice proved: Capital is sovereign. But bourgeois democracy preached freedom, justice, equality and peace, and for these purposes it also concentrated the state monopoly of violence in its hands. What has been the experience of the overwhelming social majority during these centuries? Which of the above were realized? But what do we live in today? What are the rulers defending? What did this court ultimately defend by “advertising” even if it was gasping for breath? The perpetuation of the system of exploitation and oppression.

My comrade Kyriakos Xymitiris also decided to fight against this condition. He adopted the tool of armed propaganda, wanting to reveal, to bring to the surface the true face of bourgeois democracy and neoliberalism. To oppose the mechanisms that produce the violence of bourgeois interests, and the structures that serve the production and reproduction of the regime of impoverishment. He decided to promote the cause of social revolution through armed action. He chose the very rupture and denial in the here and now, setting a definitive, dividing line between bourgeois and proletarian ethics. He wanted to set the example of selflessness, contribution and social solidarity. And even if his heart stopped on 31/10, his revolutionary vision continues to live. The revolutionary process that began will be continued by other hands, by new comrades who will in turn understand their role in history.

My choice of this contribution is a small part of these processes. A small piece in the great puzzle of social conflict. A small gesture that gave me the honour of standing by my comrade until the end. I regret nothing. The price, as I said, I have paid and it is not measured in years of prison. Besides, for an anarchist, like the trial, prison is another field of struggle.

In conclusion, I would like to show the importance of both the witnesses and the continuous and dynamic presence of the solidarity world. An attitude of responsibility and deep solidarity, a personal but above all political attitude. Because the presence of this world is not based exclusively on sympathy and personal relationships. The presence of this world gives a powerful message. The perception that the anarchist struggle is inextricably linked to revolutionary, armed anti-violence. The presence of the world symbolises the legitimisation of this means, and above all the convergence towards its goal: The overthrowal of the state and capital. Anarchy, as the sharpest and most radical political tendency, does not distinguish between peaceful and non-peaceful means, does not fall into the trap of separation and legality – but shows in the most emphatic way that resistance and solidarity, repression and imprisonment are collective affairs. A position that the individualism and selfishness of the system are reducing to a species on the verge of extinction. However, the attitude and presence of so many people has demonstrated in practice the implementation of the projects of the world we propose, a world of equality, freedom and solidarity.

But I would like to thank four specific people individually. Very different but also very similar. First, Kyriakos’ parents, Anna and Thodoris, who were not only here daily, faced with the accusation against their son, but who did me the honour of testifying as defence witnesses, standing unyieldingly by their son’s side even in a hostile environment. Above all, I would like to thank them for their support and for accompanying me throughout this time. (Motion from Marianna. Applause from the audience and slogans “MARIANNA STRONG UNTIL FREEDOM”) While they could have turned their backs on me, been indifferent and even blamed me, they opened their arms wide and accepted me into their family. Reducing the unbearable burden of my own survival every day with every visit, every phone call, and every conversation we have.

The third person is Dimitra Zarafeta. Not because she literally treated me in the first 6 months when my condition was critical. Not because she, despite her own difficulties, essentially took charge of my recovery in a condition where I couldn’t even take a bath. Not because she stood by me in the loss of the person closest to me in the most dignified way. Not because she shared with me the most unbearable moments in the most selfless way. Not because she didn’t shift responsibilities on to me, she didn’t distance herself either in prison or in court. But because she didn’t distance herself from Kyriakos. From his history and his revolutionary memory. Because she came here and stood unwaveringly by his side, and even if the price is heavy, she didn’t change her stance. She didn’t back down. Knowing the vindictiveness of repressive judicial mechanisms, and the possible consequences that her attitude might have, something that was verified first by the prosecutor’s proposal and secondly by the court’s decision, she did not hesitate but defended her comrade to the end. In turn, demonstrating not only the true and substantial friendly relationship she has with Kyriakos, but first and foremost their deep comradeship. A relationship that will always accompany her.

Finally, I would like to thank Kyriakos Xymitiris for the 6 most beautiful and true years of my life. Because with him I understood the value of self-criticism and empathy. The importance of respect and comradeship. Because he trusted me personally and politically. From the most innocent childhood secret, to his most serious decision. Because he supported me in the most difficult moments, and assured me the space to feel, without hesitations and second thoughts. Because together we dreamed with our eyes wide open of a better world. Because together we believed with all our hearts in a better world. Because together we fought with all our strength for a better world. And if a part of me, the biggest one I would say, died next to him on 31/10, a part of him lives with me still today. He lives for the battles to come and the struggles we will fight. For the dreams we will continue to have and the plans we will continue to make. For the smallest moment until the longest hour. And I will always be by his side. Because on 10/31 I stayed behind to talk about you and the fight you gave, and for those you did not have time to give. On 10/31 I raised my fist and with my bloody mouth I swore to fight. On 10/31 I raised my fist and in the rubble of Arcadia Street I said: MAURICIO MORALES PRESENT, ALESSANDRO MERCOGLIANO PRESENT, SARA ARDIZZONE PRESENT, KYRIAKOS XYMITIRIS PRESENT.

Applause from the audience and slogans for Kyriakos , KYRIAKOS XYMITIRIS ONE OF US, A COMRADE FOREVER ON THE STREETS OF FIRE

KYRIAKOS YOU LIVE FOREVER A FIGHTER

“You pathetic judges. Pathetic! The solidarity movement won’t forget you.”

STATE AND CAPITAL THE ONLY TERRORISTS

SOLIDARITY TO THE ARMED REBELS

“Bravo Marianna”

BE STRONG COMRADE UNTIL FREEDOM

“We are at war, you scum, and you will sit in your chair and not judge Netanyahu, you will judge fighters. That’s who you are.. All of you are a disgrace.” *

https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1641132/

Translated by Act for freedom now!

Belgium: Anarchist Sentenced to 40 Months for Torching Cop Cars

On June 16, 2026, the French-speaking Criminal Court of Brussels sentenced an anarchist named T. to 40 months in prison for the arson of three police vehicles outside the Ixelles police station in November 2025. The sentence includes a five-year suspended term for the portion exceeding the first year of imprisonment. The defendant had contested the charges, seeking acquittal or a reduced sentence.

In establishing his guilt, the court relied on several pieces of physical evidence: his apprehension near the scene shortly after the fire, the discovery in his bag of bottles containing flammable substances fitted with ignition devices, and traces of hydrocarbons found on his shoes. However, the judges clarified that the conviction was not based on his anarchist beliefs or documents seized at his home, while also taking into account his lack of a criminal record and the time already spent in pre-trial detention.

Source: https://secoursrouge.org/belgique-40-mois-de-prison-dont-un-an-ferme-pour-lincendie-de-trois-vehicules-de-police-a-ixelles/

(via Pustaka Mati)

"[SOLIDARITY WITH ANÀRCHIST PRISONERS]

Viva la Resistance! Viva la Anarchy!

We are anarchist prisoners detained for acts of class war following the August 2025 demonstrations in Indonesia, and we are still being held in a state detention center while going through several complicated court proceedings. We understand that life is a struggle, and resistance must continue. Therefore, we are currently in urgent need of basic supplies to support our lives inside.

We believe that solidarity can transcend national borders, and that no state has the legitimate right to stand above humanity. If solidarity is a weapon, then let us cock it together.

donate to btc (taproot):
bc1pxva2lhrj8u2u42y0ql3x9gh395js5f4dkntfc3t26cfgzueygawsm3h2jn "

* We as AFA Netherlands understand the major issues with Bitcoin, but we also understand the problems with receiving solidarity funds from abroad by Indonesian anarchists. Therefore we post here the Bitcoin address and QR code.

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Text by Nikos Maziotis for the Publication “Friends of Durruti”

New publication:

“FRIENDS OF DURRUTI – THE HISTORY AND TEXTS OF A GROUP OF ANARCHIST REVOLUTIONARIES DURING THE SPANISH REVOLUTION (1936-1939)” TEXTS OF A GROUP OF ANARCHIST REVOLUTIONARY DURING THE SPANISH REVOLUTION (1936-1939)»

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THE ANARCHIST GROUP THE FRIENDS OF DURRUTI IN THE SPANISH REVOLUTION (1937-1938)

In the autumn of 2024, some comrades of an anarchist collective from Barcelona sent me by post at Domokos prison Agustín Guillemon’s book on the Friends of Durruti. The Friends of Durruti, named after the legendary anarchist Buenaventura Durruti, who was killed in Madrid besieged by the Francoists in November 1936, were a group of anarchist revolutionaries who operated during the Spanish Revolution and the civil war of 1936-39 in Barcelona-Catalonia, and more specifically in the period from March 1937 to February 1938. With the very basic Spanish that I knew – which I had learned without a teacher in Korydallos prison when I was a prisoner in 1998-2001 for another case, not of the Revolutionary Struggle (a bombing attempt at the Ministry of Development in 1997 and possession of weapons and explosives) – and with the help of a Spanish-Greek dictionary, I managed to translate this book that presents the history of this group, which in my opinion is one of the most important in terms of political lessons within the framework of not only the Spanish, but also the global revolutionary and anarchist movement.

Why is the history of the Friends of Durruti important? Because the Friends of Durruti were the most organized group within the Spanish anarchist-anarcho-syndicalist movement that disagreed and strongly criticized the collaboration of the CNT-FAI with the State, whether in Catalonia, with the Generalidad, or with the central Spanish government in which the CNT-FAI participated with 4 ministers. The creation of the Friends of Durruti group had its origins in the opposition of a section of the militiamen of the Durruti Column, specifically the 4th Grouping of Helsa on the Aragon front, who refused to be militarized after the Popular Front state’s decree to militarize the militias in October 1936, something that Durruti himself had opposed. Militarization meant the transformation of the militias and columns that the working class had formed to fight the Franco fascists in July 1936 into parts of a classic army controlled by the state government, the transformation of the militant militiamen and members of the phalanxes into soldiers, the acceptance of the military hierarchy and the military code that existed before July 19, all of which the militants fought and represented Franco’s fascist army. Unfortunately, militarization was also accepted by the leadership of the CNT-FAI and by all the confederal and anarchist phalanxes after a congress in Valencia in February 1937. However, many militiamen of the anarchist phalanxes refused militarization, which was also imposed with the threat that if it was not accepted, they would not be supplied with weapons and ammunition. Several members of the Durruti Column, as well as members of the Iron Column, refused militarization and abandoned the front and returned to the rear. In fact, the members of the Durruti Column of the 4th Helsa Grouping who refused to be militarized returned to Barcelona with their weapons, along with them the leader of the 4th Helsa Grouping, Pablo Ruiz, who had taken part in the two-day Battle of Barcelona on July 19-20, 1936, where the CNT-FAI forces defeated the Franco coup plotters and who had taken part in the attack on the Ataratana camp where Francisco Ascaso was also killed, while he was one of the founding members of the Friends of Durruti. The Friends of Durruti were created on the one hand by members of the Durruti Column who refused the militarization of the militias and returned to Barcelona with their weapons and on the other hand by comrades in the rear who strongly disagreed with the collaboration of the CNT-FAI with the popular front anti-fascist “democratic” state.

The Friends of Durruti argued that the anarchists, the CNT-FAI, should seize power, initially in Catalonia-Barcelona, ​​where they had overwhelming superiority and essentially had power in their hands and on the streets after July 19, 1936, that they should deepen the social revolution with the organs that the workers and peasants had created, the committees of workers and peasants, militiamen, sailors, the municipal-communal committees, and thus impose libertarian communism by abolishing the State and purging the counter-revolutionary elements, the petty-bourgeois parties, the socialists and the Stalinist communists. Their program, which was made public in April 1937, shortly before the Battle of Barcelona on May 3-7, 1937, which began with the attack of the Stalinist communist police forces to seize the Telefónica, which was collectivized and under the control of the CNT-FAI, is summarized in 3 points:

1) The overthrow of the Catalan state and the government of the Generalidad and its replacement by a Revolutionary Council or, as they called it literally, a Revolutionary Junta, which would be a democratically elected body, composed of workers, peasants and militia fighters and would have as its responsibility the conduct of the war against the Francoist fascists, revolutionary propaganda and the purge of counter-revolutionaries in the rear.

2) The management of the economy by the unions, which was the classic position of anarcho-syndicalism.

3) The Free Municipalities that will take over the management of social and political life and will be federally organized at the local, regional and peninsular-national level.

The term “junta” has its origin in the Spanish popular resistance tradition. Juntas appeared during the years of Napoleon’s invasion of Spain (1808-1814) and were created by the resistance movement to the invasion. They have the meaning of a council or committee and there were many juntas in various regions of Spain. They were temporary and informal in nature. However, beyond the formation of the Revolutionary Junta, the program of the Friends of Durruti included the socialization of the economy by the unions, the liquidation of counter-revolutionaries in the rear, the creation of a revolutionary army under the control of the working class, the dissolution of the police forces and the control of public order by the working class -with the Control Patrols in Barcelona-, the maintenance of the Defense Committees that played a key role in the suppression of the coup on 19-20 July 1936 and in the beginning of the revolutionary process and the creation of the institution of Proletarian Justice. Other parts of the anarchist-anarcho-syndicalist movement also agreed with the positions of the Friends of Durruti, such as the majority of the Libertarian Youth and several in the CNT unions and FAI groups. The Friends of Durruti participated in the Battle of Barcelona from 3 to 7 May 1937 against the counter-revolutionary coalition of the Generalidad with the Stalinist communists and the petty bourgeois parties, with a force of 400 well-armed fighters. Then, on 5 May, during the street battles, they issued the proclamation that was distributed at the barricades and gave them fame, in which they demanded the formation of a Revolutionary Junta (Council) that would replace the Generalidad, the execution of those who attacked the Telefónica workers on 3 May and the working class in general, the dissolution of the political parties that attacked the working class and the socialization of the economy.

WORKERS: A Revolutionary Junta. Execution of the guilty. Disarmament of all armed forces. Socialization of the economy. Dissolution of the political parties that attacked the working class. We do not surrender the road. The revolution above all. We salute our POUM comrades who have joined us on the road.

When the proclamation was issued, the higher committees of the CNT-FAI, that is, the collaborationist tendency of the CNT-FAI, denounced the Friends of Durruti through the columns of Labor Solidarity, denounced them as “provocateurs” and later “ordered” their expulsion from the CNT unions and FAI groups. However, beyond the slander about “provocateurs”, the higher committees of the CNT-FAI, defamed them as “Marxists”, which was repeated throughout the confederal press controlled by the collaborationist tendency. The irony of history is that these accusations were directed at the Friends of Durruti by those who collaborated with the bourgeois State and with the Marxist Stalinist communists and socialists and the petty-bourgeois parties.

During the battles of May 1937, the attitude of the leaders of the CNT-FAI, that is, those who collaborated with the State – in the name of “anti-fascist unity” – but also of the “anarchist” ministers, Federica Montseni (Minister of Health), and Juan García Oliver (Minister of Justice), was subversive, that is, they constantly called for a ceasefire and a return to work because a general strike had been spontaneously declared by the Barcelona proletariat, while they prevented strong armed forces from the Aragon front from reaching Barcelona to help the insurgent workers, such as parts of the Black and Red division commanded by Maximo Franco, a member of the Friends of Durruti, and parts of the POUM division.

Although the CNT-FAI base fighters defeated the counter-revolutionary forces and controlled most of Barcelona except for a few buildings in the city center, such as the headquarters of the Generalidad, the subversive attitude of the CNT-FAI leadership, as well as the lack of political will to overthrow the Generalidad and the Catalan state, led the fighters to abandon the barricades without gaining anything. The Battle of Barcelona on 3–7 May 1937 was the last attempt by the revolutionaries and the working class, i.e. the CNT-FAI base, to defend the revolutionary conquests won after 19 July 1936, which were gradually being annulled by the State, whether in Catalonia or in the “democratic” zone of the rest of Spain.

The subversive attitude of the CNT-FAI leadership in the events of May 1937 was characterized as betrayal by the Friends of Durruti in a manifesto-account after the end of the fighting. However, the political and organizational inadequacy of the Friends of Durruti themselves was also demonstrated because they did not have the required political influence on the CNT-FAI base, but neither did they seek to raise the issue of leadership of the CNT or a break with the CNT itself, but they sought the unity of the organization until the end. That is why it was impossible for them to go to the end during the fighting and to direct the fighters to occupy – while they could militarily – the headquarters of the Generalidad and thus overthrow the Catalan state, thus changing the course of history with regard to both the revolution and the war against the Francoists.

In fact, as Pablo Ruiz reported years later, when one of the main members of the Friends of Durruti, Jaime Ballus, proposed during the battle that a column be formed that would meet the units of the Black and Red divisions that were within striking distance of Barcelona and had been prevented from assisting the Barcelona fighters, with the aim of advancing together and completely crushing the Generalidad forces and the counter-revolutionaries, the majority of the fighters at the roadblocks rejected the proposal. The senate-style “patriotism” that existed in the minds of a large number of rank-and-file fighters, the deification of the organization, prevented the CNT leadership from going beyond it even when there were serious disagreements, such as in relation to the issue of collaboration with the State and “anti-fascist” unity with all the counter-revolutionary elements of the Popular Front.

May 1937 was in fact the decisive defeat of the revolutionary process that began on July 19, 1936 and resulted in the definitive overthrow of state power, the triumph of the counter-revolution in which the spearhead was the Stalinist communists, the Communist Party of Spain (PCE), the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSUC), who sought the dominance of the bourgeois-democratic state by carrying out the orders of Stalin and Soviet agents.

Many years later, Jaime Ballus described May 1937 as the “Spanish Kronstadt”, drawing parallels with the Kronstadt sailors’ uprising in March 1921 against the Bolshevik dictatorship, in an attempt to create a third revolutionary wave that would sweep away the Bolshevik dictatorship and effectively hand power to the soviets. The orgy of repression and terror that followed the events of May 1937, with the murders and prisons full of May Day activists and fighters, also affected the Friends of Durruti. Their offices were closed, their newspaper, The Friend of the People – they took its name from Marat’s newspaper during the French Revolution – was published illegally from the second issue onwards, to avoid censorship, while its main columnist, Jaime Ballus, was repeatedly imprisoned for articles he wrote, such as one against the Stalinist government of Juan Negrin, who took over as prime minister of the Popular Front government after the events of May and was a loyal servant of Stalin and the Soviet Union.

In the end, the publication of Friend of the People became impossible as the Stalinist police raided the printing house where it was being published illegally in February 1938. The last issue of Friend of the People had been published at that time and included the brochure “Towards a New Revolution” which has been translated into Greek more than any other text by the Friends of Durruti. In February 1938, the last gathering of the Friends of Durruti took place. The group’s action was now impossible. The counter-revolution was in full swing and the war against the Francoists had already been decided due to the betrayal of the very “democratic” governments whose main concern was to strangle the revolution and serve the interests of the British, French and Soviet governments, for whom the Spanish Civil War was a pawn on the geostrategic chessboard as they prepared for the upcoming war with Nazi Germany.

The lessons that the Friends of Durruti learned from the experience of the Spanish Revolution can be summarized as follows:

1) The revolution must have total characteristics, that is, it must go to the end with all the consequences, affecting every aspect of social life and not be “half” or incomplete, because otherwise it will face its own destruction.

2) It is necessary to have a revolutionary theory and a specific program, that is, that the revolutionaries know exactly what to do when the right time and the right conditions come.

3) It is necessary to have a unifying coordinating body which will be democratically elected by the working class, the peasants and the fighters and which in the first phase of the revolution will have as its exclusive competence the safeguarding of the revolution, the liquidation of counter-revolutionary elements, the conduct of the war and revolutionary propaganda. This body was the Revolutionary Junta or Revolutionary Council as the Friends of Durruti supported. This body does not interfere with the management of the economy which will be the responsibility of the labor unions, according to the position of anarcho-syndicalism, while the management of social and political life, other than the economy, will be the responsibility of the Free Municipalities which will be federally organized at the regional and national-peninsular level.

The stakes of every social revolution are the seizure of power (not the State), that is, who (social class, movement or political group) will impose themselves, direct the development of the revolution and impose a new regime. This was stated explicitly and categorically by the Friends of Durruti in the Spanish Revolution: “We are extremely unanimous and extremely cowardly in not taking power in Catalonia in such a way as to boycott its exercise by the Valencian Government over the CNT and the FAI in Catalonia and indirectly in Aragon [… ] We could and should have taken power and I am convinced that the Revolution would have followed a different course and so would the war […] (From the text of the member of the Friends of Durruti, Francisco Pellicer, “The Present Hour”, in the newspaper La Noche, April 14, 1937).

Even after the defeat, in 1939, Jaime Ballus, in two articles published in July 1936 and May 1937 in the French anarchist magazine L’Espagne Nouvelle (New Spain), spoke clearly that the CNT should have taken power in 1936 and put the working class at the helm of Spain. […] But the most important problem arose in our own zone. It arose as to who had won. Was it the workers? In that case, the leadership of the country belonged to us. […] The CNT and the FAI, which in Catalonia were the soul of the movement, could have given the July Days their true meaning. Who could stop them? Instead we allowed the communist party (PSUC) to reorganize the opportunists, the right, etc., on the ground of counter-revolution. At such times, the answer would be for one organization to take the lead. Only one could do it: ours […] If the workers had known that they were the masters of anti-fascist Spain, the war would have been won and the revolution would not have suffered from so many deviations […] In the text for May ’37 it said: “The proletariat was at a decisive crossroads. He had to choose between two paths: either he would submit to the counter-revolution, or he would impose his own power which would be the proletarian Power […]

The seizure of power does not mean the seizure of state power or the emergence of a new state power, even if this is called a “workers’ state”, as was the case in the Russian Revolution after October 1917. A social revolution is by nature an authoritarian process, a process of imposition and repression over the social and class enemy. An act where one part of the population imposes itself with arms and violence over another part of the population. An act where one social class imposes itself with arms and violence over another, e.g. the workers, the proletariat impose their will on the bourgeoisie, capital and the counter-revolutionaries. In the Spanish Revolution, the armed confrontation of the workers against the military coup leaders in July 1936 and the violent expropriation of the property of the capitalists and landlords from the workers and peasants and their collectivization were acts of power. The purge and murder of fascists, capitalists, business managers and priests were acts of power. An act of power is or could be the violent abolition of the State, which the anarchists did not do, while they could and had the opportunity to do so in July 1936. An act of power is the imposition of libertarian communism, the program supported by the CNT-FAI, that is, the assumption of the management of social affairs and functions that the State had before July 19, 1936, by the democratic bodies of the workers and peasants, the committees in every factory, business, village, neighborhood, militia battalion, ship, the municipal-communal committees throughout the “democratic” zone, that is, in half of Spain, where the Franco coup had been suppressed, and they had exercised de facto local power.

The question of power, that is, who has the power and who directs the development of things, had been raised from the very beginning of the Spanish Revolution, from July 20, 1936, when the anarchists, the CNT-FAI became dominant in Barcelona and Catalonia, and not only, when they defeated the Franco coup plotters. And in fact, apart from having de facto power, it was also offered to them on a plate by the head of the Catalan semi-autonomous state (Generalidad), Luis Cobán, when he called the leading cadres of the CNT-FAI to the presidential palace after the end of the battle, and was willing to resign if they wanted, and declared to them that they, the CNT-FAI, had the right to govern since they had defeated the fascists. However, the leading cadres of the CNT-FAI preferred to keep the president of the Catalan state in his position, not to abolish the State, thus slowing down the imposition of the revolution and libertarian communism, while in the name of anti-fascist unity they separated the war against Franco from the revolution, to collaborate with all counter-revolutionary elements (bourgeois-petit-bourgeois parties, socialists, Stalinist communists), they collaborated with the bourgeois State itself, initially participating in the government of Catalonia (Generalidad) while later with 4 ministers they participated in the central Spanish government in Madrid.

The Friends of Durruti, especially in the 1938 pamphlet, “Towards a New Revolution,” severely criticized the CNT for its “counterrevolutionary” stance: “The CNT was completely devoid of revolutionary theory. We had no specific program. We had no idea where we were going. We had plenty of lyricism, but when it came time for action, we did not know what to do with the masses of workers or how to give substance to the popular outburst that took place in our organizations. Not knowing what to do, we handed over power on a plate to the bourgeois and the Marxists […] And even worse, we gave the bourgeoisie time to breathe, to return, to transform itself and to behave like an invader. The CNT did not know how to respond to its role. It did not want to promote the revolution with all its consequences […] When the entire existence of an organization is exhausted in proclaiming the revolution, then it has the obligation to act when favorable circumstances arise, and in July, they did. The CNT was supposed to play a leading role in the country, giving the finishing blow to everything obsolete and archaic. In this way, we would have won the war and saved the revolution. In practice, however, it did the opposite. It collaborated with the bourgeoisie in state affairs, at the very moment when the state was collapsing. It supported Cobánys and his gang. It gave the kiss of life to an anemic, panicked bourgeoisie.”

The Friends of Durruti explicitly and categorically argue that the CNT-FAI should have taken power in Catalonia-Barcelona from the very beginning, initially, in order to impose the power of the workers’ committees, Defense Committees, supply, militias, etc. That is, to put the working class and the proletariat in the leadership of the country by purging the counter-revolutionary elements. Their slogans were: “All power to the Trade Unions”, “All power to the working class”. This in no way means a situation similar to that imposed by the Bolsheviks in Russia after October 1917, where in reality they did not impose the dictatorship of the proletariat, nor the power of the soviets, but imposed the dictatorship of a new state power, a bureaucratic class that they themselves manned.

There is a serious misunderstanding within anarchism, both then and now. This misunderstanding consists in identifying the concept of power with the State and that the aim of anarchism is “the destruction of all kinds of power”. This position has been proven by facts and from a historical point of view to be unrealistic and condemns anarchism to not being considered as a realistic social proposal, that is, a proposal for the management of social affairs and functions. It also condemns anarchism as a non-revolutionary current, as some opposing statists, e.g. Marxist-Leninists, claim. It condemns anarchism to be simply a protest current or at most an insurrectionary current. But rebellion is one thing and revolution is another. If anarchism, the international anarchist movement, wants to evolve today and shape a realistic social proposal to create a truly free society based on self-organization, self-management, solidarity, mutual aid, without a State and without social classes, then it must understand that a revolution naturally raises the issue of imposition and power against the opponent, the State and Capital and all counter-revolutionary elements. Whoever does not seize power leaves it to his opponent to seize and strangle him. Whoever does not understand this, does not understand what revolution is.

June 2026, Domokos Prisons

Nikos Maziotis, convicted for the action of the armed anarchist organization Revolutionary Struggle

Source: https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1641612/

Regarding the Appeal Trial for an Act of Solidarity During the Last Hunger Strike of Our Anarchist Comrade G. Michailidis

The summers of 2022 and 2023 were marked by two major struggles waged from inside the prison by our anarchist comrade Yannis Michailidis. With his primary demand being his release, which the state vindictively denied despite the years he had already served, G.M. escalated his protest to a hunger strike, reaching a critical health condition on both occasions. On the 30th day of his second hunger strike, he decided to further escalate his protest with a thirst strike, which ultimately resulted in the victory of his struggle and his subsequent release.

In this battle, the anarchist movement supported the strikers’ fight by convening central assemblies several times a week, writing texts and organizing actions on a nationwide scale. In Athens, the solidarity movement, drawing from various strands of struggle, did everything in its power to demonstrate its solidarity with the struggle of our comrade. It was within this framework that the “Assembly of Solidarity with the Anarchist Hunger Striker Yiannis Michailidis” sought to bring the issue to the forefront, raise public awareness, highlight the state’s vindictiveness toward political prisoners and to pressure the state to prevent the comrade’s murder.

One of the interventions of the assembly, which took place on June 13, 2023, was the highlighting of the responsibility of the judicial authorities who held the striker’s life in their hands. Specifically, the judges in Amfissa, who, in line with state strategy, had been delaying his release proceedings for months without even considering his request. With the striker’s health in a critical condition, having already begun his thirst strike, five comrades from the assembly went to Amfissa, where we proceeded to highlighting the state and judicial murder of our comrade, using spray paint at the walls of the local courts and throwing fliers.

After the intervention was over, as we were leaving, local cops arrested us. A few hours later, we were in the courts of Amfissa, where we appeared before a prosecutor, declaring the reasons of our intervention, while she mocked the hunger striker G. Michailidis and “prepared” us for our impending conviction. In the court hearing that followed, we emphasized the critical state of our comrade’s health, the historical gravity of his potential murder, and the responsibility borne by the state and, in particular, the judges of Amfissa. We defended the hunger striker and his struggle using his own body and health to demand his release. Finally, we highlighted the importance of solidarity with political prisoners and our overall opposition to the institution of prison. Having no legal representation, we were convicted of aggravated criminal damage and disobedience for refusing to be fingerprinted.

We were sentenced to 30 months of imprisonment, suspended, and a fine of €3,600 each. Both the severity of the sentences and the large fine imposed on us highlight the vindictive treatment we received from the court.

We consider the solidarity with the struggles of prisoners as an integral part of our own struggles against the state and authority. We will defend our ideas and principles in the appeals court, which will take place on September 29, 2026, in Lamia, while aiming to limit as much as possible the blatant vindictiveness of the first-degree sentences.

Lamia Court of Appeals, September 29, 2026

NO ONE ALONE IN THE HANDS OF THE STATE
STRUGGLE UNTIL THE LAST PRISON IS DEMOLISHED
FOR A WORLD OF FREEDOM, EQUALITY, AND SOLIDARITY

The arrested for the intervention on 6/13/23 at the Amfissa courthouse

Firefund: https://www.firefund.net/amfissaintervention | https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1641475/

shared from #AbolitionMedia:

Urgent Statement! No to the Extradition to Italy of Our Anarchist Comrade Gabriel Pombo da Silva

Gabriel Pombo da Silva has been sentenced to two years’ imprisonment for ‘glorifying terrorism’, in a trial in Italy where he was not present.

In this absurd legal proceeding, the Italian state accused and convicted him for acts (writing and/or debating and/or disseminating) committed from inside his cell in a high-security prison in Germany where he was serving a sentence (in Germany, expressing an opinion is not a crime).

The texts were published on three blogs between 2009 and 2012.

Italy has issued a European Arrest Warrant (EAW) against Gabriel, as a result of which he was arrested in Vigo on 7th December 2025 and brought before the Preliminary Investigation Division of the Central Court of First Instance, presided over by Judge Santiago J. Pedraz Gómez; he was released on bail that same day.

This judge has agreed to Gabriel’s arrest and handover to the Italians, although he has made the latter conditional upon their guaranteeing his right to a retrial or to lodge an appeal, which is simply impossible there.

Italy is a state obsessed with eliminating revolutionary anarchists, whom it relentlessly persecutes, torments and imprisons at will.

Throwing an anarchist like Gabriel—whom the mercenary Italian press, on behalf of the police, has dubbed ‘the king of the anarchists’—into the jaws of the Italian anti-anarchist inquisition is tantamount to handing over a Palestinian militant to Israel, or a gay activist to Saudi Arabia; no one doubts the ‘exquisite’ treatment they will receive.
For example, Alfredo Cospito, an anarchist imprisoned in Italy since 2012 and held in extreme solitary confinement (Art. 41 bis) since May 2022, who has been resisting through severe hunger strikes, had this despicable measure extended on 30 April for another four interminable years.

Extreme solitary confinement is extreme torture.

If Gabriel is thrown into the clutches of the Italian judicial system, no one can guarantee that he will return, nor in what condition he will do so.

Our comrade has paid for his selfless dedication and his commitment to the struggle for justice, equality and total freedom with more than thirty years in prison, and now they want to tear him away from his loved ones — his compañera, his daughter — to hand him over, bound and gagged, to the sadistic and anarchophobic Italian state.

We cannot allow this!

We will not allow it!

WE ASK for the widest possible circulation of this statement and of any new information regarding this serious matter.

WE ASK FOR YOUR SOLIDARITY.

LA CONTRATERTULIA (the anarchist radio programme which Gabriel is part of)

source
Translated by Act for freedom now! https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=33125 #AnarchistPrisoners #europe #GabrielDaSilva #italy

Urgent Statement! No to the Extradition to Italy of Our Anarchist Comrade Gabriel Pombo da Silva

Gabriel Pombo da Silva has been sentenced to two years’ imprisonment for ‘glorifying terrorism’, in a trial in Italy where he was not present.

In this absurd legal proceeding, the Italian state accused and convicted him for acts (writing and/or debating and/or disseminating) committed from inside his cell in a high-security prison in Germany where he was serving a sentence (in Germany, expressing an opinion is not a crime).

The texts were published on three blogs between 2009 and 2012.

Italy has issued a European Arrest Warrant (EAW) against Gabriel, as a result of which he was arrested in Vigo on 7th December 2025 and brought before the Preliminary Investigation Division of the Central Court of First Instance, presided over by Judge Santiago J. Pedraz Gómez; he was released on bail that same day.

This judge has agreed to Gabriel’s arrest and handover to the Italians, although he has made the latter conditional upon their guaranteeing his right to a retrial or to lodge an appeal, which is simply impossible there.

Italy is a state obsessed with eliminating revolutionary anarchists, whom it relentlessly persecutes, torments and imprisons at will.

Throwing an anarchist like Gabriel—whom the mercenary Italian press, on behalf of the police, has dubbed ‘the king of the anarchists’—into the jaws of the Italian anti-anarchist inquisition is tantamount to handing over a Palestinian militant to Israel, or a gay activist to Saudi Arabia; no one doubts the ‘exquisite’ treatment they will receive.
For example, Alfredo Cospito, an anarchist imprisoned in Italy since 2012 and held in extreme solitary confinement (Art. 41 bis) since May 2022, who has been resisting through severe hunger strikes, had this despicable measure extended on 30 April for another four interminable years.

Extreme solitary confinement is extreme torture.

If Gabriel is thrown into the clutches of the Italian judicial system, no one can guarantee that he will return, nor in what condition he will do so.

Our comrade has paid for his selfless dedication and his commitment to the struggle for justice, equality and total freedom with more than thirty years in prison, and now they want to tear him away from his loved ones — his compañera, his daughter — to hand him over, bound and gagged, to the sadistic and anarchophobic Italian state.

We cannot allow this!

We will not allow it!

WE ASK for the widest possible circulation of this statement and of any new information regarding this serious matter.

WE ASK FOR YOUR SOLIDARITY.

LA CONTRATERTULIA (the anarchist radio programme which Gabriel is part of)

source
Translated by Act for freedom now!

France: Statement by Nikos Maziotis for Evening of Support for Anarchist Prisoners

From Domokos prison in Greece, anarchist prisoner Nikos Maziotis sent a message of solidarity on the occasion of the Let’s Make a Front evening organized by Secours Rouge Toulouse in support of anarchist prisoners around the world.

Dear comrades, thank you for inviting me to the event you are organizing and I send you a big hug. I also send a big hug to all detainees, revolutionaries, anarchists, anti-capitalists around the world. There is a direct link between the struggle and solidarity for the release of political prisoners and the revolutionary struggle for the overthrow of the international system of state and capital.

As we used to say here in the past, whoever forgets the prisoners of social and class war also forgets the war itself. However, unfortunately, the relationship between solidarity, imprisoned activists and the fight against the state and capital is not obvious and does not apply in many cases to at least some of those who define themselves as a movement.

Regarding solidarity, speaking of the Greek space, there are all kinds of divisions regarding the position towards imprisoned activists. Divisions linked to the differentiation between legal and illegal means of struggle, armed struggle and urban guerrilla warfare, their defense or the invocation of their innocence.

We experienced this ourselves within the Revolutionary Struggle organization, of which we were members. We were confronted not only with isolation from the mass movement and the space from which we come, the anarchist and anti-authoritarian space, but also with hostility directed against us. Some sectors have even gone so far as to support the separation and the declaration of repentance made by a former member of our organization in court.

Particularly during the period 2015-2019, when we were sentenced to life imprisonment for the attack on the Bank of Greece and the offices of the International Monetary Fund, and the State had taken away custody of our son, we were judged in empty courtrooms, facing the total indifference of a large part of the anarchist and anti-authoritarian space from which we come.

Finally, the slogan present in the Greek anarchist space, according to which solidarity is our weapon, is distorted to such an extent that, in some cases, it comes to mean that solidarity is our stratagem. I believe that such phenomena of lack of solidarity with revolutionary prisoners were also observed in the case of imprisoned members of the urban guerrillas of Western Europe in earlier eras.

Generally speaking, this unfavorable condition, combined with the intensification of state totalitarianism and the legislative deterioration of penal and carceral repression in recent years in the Greek space, consequence of the defeat of the social uprising of 2010-2012 against the programs of the IMF, the European Central Bank and the European Commission, as well as the failure of the anarchist and anti-authoritarian space to evolve towards a truly revolutionary space and movement, results in my remaining in prison, since the authorities refuse to grant me parole.

I am the only political prisoner in Greece, from the wave of arrests linked to urban guerrilla warfare since 2009, who is not serving a life sentence and who still remains in prison serving a 20-year sentence. And the reason why they have refused to release me for four years is because I do not deny or condemn the acts for which I was condemned, that is to say the Revolutionary Struggle organization.

However, comrades, in a short time, next September, I will complete my entire sentence, without parole, and I will be released.

I wish all the true revolutionaries and activists, the irreducible and coherent people throughout the world, wherever they are, strength, health and to hold on. I wish the same thing to you too, comrades, despite the difficulties and the repression, to continue and that we all continue the fight against the State and capital. For the revolution. To build a better world and a better society where solidarity will be a dominant value.

This world already exists and we carry it within us. Sending you a big hug from the prisons of Domokos in Greece. The struggle continues.

Nikos Maziotis, May 2026

Source: https://secoursrouge.org/toulouse-declaration-de-nikos-maziotis-a-loccasion-dune-soiree-de-soutien-aux-prisonnier%c2%b7es-anarchistes/

Open Letter from Imprisoned Anarchist Komar: Indonesia

My friends and brothers and sisters,
inside and outside these walls,
Peace be upon you.

I’m writing this letter to let you know that, God willing, I’m doing alright. A while ago I came down with a mild fever, but alhamdulillah, I’m still holding on, still under His grace and protection. I hope all of you are safe, healthy, and kept well. Aamiin.

My dear friends,

I’ve lost count of how many letters failed before this one finally made it out. There are barely any writing supplies in here, and when there are, they never last long. Even now, as I write this, I’m still being kept in quarantine. I don’t know for how much longer. Though honestly, I don’t expect anything from being moved to another block. To me, it’s all the same. The only thing I truly want, the only thing I keep hoping for, is FREEDOM. I want to go home. I want to eat my mother’s cooking again. I want to sit with my family.

I’m writing this in a hurry, with very little to work with, so forgive me if my words feel scattered. Prison really does cripple part of the mind.

Recently, I got to see the outside world again, if only for those weekly court hearings. I was unbelievably happy. Emotional, even. Hehe. I got to meet old friends and new ones too. Thank you for coming, for standing in solidarity with me. I love you all.

I also heard that my brother Albi, who was being detained in Bandung, has finally been released. Alhamdulillah. It made me incredibly happy. I pray the others still locked up will soon breathe fresh air again too.

UNTIL EVERYONE IS FREE. UNTIL EVERY PRISON IS FLATTENED TO THE GROUND.

I’ve been imprisoned over the same case again. The moment I got out, ACAB—or what I call a disease—came to pick me up immediately. They traveled all the way from Surabaya just to carry out another ridiculous assignment. I’m sure they got something in return for arresting me. Who knows what. Things like this only make me trust the state even less. The state was never worthy of trust to begin with. LIARS! They will never hesitate to hunt down people who dare to say “no” to them. And maybe, in the end, it only ends with death.

While being held in quarantine, I’ve been trying to survive as best as I can. Life in here is deeply miserable. And it makes me wonder: since when did saying “no” to the state become forbidden? Since when does refusing obedience turn someone into a terrorist, a communist, a traitor, or whatever label they use for people who step out of line? Now let me ask another question: how could dissent not exist, when people are still capable of seeing, hearing, and feeling for themselves?

Look back for a moment—the events in Pati, where people rose against corrupt leaders who challenged and oppressed their own communities. Then the uprisings in August, when masses of protesters were arrested indiscriminately, dragged away like animals. And so many other incidents after that. Wasn’t all of this cultivated by the state itself?

In the middle of economic collapse, widespread poverty, and the looming threat of war, people eventually want only one simple thing: to eat, to survive, not to starve. And when desperation grows deep enough, people begin turning on one another. Killing one another. Consuming one another. Social war becomes inevitable.

The state is not separate from this. It is the hand directing the performance from behind the curtain.
Just think about it: people who take their anger to the streets are arrested and charged with destruction, vandalism, disorder, and whatever else they can invent. Then society is split apart into endless sides, pro and contra everywhere. Even those who merely express solidarity online are hunted down and arrested without hesitation. And somehow they are the ones accused of creating chaos and causing harm.

Alright then, let me ask again: who destroyed the forests of Kalimantan, Papua, and countless other islands to turn them into endless palm oil plantations? Who murdered the mountains by drilling into them and extracting their steam, poisoning the water and leaving behind salt, contamination, and ruin? Who built the nickel projects in Sulawesi and drove Indigenous communities off their own land? And Lapindo, the drilling disaster that drowned entire villages and buried lives that can never be recovered, who was responsible for that? Papuan mothers shot at for defending their autonomy. Honestly, there’s so much destruction I couldn’t possibly name it all.

And after all that devastation, what happens? Are the people responsible ever arrested? Ever punished in proportion to the damage they caused? Is there restoration? Can they ever return those places to what they once were? CAN THEY BRING ANY OF IT BACK? No! Because all of it was protected, funded, and planned by the state itself. The contradictions never end. I could go on forever talking about them. But the rest, I think, you can already see and understand for yourselves.

Lastly, I want to thank all of you—my family, my friends, my brothers and sisters. Forgive my terrible handwriting, and forgive me too if these words don’t sound revolutionary enough. Hehe.
We’re only separated for a little while. Hopefully one day we’ll meet again under kinder circumstances, in a better time than this. Until then, take care of yourselves. Be more careful out there. I think the road ahead is still very long.
Peace be upon you.

Komar
Medaeng Prison, Surabaya
April 29, 2026

Open Letter from imprisoned anarchist Komar (Surabaya-Indonesia)

8 Anarchists Arrested for Bank Expropriation: Greece

Bank robbery is the most moral action within capitalism.

On the morning of May 11, 2026, our anarchist comrades carried out an expropriation of a bank in Kato Tithorea. A few hours later, cops chased the comrades for several kilometers and then trapped them. This was followed by raids on houses where the remaining comrades were arrested. The charges include both possession of weapons and involvement in robberies.

We consider it the responsibility of those who make up the anarchist space to politically and morally defend the choices of the comrades who have chosen these means of struggle, regardless of the hypothetical criticism we will receive from the “good” society. From the anarchist illegalists at the beginning of the 20th century to the metropolitan guerrilla in the here and now, the expropriation of resources from capital has been, is and will be a practice chosen by revolutionary movements. It is our duty to build a real wall of solidarity with our captive comrades as soon as possible. Until the total destruction of capital. Until Anarchy

Source: https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1641166/

Text of the 8 arrested comrades/comrades for the May 11 case

In the morning hours of May 11, 2026, a group of comrades expropriated a bank in Kato Tithorea. About 5 hours later, 5 of them were arrested after a coordinated repressive operation by the cops and house invasions, 8 comrades, anarchists found themselves hostages in the hands of the state.

We have been charged with an inflated indictment that includes expropriation of banks and possession of weapons. The comrades are being held in the GADA and the comrades in the Vyronas Prison. Today, 12/05, we went through the prosecutor and were given a deadline to appear before the investigator on Friday, 15/05 at 9am in Evelpidon, building 9.

LONG LIVE ANARCHY

SPYROS DRAVILAS PRESENT

CHARIS TEMPEREKIDIS PRESENT

SEBASTIAN OVERSLUIJ PRESENT

The 8 comrades for the May 11 case

Source: https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1641149/

Update about Miguel Peralta’s Case in Mexico

In Eloxochitlán de Flores Magón, deep in the Sierra Mazatec mountains, there is no forgetting and there is no surrender. There is memory, rage, and a community that doesn’t ask for permission to exist. In the face of a system of “justice” that seeks to destroy the community, the response has been resistance and solidarity, weaving the pathway of freedom.

For more than a decade the community of Eloxochitlán de Flores Magón has been standing up to institutional racism, wresting from the state little by little what belongs to them: freedom. Because nothing has been a gift. Everything achieved has been through struggle in the streets, in front of the court houses, in the tribunals, in front of the prisons, in the protest encampments that resist attrition, in the autonomous spaces, collectives, and individuals who have joined the call for freedom.

As is already well-known, this case derived from manipulation. It was fabricated from the positions of power of Elisa Zepeda, Manuel Zepeda, the Public Prosecutor of Huautla, and an entire network of interests of the government of Oaxaca in 2014. It was not an error, but rather a strategy.

And nonetheless the community and many others who are part of this struggle continue resisting.

Today, April 30, we remember the day that Miguel was detained. Eleven years ago, they snatched from him his freedom. Today, more than 11 years later, despite favorable rulings, the legal situation remains bleak.

On February 20, 2026, the First Collegiate Court of Oaxaca, which in 2023 issued a timid ruling, recognized this time what we have always sustained: this is a fabricated case with witnesses planted for personal interests in exchange for political favors. This victorious sentence is historic because it also recognizes that the testimony of Elisa Zepeda is implausible.

On March 3rd, the Third Circuit Court—the same that revoked Miguel’s freedom in 2022—was obligated to recognize his innocence against all accusations, confirming that the crimes of homicide and attempted homicide do not exist.

What has been achieved isn’t a favor granted by the system, but the result of years of struggle, of refusing to remain silent, of refusing to give up.

Recently, the State Congresswoman Elisa Zepeda has been moving her pieces with cold calculation, activating her networks of influence and her financial machinery of misinformation to try to consolidate her lies and position herself. She has filed an appeal with the Supreme Court against the recent resolution from the Collegiate Court in Oaxaca, despite lacking the standing to do so. The Supreme Court already ruled on the case and the State Congresswoman never before presented an appeal to defend the arguments that she is now putting forth. She lost that opportunity. Furthermore, according to the constitution, there is no issue on which the Supreme Court can rule. The Collegiate Court only did what the Supreme Court ordered them to do in 2024.

The decision on whether or not to proceed with Elisa Zepeda’s appeal falls on the President of the Supreme Court, Hugo Aguilar Ortiz. Since there are no legal or sociopolitical grounds for granting yet another judicial favor for the cacique family, the appeal must be dismissed.

Yet, we are not ignorant of the relations of power and influence that exist between Elisa Zepeda Lagunas, her lawyers from the organization Litigio Estratégico Indígena, and the President of the Supreme Court, Hugo Aguilar Ortiz. We are not ignorant of the Mexican State’s ongoing war against Indigenous community organization, autonomy, and territorial defense. If the appeal proceeds at the Supreme Court, we know that it is a consequence of these relations of power and influence, and not of any legal merit.

Regardless of the outcome, the resistance will continue. We know that this still isn’t over.

Freedom News: **Belarus releases several anarchist and antifascist prisoners**

https://freedomnews.org.uk/2026/05/07/belarus-begins-releasing-anarchist-and-antifascist-prisoners/

At least 18 others still serving long sentences for protests in 2020 and resistance to Ukraine war ~ Nikita Ivansky ~ The Belarusian regime has rec…
The post Belarus releases several anarchist and antifascist prisoners appeared first on Freedom News.

#News #ABCBelarus #Anarchistprisoners #EU #Repression

Italy: Authorities Renew 41bis Solitary Confinement of Anarchist Prisoner Alfredo Cospito

Italian Justice Minister Carlo Nordio has renewed the 41bis solitary confinement regime against anarchist Alfredo Cospito, held in Cagliari prison. The measure was communicated directly to the prisoner by the ministry itself. Fabio Ramelli, vice-president of the Chamber of Deputies of the Brothers of Italy, justified the decision by stating that it corresponded to “the profile of political and social danger that anarchism represents,” describing Cospito as a point of reference for anarchist insurrectionary movements. This measure is widely denounced as state retribution and a form of torture.

Source: https://secoursrouge.org/italie-les-autorites-renouvellent-le-regime-disolement-41bis-contre-le-prisonnier-anarchiste-alfredo-cospito/

Chile: Harassment and Isolation of Lucas Hernández at Santiago Sur Prison

Lucas Hernández, transferred more than a month ago to the Santiago Sur Central Prison, is subjected to constant harassment and 24-hour daily isolation in an overcrowded punishment section where he shares a cell with more than twenty inmates—conditions imposed in retaliation for his political activism. Although a court ordered his release from isolation following an appeal by his defense team denouncing these rights violations, the Chilean prison administration has delayed the process by failing to provide the required reports and has still not implemented the court order. Faced with this daily psychological torture, urgent calls are being made to increase solidarity actions to demand an end to his isolation and harassment.

Source: https://secoursrouge.org/chili-harcelement-et-isolement-de-lucas-hernandez-a-la-prison-de-santiago-sur/

Freedom News: **Italy renews 41bis regime against Alfredo Cospito**

https://freedomnews.org.uk/2026/05/01/italy-renews-41bis-regime-against-alfredo-cospito/

The punitive political choice confirms prison as an instrument of annihilation ~ Osservatorio Repressione ~ Italian Minister of Justice Carlo Nordi…
The post Italy renews 41bis regime against Alfredo Cospito appeared first on Freedom News.

#News #Opinion #41bis #AlfredoCospito #Anarchistprisoners #Italy

Turin: 18 Anarchists Sentenced for Demonstrating in Solidarity with Alfredo Cospito

The trial in the first instance of one of the two parts of “Operation City,” related to the March 4, 2023 demonstration in solidarity with Alfredo Cospito (who at that time had been on hunger strike for months against Article 41 bis and life imprisonment without the possibility of parole), concluded last Thursday, April 16. As a result, all the defendants were found guilty and sentenced to prison terms ranging from 18 months to 5.5 years.

The charges of conspiracy to commit devastation and looting, which had already been rejected by the defendants, were dropped by the courts, reducing them to conspiracy to commit aggravated damage and conspiracy to commit assault against a public official. During the session, 18 sentences were handed down, ranging from five and a half years to one and a half years in prison, as well as substantial fines to the Turin City Council (€33,000), various companies (approximately €13,000), and the legal costs of the civil prosecution (€16,000) for 16 of the defendants. As the defense lawyers emphasized, most of the defendants were not convicted for specific actions or events, but rather for “moral complicity” or “facilitating the conduct of others.”

ACCOUNT FROM AN ACCUSED COMRADE:

The trial in one of the two parts of Operation City, related to the March 4, 2023, demonstration in solidarity with Alfredo Cospito, who had been on hunger strike for months against Article 41 bis and life imprisonment without parole, concluded on April 16, 2026. On that day, thousands of comrades and supporters marched through the center of Turin, demonstrating with fury and leaving behind only a small fraction of the violence unleashed everywhere by various governments and their armed forces. The charges of conspiracy to commit devastation and looting, which had already been rejected by the defendants, were also dropped by the courts, reduced to conspiracy to commit aggravated damage and conspiracy to commit assault against a public official. All the defendants were found guilty and sentenced to terms ranging from 18 months to 5.5 years.

Meanwhile, the trial of other comrades accused in connection with the same day of protest is also underway, a separate procedure to expedite the so-called first phase.

On March 10, during the preliminary hearing, the investigating judge dismissed the charges against the suspects who had been arrested before the start of the march, accused of minor offenses (Article 115 of the Penal Code), despite the prosecutor’s request for their conditional release. The comrades accused of complicity in acts of vandalism, aggravated resistance, and possession of offensive objects have been sent to trial, and a hearing has been scheduled for November 11, 2026: a total of 29 charges.

We reiterate that Alfredo Cospito remains subjected to the torture regime of Article 41-bis, and that this will likely be extended in the coming days. That period of struggle alongside Alfredo succeeded in placing state torture and the vengeful “justice” of courts and politicians at the center of public debate, highlighting their contradictions. But the fight against Article 41-bis continues.

In any case, no regrets.

Submitted to La Zarzamora

Comrades Dimitra Zarafeta and Marianna Manoura Sentenced in Ampelokipi Case Hearing

Updates from the 12th – final – hearing of the Ampelokipi case 24/4/26

Dimitris P., Nikos Romanos and A.K. – Innocent due to doubt

Comrades Dimitra Zarafeta and Marianna Manoura – Guilty

Dimitra was convicted for her stance in court, for not renouncing her ideology, and for developing her thoughts without weighing up whether this would work against her. The court must be based on objective criteria, not ideology, and based on this, conversion should be evaluated.

For Marianna, the court did not accept the mitigating circumstances.

For Dimitra, the majority only accepted the paragraph concerning good conduct after the act was committed, that is, inside prison.

Marianna M. and Dimitra Z. were convicted of the following acts: criminal organization; aggravated manufacture of explosive devices; possession of explosive materials, explosive devices, pistols and ammunition; supply and possession of explosive materials; explosion using explosive materials; damage to another’s property.

Total penalties…

19 years for comrade Marianna

8 years for comrade Dimitra

THE ONLY TERRORIST IS THE STATE

FIRE TO THE PRISONS

Athens: (Greece) Updates from the 12th – final – hearing of the Ampelokipi case [decision day]

Ampelokipi Case – Statement of Anarchist Comrade Nikos Romanos (Athens, Greece)

Ampelokipi Case – 8th Trial – 17/04/2026

Nikos Romanos: I am here after almost 18 months of arbitrary and vindictive detention. I also want to contribute to the restoration of the truth with my statement. In general, I believe that the only reason I am here is my past. And I will explain later why I say this.

First of all, let me repeat here, as I have said from the beginning, that I have nothing to do with this specific case. I have not committed any of the offenses attributed to me and I believe that this entire story, this entire path that has led me here, is the result of a revenge that has brought me to this objectively unfavourable position.

Before we get to how I ended up here, let me tell you that since my release in 2019 I have had an active social and political life. As for my social life, I will not describe it to you because the witnesses have described it and I do not want to repeat things. I want to say more things that have not been heard.

I would like to talk to you about the difficulties that have to do with the adaptation of a person who is released from prison after 7 years. Difficulties that have to do with the obligations – at least as I perceived them – towards my family environment, which has supported me from the first moment of my arrest until today. Some other formal obligations that I tried to fulfil in many ways. And schematically, what should be captured here as an experience is the image of a person who has just been released from prison.

Prison is the land of frozen time. There is a rudimentary social life. Outside, everyone moves forward, relationships develop, everyone makes their choices, people change, mutate, all the things that happen happen. And, when it is a long-term confinement, when you come out, you essentially come out of a refrigerator. You try to come face to face with material reality. A reality which has changed since the last time you remember it, possibly rapidly. You are called to be able to cope with this, to try to lift weights, something that you had not done in all the previous years. Because, in a way, in the previous years, others lifted the weights for you. So, I want to present them in a way that draws on personal experience. So that it can also be understood by you.

I tried, anyway, to adapt to this reality. To get back in touch with the people I had left behind. For example, high school seniors, some of my friends. I had had very little contact with these people until then, i.e. we would say a “happy new year”, a “happy birthday”. All of this was a difficult and arduous process. I tried to find a job, and I found a job. I tried to build some social relationships, which created joy and pleasure for me, with my family, my partner and with my other friends. Essentially, I started to make some plans for my life, some plans. This is a schematic description of my social life.

At the same time, I obviously had a political life, a public political life. I participated in cultural and all kinds of other events. I participated in demonstrations, obviously. I participated in demonstrations for issues that raised awareness, for prisoners’ rights, in events with the bar association, for criminal codes. We have coexisted with several lawyers in such events, whether they are from the anarchist space or from the left. We have been in such places.

Again, to record this specific experience, I want to say that for me the most important moment in my political life, the most important thing I did from my release until today, was the restoration of the monument of Alexandros Grigoropoulos and the event that was held in connection with it. I believe that, in a way, an attempt was made to restore a monument that was in decay. And to give some meanings, some narratives, some testimonies so that the memory of the people who lost their lives in the way they did could be “conveyed”.

So, these are schematically the social and political life I’ve had from 2019 onwards.

This was violently interrupted with my arrest outside my parents’ house, in Papanastasiou Street. Essentially, I experience it as a déjà vu, because I have gone through all these stages. It was like a trauma that reopens and repeats itself. Quite a bad experience. Unfortunately, I have had the misfortune to go through these processes many times. After a while, when I understood what was happening, I had exactly in my head what was going to happen. That is, that I would be treated like a prize, there would be the channels, and that would be the framework. I would be sold as a product of political marketing. All these things, which unfortunately you cannot avoid. I was aware that they would happen from the moment I understood what was being attributed to me, because at first I did not understand.

And the most important thing about this is that I actually experienced, and I’m here with all that has happened, for a choice that I didn’t make. On the contrary, in the past, for the choices I had made, I always took responsibility. I defended them. And I didn’t just defend them to a friend. I defended them publicly, I defended them in courtrooms like this one. I stood before my real judges and explained in detail what the history is, what the social context is within which I made certain choices. Choices that are a part of my existence, no one denies that.

As well as, I have been in courts where I have been accused of things I have not done. And these, the truth is that there were not a few – if I am asked I can list them for you. With elements that were without criminal significance, where they were part of a broader context of that period. In these courts, the reason I continued and went and said “I have nothing to do with it”, was not because I sought better criminal treatment – ​​because my criminal treatment was horrible anyway. I simply sought the restoration of the truth. Everyone will face the consequences of their choices, for what they have made. Not for what they have not done.

So, right now I’m in a Kafkaesque situation, that’s how I characterize it. It centres on a tragic incident, where a man, the anarchist Kyriakos Xymitiris, lost his life, his partner, Marianna Manoura, was seriously injured, and a load of people have had problems in their daily lives. A truly tragic incident.

A tragic incident that has been politically instrumentalized from the very beginning, and I consider my own case to be the icing on the cake of this instrumentalization. This instrumentalization has stages: it started from point zero and reached the final point, within which various incidents developed: media, police, etc. Essentially, what I wonder, and I am expressing it here publicly, is how much discussion can there be about a bag?

I repeat again, for things that I have done, I have no problem taking responsibility for my choices, defending them, exposing them, formulating the context in which they were made and facing the consequences of the law on the part of the state. In this case, however, I have not made any choice, I have not done anything. And I find myself here, essentially, having to prove that I am not an elephant. Within a context that says “there is a bag”. And then a criminalization of the bag begins which says “this bag had 2 fingerprints”. “No, after all, it did not have 2, it had 102 fingerprints”. “Yes, but it was “this way”” or “it was different”. The persecutory – let each one put a characterization – narratives are constantly changing. And I am in a position where I have an unchanging, fixed view from the beginning: I say that no matter what happens, I cannot know when I came into contact with a bag. If I said that I remember, it would be hypocritical. It would be hypocritical to say, “Yes, I remember this bag.” No matter what questions are asked, I cannot know. No matter how much I think about it, all I can do is speculate. And because you talked about probability theory, probabilities remain probabilities. One can only speculate, only scenarios, only versions. To answer and say when I came into contact with a bag is something that I am unable to do.

Concluding this brief apology of mine – because I believe that I have nothing more to contribute to the case – I want to reiterate that I am not in a position to know the path of the bag. All I can do is make assumptions. I believe that no matter how many assumptions I make, I do not come to a conclusion that I can be certain of. To repeat what I said before, I have nothing to do with the case. I have paid more than enough for the choices I made. At this moment I am being asked to pay for something that I did not make and I believe that this is unfair.

I would consider it more honest – although “honest” is a big word, I would consider it better, if someone told me “you know what, you’re going to jail because we don’t like you, because we don’t like you, because we think you’re a person who should pay for certain things”. I consider that more honest and, in part, it’s also defensible. To know that I’m in jail because I know that certain circles don’t like me. To be in jail and the argument being a bag, from my point of view, is incomprehensible.

Thank you for your time.

source

Translated by Act for freedom now!

Statements by Comrades Marianna Manoura and Dimitra Zarafeta on Day 2 of the Trial (Athens, Greece)

Marianna Manoura

I would like to state to the residents of the apartment building that the explosion was not due to an organized plan. It resulted in the death of my comrade, Kyriakos Xymitiris, and my own serious injury. We never wanted general people to suffer, nor to cause damage to people whilst social conditions are already very serious. When our political space wants to attack it evaluates, and the logic of collateral damage is in no way consistent with its values. We use our means against the system alone.

I thank the two people who helped me immediately after the explosion.

The explosion has been exploited by the state from the very beginning.

I will never claim that it was a conspiracy. I take political responsibility for the actions, but I will not waste a single minute of my freedom for things I did not do.

My comprade, Kyriakos Xymitiris, lost his life for a better world.

His death has been instrumentalized and vilified through the imputation of the explosion, an accusation by the counter-terrorism that Kyriakos was aware of what would follow.

Kyriakos, as a political subject, loved life; not only his own, but also that of others. As a human being, it is impossible that he would want to burden general people with damage to their homes.

I am not accountable to any court, I am only accountable to my comrades.

It is in your hands how this trial will be conducted, whether you will follow the orders of counterterrorism, or whether you will judge based on the actual facts.

I can take political responsibility for what is my responsibility.

I dedicate every minute of this trial to the memory of Kyriakos.

Kyriakos was a wonderful man and a sensitive revolutionary.

10/31 is a breaking point for me, both for the moral burden of the damage to the apartment building and for the loss. I will preserve it to preserve the memory of Kyriakos, his choices, and my place within them.

Dimitra Zarafeta

I deny all the charges.

I wish to pay tribute to the memory of my comrade, Kyriakos Xymitiris.

Political action, friendships and political relationships are being criminalized.

The deprivation of my liberty is the responsibility of the court, which allows such cases to be filed.

I apologize to the family who own the apartment, as, unknowingly, I put them in an unpleasant position due both to the damage and to the involvement with the repressive mechanism.

Statements from the two comrades Marianna Manoura and Dimitra Zarafeta in the 2 day of the trial. (Athens,Greece)

Statement from Marius Mason on his May 2026 release

From Marius:

Greetings, Friends and Family,

It feels like this will actually happen at this point — so I finally think it’s time to reach out and say thank to all of you who have been steadfastly in my corner, backing me up and helping me stay centered all of these 17 years incarcerated in the FBOP. I will be leaving prison in May and returning to my home state of Michigan, back to Detroit.

This time would not have been the same without you all — and I have met so many people who had no one to turn to while they did their time, so I know what a difference it made to always have my people holding me up. And there has been a lot to get through, what with advocating for my transition, at each step — I knew that I had legal advice, medical information and material support. Thank you so much, I owe you all more than I can ever repay.

I have tried for my own part to be a support and comfort to the people around me in each place the BOP put me, passing on the love I have been shown.

What I really want you all to know is how incredibly proud it made me to be part of a community of resistance that stood together. It impressed the people I met in prison for so much love and solidarity to be expressed so powerfully for someone who was behind the walls.

It demonstrated that in our movement, though we were physically separated, we could stay together in spirit, that solidarity and love are action words, and that we are all in it for the long haul.

Change does not come easy, but solidarity is when we flex our strength as a people. I don’t really know what comes next, but I hope I can still serve my community in some way to help. I have been studying to be a writing tutor through my Yale Prison Education Initiative scholarship — and hope to volunteer at the Literacy Project in Detroit. I have earned a Paralegal Degree and studied immigration law, and hope to be of service in that capacity, also.

So much to do, but many hands make the work easy! Thank you, thank you, a million times over — thank you! As Elton John used to sing — I’m Still Standin’ (yeah, yeah, yeah).

See you on the outside!

Love and Solidarity, Marius

Source: https://www.abcf.net/blog/statement-from-marius-mason-on-his-may-2026-release/

If We Are Afraid Today, We Will Be Afraid Tomorrow and Forever – Dimitra Zarafeta

It took 512 days for the authorities to finally decide that it was time to put our case, the case of Ampelokipi, to be tried. Just one breath before the end of the 18-month period. Not because the investigative process was truly endless, nor because new evidence was constantly emerging in the meantime. From the very first moment, the facts were more or less the same. However, the choice to set the trial at the last minute was neither accidental nor procedural. It was a purely political choice, a conscious method so that the process would run on a fast track and the desired decision would be produced, with the same speed. Nevertheless, in this last text of mine before the trial, I will not dwell in detail on the practices and methods that the judicial authorities employ against us. These are already known to anyone who wants to see them. My purpose is to restore things to their true dimension, against the fabricated version that the anti-terrorist and then the investigating and prosecutors tried to impose initially. That is why I want and must talk about what has already happened and what is to follow.

In two days I will be in this court, because a year and a half ago I lent the keys to an apartment to my friends and comrades, Kyriakos and Marianna, so that they could host acquaintances.

I will be in this court accused of terrorism, with charges of membership and participation in an unknown organization, with an unknown structure, unknown roles, unknown duration, as well as for manufacturing, supplying and possessing explosives and weapons. An indictment that was drawn up overnight, based on flimsy evidence, which 2 months ago the court began to collapse with the removal of charges of this explosion and deterioration.

Or, to be more precise, the only “evidence” that the anti-terrorism department relied on to construct this indictment was the criminalization of everyday acts, the criminalization of political opinion and the criminalization of friendly and comradely relationships.

Nothing more, nothing less.

Thus, our case not only has a past that already counts a year and a half, but also a future. A future inextricably linked to the struggle.

That is why, in two days, I will be in this court to give my own struggle, defending my anarchist identity, the radical revolutionary struggle, my relations with my friends and comrades, and above all the memory of my comrade, Kyriakos Xymitiris.

I will be in this court to fight to the end for my freedom — a freedom that I do not grant them, not even for one more day than the 512 that they have already deprived me of. And if institutional cover is given to the anti-terrorist police to fabricate indictments in this way, then the responsibility for whether I am convicted of an indictment that I deny, falls on the current composition of the bench.

This also concerns all those who feel that behind bars are not only the prisoners, but also a part of themselves. Those who remain present and present in every field of the radical struggle. Because it is also in their hands to erect a mound, to not allow injustice to become law.

Nevertheless, in two days I will find myself in this court, which has a weight much greater than that of indictments and legal characterizations. Because within this process there is also a loss. There is the memory of our friend and comrade, Kyriakos Xymitiris, a memory that does not fit into any case file. For this very reason, this court has an importance that goes beyond the limits of a formal trial. That is why more is at stake around this process than meets the eye. Because in these halls I will not only defend myself, but also Kyriakos himself. I will speak about my friend and comrade on my own terms, not with the language of power, nor through the filters of the case file, but through the life he lived, the struggles he gave and what he chose to defend with all his heart, dedicating his life to it. With his absence, it is at the same time a deep, intense presence; because there are people like Kyriakos who, even when they are gone, continue to light the way and show with their very lives why it is worth standing up.

So my friend and comrade Kyriakos Xymitiris will be there in the knot in my neck, in the strength I find not to bend, in the need to keep alive everything we shared and everything he defended. He will be with me, next to me, like a hand on my shoulder, like a breath that reminds me that nothing is over and that the struggle continues.

Kyriakos Xymitiris Present
Honor for Ever to Anarchist Comrade Sarah Ardizone and Anarchist Comrade Alessandro Mercoliano

Dimitra Zarafeta

Korydallos Women’s Prison

Source: https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1640443/

I Defend, I Don’t Apologize – Marianna Manoura

In the midst of revelations of all kinds of government scandals and the participation of the Greek state in the war unleashed by the US and Israel against Iran, the repressive mechanism decided to deal with the “internal enemy”. Three weeks before the first hearing, we were notified of the start of our trial. On April 1 and one month before the end of the 18-month period, the process begins. A process based on an obviously inflated indictment where it is obvious that four of the five defendants have nothing to do with or knew about what was going to happen on 31/10. The court’s focus, however, is not exclusively to highlight the otherwise well-used tactics of the anti-terrorist unit, but to defend the memory of the revolutionary Kyriakos Xymitiris and the armed means of resistance he decided to adopt against this cannibalistic system.

From the very beginning, the prosecuting authorities with the counter-terrorism at the helm saw this specific case as an ideal event to open yet another fan of persecutions and imprisonments of people. The apparent inability of the anti-terrorism police to establish even a pretextually credible indictment held us all hostage, with requests to terminate the temporary detention being rejected in all the interim judicial councils (six months and twelve months) with flimsy justifications. The case was thus kept open, in the absence of any new evidence to justify it, with the councils’ dismissive reasoning self-refuting at points, trying to find a new narrative in order to exhaust the limit of pre-trial detention for all the defendants, thus attempting to satisfy two goals: on the one hand, the consolidation of state vindictiveness and on the other hand, the maintenance of the narrative of a terrorist organization. An organization without a name, without a history, without action, without even a substance, the invention of which serves on the one hand spectacular-communicational reasons, but also a serious upgrade of the indictment that carries the risk of lethal penalties.

The result of this pretentious delay in closing the case for 17 months, was the delay in issuing and final deliberations, with the result that the trial is now approaching the typical time limit for the end of detention for all the detainees in the case. A fact that in itself causes a rush in its definition and conduct, with the service of its summons to take place on 09/03, just 3 weeks before its start on April 1, suffocatingly pressing our preparation time. I am therefore called, on April 1st, to stand trial accused of forming and joining a terrorist organization, aggravated manufacture of explosive devices and possession of explosive materials and explosive devices, pistols and ammunition, explosion with possible intent, aggravated damage and illegal possession of weapons, in a trial that has shown signs of haste and carelessness from the beginning. The situation that is taking shape may not surprise me. I am very well aware of the role of civil justice within this specific system of exploitation, which while pretending to play its role within a “rule of law”, is in reality primarily interested in implementing the dictates of anti-terrorist and political leadership. Nevertheless, I categorically declare that I am not prepared to allow any acceleration of the trial to work against me and my co-defendants and my comrade Kyriakos himself.

And if the counter-terrorism service took, once again, 17 months to return to where it started from, without any new evidence but insisting on prosecuting me – bagging me with four other people who have absolutely no connection, involvement or knowledge in the case, the trial in question includes a new method. The complete absence of all the counter-terrorism cops from the prosecution’s witnesses. That is, the prosecution, under the orders under which the investigations took place, the arrest warrants were issued and the charges were filed, considers that there is no reason to appear in the proceedings. That is, the prosecution does not appear in a case that it itself is prosecuting. I am not in a position to know the exact reasons why this happened. It is a fact that with the new amendments of 2024 (Floridis Law) it is now possible not to call the police officers who draw up an indictment and lead the pre-trial stage in the trial in an obvious attempt to protect themselves from foreseen contradictions that will eventually arise. However, especially in this case, with such a perforated indictment and a case file full of contradictions, gaps and obvious shortcomings, the absence of anti-terrorist police officers from the prosecution’s witness list aims to protect them in the courtroom with the expected deconstruction of their fabrications.

Whether it comes or not, the responsibilities will be attributed to them. Responsibility for the shameful way in which they treated the family of my comrade Kyriakos Ximitiris in the first hours of the explosion, which far exceeds the moral limits that these unscrupulous guys who swear by democracy and legality supposedly invoke and that they supposedly protect. Responsibility also for the order to take a DNA sample while I was still unconscious in Evangelismos. Responsibility for the fact that once again, like so many others in its years of action, the counter-terrorism is the spearhead of repression with surveillance, persecution, imprisonment of countless fighters.

On the contrary, I will be there. I will be there to assume the responsibilities that fall to me, to defend the political choice for the position I held on 31/10. I will be there to stand up to a mechanism that proves its bias every day and that, for decades now, has been unfolding its full vindictiveness in the face of fighters. Despite all the possible consequences, however, I will proudly defend my partner’s choices, the necessity of fighting by all means, the gravity of this choice and the imprint it leaves. And I will be there because the political space to which I have belonged for the last 15 years of my life is dominated by other values ​​and agendas than those promoted by the system. It does not shift the responsibilities of others as the government does every day, it does not defend partisanship and individual interest as the system promotes, and it does not choose the easy path of selfishness as its representatives choose.

I will not attend the trial to bow my head, nor to renounce my ideas and responsibilities. But I will not give even one more day of freedom to their hands for actions that I not only did not do but also for which there is no evidence to support them. Moreover, the issue of the trial is mainly the preservation of the revolutionary memory of the comrade. Of the deposition of all these elements that make him such an indispensable and unique comrade and person. For me, this is the stake of this particular trial; the prevalence of the image of comrade Kyriakos as we knew him, learned about him, experienced him. As a deeply revolutionary man who, beyond his commitment and presence in the field, decided to sharpen his way of acting despite the adverse conditions that prevail. This is for me the legacy that I hope such a trial will leave. Of devotion and faith in the revolutionary vision even during the greatest challenge. The sign of solidarity and the defense of projects that want us continuously and practically against those who oppress our lives and alongside those who struggle by all means. The dignity and pride that befits our political space from whose bosoms fighters like Kyriakos emerge. People who do not retreat, do not compromise, whose sparkling gaze is enough to illuminate even the most difficult path.

But Kyriakos will be there too. That’s where his heart will beat. Next to me and all the accused. Next to his comrades. He will be there because he knows that the fight for memory is a collective affair and is not simply necessary but essential. Essential for a movement to exist and have a future. Because the stories of those who fell are the ones that inspired others to rise. And as much as the weight of loss bends our knees, it is enough to take a look at that sparkling gaze of his for the fatigue to be shared and the fear to diminish. And if at some point we become discouraged, a look at his genuine smile is enough to remember that nothing is over.

With Kyriakos as our companion, it is in our hands, inside and outside the walls, to reverse the terms of the trial both before and during it. To put a stop to the injustice that has become law, to the bias that has become habit. To perceive justice as a battlefield and the trial as a political conflict. Since the field is already mined, it is an unequal battle, in which there is no middle ground. Either you give up or you fight until the end. And what I can say with certainty is that I and certainly Kyriakos would choose the latter. We are right, we will win.

KYRIAKOS XYMITIRIS ALWAYS PRESENT
HONOR FOREVER TO ANARCHIST COMRADE SARAH ARDIZONE AND ANARCHIST COMRADE ALESSANDRO MERCOLIANO
STATE AND CAPITAL THE ONLY TERRORISTS

Marianna Manoura
Women’s prisons of Korydallos

Source: https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1640410/

https://informativoanarquista.noblogs.org/post/2026/03/20/chile-monica-a-la-calle-semana-de-agitacion-por-monica-caballero-23-al-29-de-marzo/

#Chile #AnarchistPrisoners

Statements by Anna Beniamino, from Rebibbia prison, and Juan Sorroche, from Terni prison, and greetings from Action for Palestine Ireland on the occasion of the “Sabotage the War and Repression” initiatives on February 7 and 8 in Viterbo (Italy)

https://actforfree.noblogs.org/2026/03/17/statements-by-anna-beniamino-from-rebibbia-prison-and-juan-sorroche-from-terni-prison-and-greetings-from-action-for-palestine-ireland-on-the-occasion-of-the-sabotage-the-war-and-repressio/

#War #Repression #Sabotage #AnarchistPrisoners

After more than three months, the trial against brothers Lucas and Aldo Hernandez comes to an end

"On Monday, November 3rd, the trial against Aldo and Lucas Hernandez came to an end, with both being sentenced to 21 and 12 years in prison, respectively, after more than three months of hearings, in which the authorities attempted to use all their power to achieve an exemplary punishment for both brothers."

https://darknights.noblogs.org/post/2025/11/13/hile-after-more-than-three-months-the-trial-against-brothers-lucas-and-aldo-hernandez-comes-to-an-end/

#AnarchistPrisoners #Chile #Repression #FreeAldoAndLucas #Anarchism

Anna Beniamino – Contribution from Rebibbia prison ahead of the national assembly on October 11 in Rome, in solidarity with Alfredo Cospito, against 41 bis

https://darknights.noblogs.org/post/2025/10/26/italy-anna-beniamino-contribution-from-rebibbia-prison-ahead-of-the-national-assembly-on-october-11-in-rome-in-solidarity-with-alfredo-cospito-against-41-bis/

#AnnaBeniamino #AnarchistPrisoners #41bis #AlfredoCospito

We Are All Puppeteers: 42 People from Anti-Authoritarian Networks Named as Suspects After Demonstrations

"From August 25 to September 5, Indonesia was a sea of fire. A wave of simultaneous demonstrations ended in street battles, the burning of government buildings and police stations, and the looting of politicians’ homes. A total of 3,195 people were detained in various locations during this period. This does not include subsequent arrests."

"Finally, on Tuesday, September 16, 2025, the West Java Regional Police held a press conference announcing 42 suspects involved in acts of vandalism in Bandung. However, they were all the result of a nationwide investigation and arrests carried out as far as Jombang and Makassar. They were accused of being anarchists."

https://sea.theanarchistlibrary.org/library/serikat-tahanan-we-are-all-puppeteers-en

#Indonesia #Anarchism #AnarchistPrisoners #StateRepression

@woswap

What a nice surprise!! Right now I'm sitting on the train and on my way to an event as part of the International Week for Anarchist Prisoners.

There I find you here on Mastodon with the news of my release exactly two years ago. Later, at an event in Wuppertal, which is in North Rhine-Westphalia, I will talk about the prison term and the importance of solidarity.

I have been able to do this again and again in the last two years, and I have also held various workshops on 'How do I write prisoners' (it is important to me that it is about all prisoners, not just the political and anarchist ones).

In addition, I regularly attend trials, with a focus on class justice. For a small non-commercial radio, I then report on the court cases.

However, I would not have been able to do all this without the solidarity support. Neither would I have managed to survive the 27 years in prison, nor would I have been able to arrive in freedom in life afterwards.

#solidarity #prison #abolition #abolitionists #prisoners #freedom #prisonniers #anarchist #anarchistprisoners
#germany #wuppertal #NorthRhineWestphalia #nordrheinwestfalen #SocialJustice #classwar #courtwatch

Marius Mason’s 2025 Statement for June 11

"So…these times are a challenge to any who desire real freedom, who passionately espouse justice and who honor and respect human dignity – and who persist in the belief that we are responsible for each other and to each other and our shared home, this Earth. The strength to face this challenge will come from solidarity…this is always our secret weapon against the venal brutalities of fascism."

https://june11.noblogs.org/post/2025/05/14/marius-masons-2025-statement/

#FreeMariusMason #June11 #AnarchistPrisoners #Solidarity

Anarchist Ruslan Siddiqui Sentenced to 29 Years in a Maximum-Security Penal Colony

https://avtonom.org/en/news/anarchist-ruslan-siddiqui-sentenced-29-years-maximum-security-penal-colony

#Russia #AnarchistPrisoners #FreeRuslanSiddiqui

In December 2023, Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) announced the arrest of a dual Russian-Italian citizen accused of attacking a military airfield and sabotaging a railway line. The suspect was Ruslan Sidiki, a 36-year-old anarchist, long-distance cyclist, and electrician. Now in pretrial detention, he faces a potential life sentence.
...
Sidiki does not consider himself a political prisoner but rather a prisoner of war. In his view, his actions were part of the larger conflict between Russia and Ukraine.

“My actions fall under the definition of ‘sabotage,’ not ‘terrorism,’” he argued. “I never intended to instill fear in civilians. My goal was to destroy aircraft so they couldn’t be used to bomb, to destroy railways so they couldn’t be used to transport weapons.”

https://anarchistnews.org/content/some-people-leave-country-others-turn-explosives

#anarchistprisoners #RuslanSidiki

Anna Beniamino: Pathophysiology of the prison monster: poisons and antidotes (October 2024)

"The strategy of isolation, sterilization of human contacts and rescission of solidarity networks is obviously not an Italian prerogative but, as our Chilean comrades are well understanding, a practice that is spreading and being perfected there as well, as in the aggravation of Francisco’s conditions of isolation and the restructuring of the Alta Seguridad. Just as everywhere the restructuring of detention facilities combines punitive logics toward the individual refractor with those of a “Fordist” efficiency of preventive repression aimed at creating compartmentalized and incommunicative levels to more effectively and aseptically manage control, inside as well as outside."

https://darknights.noblogs.org/post/2025/02/07/anna-beniamino-pathophysiology-of-the-prison-monster-poisons-and-antidotes-october-2024/

#FreeAnnaBeniamino #Italy #AnarchistPrisoners

Am 16. Juli wurde ich von zwei Per­so­nen verhört – von einem Mann in Zivil­klei­dung und einem anderen in einer Art inof­fi­zi­el­ler Tarn­uni­form. Einer der Ermitt­ler inter­es­sierte sich für die Akti­vi­tä­ten der Soros-Stif­tung in der Ukraine und wollte, dass ich einigen nament­lich nicht genann­ten „ange­se­he­nen inter­na­tio­na­len Medien“ ein Inter­view gebe, um darüber zu berich­ten. Ich sagte ihm, dass ich kein Inter­view geben wolle, aber wenn man mich dazu zwingen würde, könnte ich ihm sagen, was ich wüsste: dass der ukrai­ni­sche Zweig der Stif­tung Pro­jekte in den Berei­chen Dezen­tra­li­sie­rung, Kom­mu­nal­ver­wal­tung, Rechts­hilfe und wis­sen­schaft­li­che Ver­öf­fent­li­chun­gen unterstützt. Ihm gefiel das ganze Gespräch nicht son­der­lich, und da hörte ich es zum ersten Mal: „Wir werden dich ins Gefäng­nis stecken.“
…
Bei einer der soge­nann­ten Ermitt­lungs­maß­nah­men sagte ein Beamter des Ermitt­lungs­ko­mi­tees der Rus­si­schen Föde­ra­tion, dass die ukrai­ni­sche Seite Russen wegen „ille­ga­len Über­schrei­tens der Staats­grenze durch eine orga­ni­sierte Gruppe von bewaff­ne­ten Per­so­nen mit dem Ziel, einen Teil des Ter­ri­to­ri­ums zuguns­ten eines anderen Staates abzu­tren­nen“ zu langen Haft­stra­fen ver­ur­teilt. Dafür und für Kriegs­ver­bre­chen würden lange Haft­stra­fen ver­hängt. Und deshalb, so sagten sie, müssten sie uns zu ähnlich langen Haft­stra­fen ver­ur­tei­len, damit ihre Armee­an­ge­hö­ri­gen aus­ge­tauscht werden könnten.

Max But­ke­vych, „Die größte Gefahr in der Gefan­gen­schaft besteht darin, einen Teil seiner selbst zu verlieren“ https://ukraineverstehen.de/die-groesste-gefahr-in-der-gefangenschaft-besteht-darin-einen-teil-seiner-selbst-zu-verlieren/

#RussianinvasionofUkraine #KriegInDerUkraine #AnarchistPrisoners #FreeMaksymButkevych

New zine translated into English:

"Solidarity Publication: Situation of Anarchist, Antispeciesist, and Subversive Prisoners in Chile"

https://archive.org/details/solidarity-publication-english-october-2024

#Abolition #Solidarity #AnarchistPrisoners #Chile #InternacionalismoAnticarcelario

Raising funds for young antifascist prisoners of Russia :antifa: :anarchoheart2: :boostRequest:

Parents of two Chita antifascists, Lyubov Lizunova and Sasha Snezhkov, are raising funds to pay legal expenses for the appeal against the recent court sentence. Sasha’s mum is a single parent, she had suffered two strokes and cannot afford to cover the legal expenses. Lyubov’s parents have also been struggling to cover the costs of legal counselling the past two years, Russian cells of ABC were helping them previously.

Total sum is €4,400: Sasha needs €2,000 for legal expenses, Lyubov — €1,200. Both of them also need €600 each to cover the parcel expenses for the next 4 months.

This April, Lyubov was sentenced to three and a half years of corrective penal colony, and Sasha’s—to six years of corrective penal colony.

In Oct 2022, the two were detained and charged with vandalism and “calls for terrorism and infringing territorial integrity” (the last one’s later changed to “calls for extremism”). Sasha has spent nearly all this time in a detention center. Lyubov, then a minor, remained on house arrest up until this April, then put into custody. You can learn more about their case and their lives before it in this short film https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9CzBS871_l8 (choose auto-translation of subs from Russian)

Ways to Donate:

PayPal [email protected] (add “for Chita” in a comment)

@avtonom_org

#AnarchistPrisoners #PrisonersOfRussia #CallForSolidarity #j25antifa #Russia

Prisoner solidarity has never been so important

https://freedomnews.org.uk/2024/08/24/prisoner-solidarity-has-never-been-so-important/

#PrisonerSolidarity #AnarchistPrisoners #Anarchism

Let’s Get Francisco Out of Isolation: Campaign and Week of Agitation for Francisco Solar
#FranciscoSolar #AnarchistPrisoners
Via @lazarzamora

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/07/25/lets-get-francisco-out-of-isolation-campaign-and-week-of-agitation-for-francisco-solar/

🔴SAQUEMOS A FRANCISCO DEL AISLAMIENTO: CAMPAÑA Y SEMANA DE AGITACIÓN POR FRANCISCO SOLAR

Por: La Zarzamora

El aislamiento extremo en el que gendarmería mantiene al compañero anarquista Francisco Solar, condenado a 86 años de prisión por accionar contra el poder, ha despertado una serie de acciones solidarias que buscan informar sobre su situación y sacarlo definitivamente de este régimen, que se suma a la larga condena que no es más que una cadena perpetua disfrazada. Ante esto, desde el grupo de apoyo a Francisco se hace el llamado a sumarse a la campaña que busca su salida del aislamiento, así como también a participar de una semana de agitación sin fronteras desde el 10 al 17 de agosto.

Francisco fue trasladado en junio del 2021 junto a otros compañeros a la cárcel La Gonzalina de Rancagua debido a la remodelación de la CAS. A su ingreso es ubicado en el módulo 2 de alta seguridad, correspondiente a su condición en ese momento de procesado y el resto de los compañeros ubicados en el módulo 1, que corresponde a los condenados. Sin embargo, tras  ser condenado a 86 años el 7 de diciembre del 2023, Francisco no fue trasladado a un módulo de condenados, manteniéndose hasta hoy sin contacto con el resto de los compañeros presos.  A esto se le suma la agudización del régimen de aislamiento al que lleva sometido ya 4 años, que le mantiene 21 horas al día en el encierro y 3 horas diarias fuera de este...

"Estamos hablando de un módulo de aislamiento severo, de un régimen de control y vigilancia total, estamos hablando en definitiva de una cárcel dentro de una cárcel, uno de los regímenes más severos carcelarios en este territorio, donde la maquinaria punitiva y de tortura de la cual son parte las prisiones, se expresa en todas sus formas». Explican desde el grupo de apoyo a Francisco Solar.

Lee nota completa en:
https://lazarzamora.cl/?p=12757

#saquemosafranciscodelaislamiento #anarchistprisoners #anarchy #franciscosolar

Call for International Week of Solidarity with Anarchist Prisoners 2024 // 23 – 30 August

https://solidarity.international/

#AnarchistPrisoners #Solidarity

Today is #MaksymButkevych’s birthday, his third one in Russian captivity.

An antifascist, anarchist and human rights organizer, he was captured as a combatant defending his country from military invasion. His whereabouts were unknown up until 10 month later when a court in occupied Luhansk sentenced him to 13 years on fabricated charges. https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/odr/ukraine-maksym-butkevych-conviction-severodonetsk-luhansk/

Maksym is doing his time in a penitentiary—once a Ukrainian colony—in Krasnyi Luch, Luhanschina. He reads a lot and tries not to loose his French skills. I hope to see him out of prison as soon as possible—as well as all other captured Ukrainians, both combatants and non-combatans.

His story is widely known in Ukraine, but not so much in left or anarchist spaces outside the region. You can express support to him by including his story in the programme of your local event on the occasion of this year’s International Week of Solidarity with Anarchist Prisoners in August. Also, comrades in Russian jurisdiction (like me) can send your kind words by letter.

Until all are free!

#AnarchistPrisoners #PrisonersOfRussia

Call for Solidarity with Jorge “Yorch” Esquivel, Anarcho-Punk Political Prisoner in Mexico
#AnarchistPrisoners #Mexico

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/07/14/call-for-solidarity-with-jorge-yorch-esquivel-anarcho-punk-political-prisoner-in-mexico/

Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis: For the 5 Years Since the Last Battle of the Antifascist Comrade Willem Van Spronsen
#AnarchistPrisoners #WillemVanSpronsen

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/07/14/dimitris-chatzivasileiadis-for-the-5-years-since-the-last-battle-of-the-antifascist-comrade-willem-van-spronsen/

Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis: Greeting-Report on End of Hunger Strike
#AnarchistPrisoners #HungerStrike

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/07/06/dimitris-chatzivasileiadis-greeting-report-on-end-of-hunger-strike/

Michael Kimble’s 2024 Statement:

Revolutionary Greetings Family

First, I’d like to give a brief rundown on my situation. Recently, I was able to hire an attorney to file a Rule 32 Petition seeking a sentence reduction. Thank you for all the generous contributions for my legal defense. I’m hoping that I’ll be out there with you all this year.

Things have escalated to a degree that Alabama prisons have been designated as the most dangerous prison system in the U.S. due to the high number of prisoner deaths from suicide, overdosing on drugs and homicides. At Donaldson prison where I’m being held captive there has been at least thirty prisoner deaths or more here since I arrived in 2021. And these slimy, greedy muthafuckas are committing atrocities in these prisons against human beings and low-intensity warfare via the drug epidemic, psychotropic and illicit drugs. Just a month ago it was reported on the local news that the warden of Limestone prison and his wife were both arrested for smuggling Fentanyl into the prison. In the same segment it was reported that the organs of deceased prisoners were missing from their bodies. If no other reasons other than the atrocities mentioned above, prisons should be abolished. Police do not stop crime, nor do prisons deter crime or I’m sure there would be less humans held captive by the state.

We, anarchist prisoners who are queer/trans are catching pure hell in Alabama prisons. We are being oppressed, repressed, and suppressed in many ways. We are arbitrarily being psychologically and physically abused and discriminated against by this system of oppression, pig administration and backward thinking prisoners. We do what we need to survive but staying true to our anarchist principles. And mostly without any help or support from the outside. When prison administrators see that we have support and solidarity from outside comrades, and movements, they back the fuck up in many ways.

We are abolitionists and “abolition is not impossible”. In the words of my comrade Sean Swain, “it may be inevitable. It may be happening all on its own right now and only needs us to help it occur a little faster. What can be done? Well, it isn’t brain science or rocket surgery. Imagine yourself the person in charge of these vast and sprawling complexes. Ask yourself, what would you NOT want to see happen? Then do that. Consider, all industrial complexes are dependent upon logistical networks or administrative offices and warehouses and suppliers and distributors to keep these complexes operating. None of these are behind impenetrable walls or fences; none of them are under armed guard by an army. All of them are vulnerable and fragile and flammable. Every location has parking lots. Every vehicle in every parking lot is vulnerable and fragile and flammable. Every vehicle has tires, and enters and exits the lots through choke-points that are, themselves, vulnerable. Perhaps with imagination we can develop low-risk and high-yield methods of making these complexes completely unmanageable, ushering in an era where they no longer exist. A great resource that re-imagines abolition is available at detroitabc.org. We own the future. The more we do, the faster it gets here.”

There is no time to act than now!

There’s always something you can do that’s simple and easy to reproduce. Thank you all for doing what you do. It inspires, excites and keeps me fighting. Only love and solidarity, and a perfect hate for oppression in all its manifestations can smash the state!

https://june11.noblogs.org/post/2024/06/30/michael-kimbles-2024-statement/ #anarchistprisoners #queerliberation #june11 #blackliberation #abolition #alabama #drugwar

Nikos Maziotis: On the Latest Rejection of My Parole
#RevolutionaryStruggle #AnarchistPrisoners

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/06/30/nikos-maziotis-on-the-latest-rejection-of-my-parole/

(Spain) “From a Deep Rage that is Inflamed”: Statement on Health of Anarchist Prisoner Amadeu Casellas
#AnarchistPrisoners #AmadeuCasellas

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/06/27/spain-from-a-deep-rage-that-is-inflamed-statement-on-health-of-anarchist-prisoner-amadeu-casellas/

Rattling the Cages: Discussion with Former Political Prisoners Eric King, Ashanti Alston, and Ray Luc Levasseur
#PoliticalPrisoners #AnarchistPrisoners

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/06/25/rattling-the-cages-discussion-with-former-political-prisoners-eric-king-ashanti-alston-and-ray-luc-levasseur/

Graffiti at United Nations in Solidarity with Chilean Anarchists
#NYC #AnarchistPrisoners

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/06/13/graffiti-at-united-nations-in-solidarity-with-chilean-anarchists/

Sean Swain’s June 11th Statement
#AnarchistPrisoners #June11
Via @june11

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/06/12/sean-swains-june-11th-statement/