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#eurasia — Public Fediverse posts

Live and recent posts from across the Fediverse tagged #eurasia, aggregated by home.social.

  1. How Chinese traders in Iran are keeping business afloat as war capsizes naval shipping

    While disruptions to ship traffic in the Strait of Hormuz show little sign of abating, many are hoping…
    #NewsBeep #News #BreakingNews #AbbasShi #Beijing'sBeltandRoadInitiative #breakingnews #China #ChinaStateRailwayGroupCo #China-EuropeRailwayExpress #Eurasia #HanYun #Iran #Russia #singapore #StraitofHormuz #Tehran #Trump #US-IsraelwaronIran #Xian
    newsbeep.com/555053/

  2. 🌍🤝 ¡El Cáucaso es el nuevo centro del mundo! 🏛️✨ En el Diálogo de Ereván 2026, la OCS confirmó que Armenia y sus vecinos son el puente entre Europa y Asia Central 🛤️. No quieren guerras ni bloques militares, sino una gran ruta comercial y seguridad para todos #AsiaCentral #BatyrTursunov #CáucasoMeridional #conectividad #cooperación #DiálogoDeEreván #ereván #eurasia #ocs #seguridad soyarmenio.com/ocs-caucaso-pue

  3. Kazakhstan’s National Book Day Celebrates Sector Excellence with Comics and Cultural Awards

    Kazakhstan’s National Book Day honoured publisher Mazmundama and cultural figure Bayan Kabylash, marking official recognition for comics and independent publishing.
    The post Kazakhstan’s National Book Day Celebrates Sector Excellence with Comics and Cultural Awards appeared first on The New Publishing Standard.
    thenewpublishingstandard.com/2

    #BookFairs #Eurasia #Kazakhstan #BayanKabylash #Kazakhstanpublishing

  4. Kazakhstan’s National Book Day Celebrates Sector Excellence with Comics and Cultural Awards

    Kazakhstan’s National Book Day honoured publisher Mazmundama and cultural figure Bayan Kabylash, marking official recognition for comics and independent publishing.
    The post Kazakhstan’s National Book Day Celebrates Sector Excellence with Comics and Cultural Awards appeared first on The New Publishing Standard.
    thenewpublishingstandard.com/2

    #BookFairs #Eurasia #Kazakhstan #BayanKabylash #Kazakhstanpublishing

  5. Kazakhstan’s National Book Day Celebrates Sector Excellence with Comics and Cultural Awards

    Kazakhstan’s National Book Day honoured publisher Mazmundama and cultural figure Bayan Kabylash, marking official recognition for comics and independent publishing.
    The post Kazakhstan’s National Book Day Celebrates Sector Excellence with Comics and Cultural Awards appeared first on The New Publishing Standard.
    thenewpublishingstandard.com/2

    #BookFairs #Eurasia #Kazakhstan #BayanKabylash #Kazakhstanpublishing

  6. Kazakhstan’s National Book Day Celebrates Sector Excellence with Comics and Cultural Awards

    Kazakhstan’s National Book Day honoured publisher Mazmundama and cultural figure Bayan Kabylash, marking official recognition for comics and independent publishing.
    The post Kazakhstan’s National Book Day Celebrates Sector Excellence with Comics and Cultural Awards appeared first on The New Publishing Standard.
    thenewpublishingstandard.com/2

    #BookFairs #Eurasia #Kazakhstan #BayanKabylash #Kazakhstanpublishing

  7. NEWS: Germany and Italy (leadership) vote to continue gen-side of Palestine

    aljazeera.com/video/newsfeed/2

    How is it that just two nations within the EU can block a proposal?

    #news #Eurasia #Europe

  8. The #fumewort #Corydalis #solida (#Papaveraceae) grows to a height of 10 to 20 cm and blooms in #CentralEurope from April to May. The species is widespread throughout #Eurasia and is characterized i.a by a particularly #firm root #tuber. M. Kılıc et al. (2019) describe the in vitro #anticholinesteraseactivity and "fractions from tubers with #neuroprotectivepotential".

    © #StefanFWirth

    I need your support
    ko-fi.com/sfwirth

    ref
    doi.org/10.1016/j.sajb.2019.08

    #photos
    ©S.F.Wirth

  9. The #fumewort #Corydalis #solida (#Papaveraceae) grows to a height of 10 to 20 cm and blooms in #CentralEurope from April to May. The species is widespread throughout #Eurasia and is characterized i.a by a particularly #firm root #tuber. M. Kılıc et al. (2019) describe the in vitro #anticholinesteraseactivity and "fractions from tubers with #neuroprotectivepotential".

    © #StefanFWirth

    I need your support
    ko-fi.com/sfwirth

    ref
    doi.org/10.1016/j.sajb.2019.08

    #photos
    ©S.F.Wirth

  10. The #fumewort #Corydalis #solida (#Papaveraceae) grows to a height of 10 to 20 cm and blooms in #CentralEurope from April to May. The species is widespread throughout #Eurasia and is characterized i.a by a particularly #firm root #tuber. M. Kılıc et al. (2019) describe the in vitro #anticholinesteraseactivity and "fractions from tubers with #neuroprotectivepotential".

    © #StefanFWirth

    I need your support
    ko-fi.com/sfwirth

    ref
    doi.org/10.1016/j.sajb.2019.08

    #photos
    ©S.F.Wirth

  11. The #fumewort #Corydalis #solida (#Papaveraceae) grows to a height of 10 to 20 cm and blooms in #CentralEurope from April to May. The species is widespread throughout #Eurasia and is characterized i.a by a particularly #firm root #tuber. M. Kılıc et al. (2019) describe the in vitro #anticholinesteraseactivity and "fractions from tubers with #neuroprotectivepotential".

    © #StefanFWirth

    I need your support
    ko-fi.com/sfwirth

    ref
    doi.org/10.1016/j.sajb.2019.08

    #photos
    ©S.F.Wirth

  12. The #fumewort #Corydalis #solida (#Papaveraceae) grows to a height of 10 to 20 cm and blooms in #CentralEurope from April to May. The species is widespread throughout #Eurasia and is characterized i.a by a particularly #firm root #tuber. M. Kılıc et al. (2019) describe the in vitro #anticholinesteraseactivity and "fractions from tubers with #neuroprotectivepotential".

    © #StefanFWirth

    I need your support
    ko-fi.com/sfwirth

    ref
    doi.org/10.1016/j.sajb.2019.08

    #photos
    ©S.F.Wirth

  13. Emergency Fund support for human rights defenders – 2025 in numbers

    Total number of defenders supported in 2025: 2,302 Defending human rights is an act of courage, and in…
    #Conflict #Conflicts #War #África #Asia #emergencyfund #Eurasia #Europe #Fundraising #Latest #Latinamerica #LGBTI+Rights
    europesays.com/2902677/

  14. How the American-Israeli War With Iran Is Alienating The Global South

    Fuel, Food, And Fragility: How the American-Israeli War With Iran Is Alienating The Global South

    By Uriel Araujo

    The Global South faces rising inflation, food insecurity, and debt risks as the Iran war disrupts global markets. Oil price spikes and potentially tighter monetary policy in the West are bound to amplify economic strain. A growing sense of injustice should reshape geopolitical alignments.

    The ripple effects of the American-Israeli war with Iran are now impossible to ignore. It has evolved into a systemic shock reverberating across energy markets, global finance, and food systems. The result, among other things, is a deepening alienation of the Global South and a further erosion of the already fragile credibility of the West-centered global order.

    The economic fallout by now extends well beyond the Middle East: the war is reshaping trade routes, investment patterns, and geopolitical alignments across Eurasia and beyond, which makes the conflict a global inflection point.

    Oil, predictably enough, is the first domino. The conflict has pushed prices upward, with immediate consequences for import-dependent economies. As of now, the war’s impact on global energy markets is already severe, thereby increasing transportation and production costs worldwide. For developing nations, this is a structural threat: higher fuel prices translate into inflationary pressure across entire economies, from agriculture to manufacturing.

    The inflationary spiral does not stop there, though. Central banks in the Global North are now under pressure to raise interest rates to contain price increases. This familiar policy response carries devastating consequences for debt-ridden countries in Africa, Latin America, and parts of Asia. As Frederic Schneider, a senior fellow at the Middle East Council on Global Affairs, warns, such tightening could trigger a new debt crisis in the Global South. Similar dynamics during previous crises led to lost decades of development.

    Food security, in any case, is where the crisis might become existential. The energy shock is now feeding into agricultural production and distribution systems. Rising fertilizer costs, higher transport prices, and disrupted supply chains are creating the conditions for a global food crisis. Analysts already point to mounting risks of food shortages and price spikes, particularly in vulnerable regions.

    For much of the Global South, the war’s meaning is thus blunt enough: it is a direct threat to livelihoods. No wonder discontent is growing. As Devex notes, countries far removed from the battlefield are already “feeling the pain” through rising costs and economic instability.

    India’s External Affairs Minister, S. Jaishankar, is not a lone voice when he signals discomfort with the trajectory of the Western-led global order. His position reflects a broader sentiment: the Global South increasingly sees itself as bearing the costs of conflicts it did not choose. The parallels with the Western proxy war in Ukraine are quite striking. One may recall that sanctions and geopolitical maneuvering in that conflict (as I wrote back in 2022) were widely perceived across Africa and Asia as exacerbating food and energy crises.

    Be as it may, the Iranian theatre introduces an additional strategic layer: Iran sits astride the Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint through which a significant portion of global oil flows. Tehran’s recent offer of safe passage to BRICS countries signals an important geopolitical recalibration, with access to critical energy routes potentially being increasingly mediated through alternative political alignments rather than Western-dominated mechanisms.

    This is where Professor Seyed Mohammad Marandi’s assertion that “an attack on Iran is an attack on the BRICS” acquires meaning: this is no literal military doctrine, obviously, but a reflection of converging interests. Iran is, after all, a key node in Eurasian connectivity, energy flows, and emerging financial architectures. Destabilizing it thereby affects not just a single state but a broader network of countries seeking parallel alternatives and options to Western frameworks.

    Indeed, the war is accelerating trends that were already underway. De-dollarization, non-alignment/multi-alignment, and the strengthening of multipolar institutions are gaining momentum. As I’ve argued, many Global South nations are, once again (as seen in the Ukrainian conflict) opting for strategic neutrality in order to protect their economic interests and avoid being drawn into great-power conflicts. The current crisis only reinforces that logic.

    Meanwhile, Washington’s approach risks appearing increasingly out of step, to say the least. Reports indicate that US strategic resources are being diverted to sustain the conflict, even at the expense of other alliances, as is the case with South Korea. Such moves are sure to raise questions about priorities and commitments, even amongst traditional Western allies.

    The credibility of the West-centered order, already weakened by perceived double standards, is therefore taking another hit. For many in the Global South, the pattern, again, is becoming blatantly clear: conflicts involving Western adversaries tend to generate global disruptions, while their costs are externalized onto poorer nations. This perception is politically consequential.

    Thus, the question is no longer whether the war with Iran will reshape the global system, but how far that ongoing process will go. The answer depends on variables that remain uncertain. Yet one conclusion is difficult to escape: by triggering economic shocks, exacerbating food insecurity, and alienating vast swathes of the world, the conflict is inadvertently accelerating the transition toward a more fragmented and multipolar order. Whether Washington recognizes this shift is another matter entirely.

    Uriel Araujo, Anthropology PhD, is a social scientist specializing in ethnic and religious conflicts, with extensive research on geopolitical dynamics and cultural interactions.

    Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Voice of East.

     

    #Eurasia #Geopolitics #GlobalSouth #Iran #IranIsraelWar #Israel #MiddleEast #USA
  15. How the American-Israeli War With Iran Is Alienating The Global South

    Fuel, Food, And Fragility: How the American-Israeli War With Iran Is Alienating The Global South

    By Uriel Araujo

    The Global South faces rising inflation, food insecurity, and debt risks as the Iran war disrupts global markets. Oil price spikes and potentially tighter monetary policy in the West are bound to amplify economic strain. A growing sense of injustice should reshape geopolitical alignments.

    The ripple effects of the American-Israeli war with Iran are now impossible to ignore. It has evolved into a systemic shock reverberating across energy markets, global finance, and food systems. The result, among other things, is a deepening alienation of the Global South and a further erosion of the already fragile credibility of the West-centered global order.

    The economic fallout by now extends well beyond the Middle East: the war is reshaping trade routes, investment patterns, and geopolitical alignments across Eurasia and beyond, which makes the conflict a global inflection point.

    Oil, predictably enough, is the first domino. The conflict has pushed prices upward, with immediate consequences for import-dependent economies. As of now, the war’s impact on global energy markets is already severe, thereby increasing transportation and production costs worldwide. For developing nations, this is a structural threat: higher fuel prices translate into inflationary pressure across entire economies, from agriculture to manufacturing.

    The inflationary spiral does not stop there, though. Central banks in the Global North are now under pressure to raise interest rates to contain price increases. This familiar policy response carries devastating consequences for debt-ridden countries in Africa, Latin America, and parts of Asia. As Frederic Schneider, a senior fellow at the Middle East Council on Global Affairs, warns, such tightening could trigger a new debt crisis in the Global South. Similar dynamics during previous crises led to lost decades of development.

    Food security, in any case, is where the crisis might become existential. The energy shock is now feeding into agricultural production and distribution systems. Rising fertilizer costs, higher transport prices, and disrupted supply chains are creating the conditions for a global food crisis. Analysts already point to mounting risks of food shortages and price spikes, particularly in vulnerable regions.

    For much of the Global South, the war’s meaning is thus blunt enough: it is a direct threat to livelihoods. No wonder discontent is growing. As Devex notes, countries far removed from the battlefield are already “feeling the pain” through rising costs and economic instability.

    India’s External Affairs Minister, S. Jaishankar, is not a lone voice when he signals discomfort with the trajectory of the Western-led global order. His position reflects a broader sentiment: the Global South increasingly sees itself as bearing the costs of conflicts it did not choose. The parallels with the Western proxy war in Ukraine are quite striking. One may recall that sanctions and geopolitical maneuvering in that conflict (as I wrote back in 2022) were widely perceived across Africa and Asia as exacerbating food and energy crises.

    Be as it may, the Iranian theatre introduces an additional strategic layer: Iran sits astride the Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint through which a significant portion of global oil flows. Tehran’s recent offer of safe passage to BRICS countries signals an important geopolitical recalibration, with access to critical energy routes potentially being increasingly mediated through alternative political alignments rather than Western-dominated mechanisms.

    This is where Professor Seyed Mohammad Marandi’s assertion that “an attack on Iran is an attack on the BRICS” acquires meaning: this is no literal military doctrine, obviously, but a reflection of converging interests. Iran is, after all, a key node in Eurasian connectivity, energy flows, and emerging financial architectures. Destabilizing it thereby affects not just a single state but a broader network of countries seeking parallel alternatives and options to Western frameworks.

    Indeed, the war is accelerating trends that were already underway. De-dollarization, non-alignment/multi-alignment, and the strengthening of multipolar institutions are gaining momentum. As I’ve argued, many Global South nations are, once again (as seen in the Ukrainian conflict) opting for strategic neutrality in order to protect their economic interests and avoid being drawn into great-power conflicts. The current crisis only reinforces that logic.

    Meanwhile, Washington’s approach risks appearing increasingly out of step, to say the least. Reports indicate that US strategic resources are being diverted to sustain the conflict, even at the expense of other alliances, as is the case with South Korea. Such moves are sure to raise questions about priorities and commitments, even amongst traditional Western allies.

    The credibility of the West-centered order, already weakened by perceived double standards, is therefore taking another hit. For many in the Global South, the pattern, again, is becoming blatantly clear: conflicts involving Western adversaries tend to generate global disruptions, while their costs are externalized onto poorer nations. This perception is politically consequential.

    Thus, the question is no longer whether the war with Iran will reshape the global system, but how far that ongoing process will go. The answer depends on variables that remain uncertain. Yet one conclusion is difficult to escape: by triggering economic shocks, exacerbating food insecurity, and alienating vast swathes of the world, the conflict is inadvertently accelerating the transition toward a more fragmented and multipolar order. Whether Washington recognizes this shift is another matter entirely.

    Uriel Araujo, Anthropology PhD, is a social scientist specializing in ethnic and religious conflicts, with extensive research on geopolitical dynamics and cultural interactions.

    Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Voice of East.

     

    #Eurasia #Geopolitics #GlobalSouth #Iran #IranIsraelWar #Israel #MiddleEast #USA
  16. How the American-Israeli War Against Iran Is Alienating The Global South

    Fuel, Food, And Fragility: How the American-Israeli War Against Iran Is Alienating The Global South

    By Uriel Araujo

    The Global South faces rising inflation, food insecurity, and debt risks as the Iran war disrupts global markets. Oil price spikes and potentially tighter monetary policy in the West are bound to amplify economic strain. A growing sense of injustice should reshape geopolitical alignments.

    The ripple effects of the American-Israeli war with Iran are now impossible to ignore. It has evolved into a systemic shock reverberating across energy markets, global finance, and food systems. The result, among other things, is a deepening alienation of the Global South and a further erosion of the already fragile credibility of the West-centered global order.

    The economic fallout by now extends well beyond the Middle East: the war is reshaping trade routes, investment patterns, and geopolitical alignments across Eurasia and beyond, which makes the conflict a global inflection point.

    Oil, predictably enough, is the first domino. The conflict has pushed prices upward, with immediate consequences for import-dependent economies. As of now, the war’s impact on global energy markets is already severe, thereby increasing transportation and production costs worldwide. For developing nations, this is a structural threat: higher fuel prices translate into inflationary pressure across entire economies, from agriculture to manufacturing.

    The inflationary spiral does not stop there, though. Central banks in the Global North are now under pressure to raise interest rates to contain price increases. This familiar policy response carries devastating consequences for debt-ridden countries in Africa, Latin America, and parts of Asia. As Frederic Schneider, a senior fellow at the Middle East Council on Global Affairs, warns, such tightening could trigger a new debt crisis in the Global South. Similar dynamics during previous crises led to lost decades of development.

    Food security, in any case, is where the crisis might become existential. The energy shock is now feeding into agricultural production and distribution systems. Rising fertilizer costs, higher transport prices, and disrupted supply chains are creating the conditions for a global food crisis. Analysts already point to mounting risks of food shortages and price spikes, particularly in vulnerable regions.

    For much of the Global South, the war’s meaning is thus blunt enough: it is a direct threat to livelihoods. No wonder discontent is growing. As Devex notes, countries far removed from the battlefield are already “feeling the pain” through rising costs and economic instability.

    India’s External Affairs Minister, S. Jaishankar, is not a lone voice when he signals discomfort with the trajectory of the Western-led global order. His position reflects a broader sentiment: the Global South increasingly sees itself as bearing the costs of conflicts it did not choose. The parallels with the Western proxy war in Ukraine are quite striking. One may recall that sanctions and geopolitical maneuvering in that conflict (as I wrote back in 2022) were widely perceived across Africa and Asia as exacerbating food and energy crises.

    Be as it may, the Iranian theatre introduces an additional strategic layer: Iran sits astride the Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint through which a significant portion of global oil flows. Tehran’s recent offer of safe passage to BRICS countries signals an important geopolitical recalibration, with access to critical energy routes potentially being increasingly mediated through alternative political alignments rather than Western-dominated mechanisms.

    This is where Professor Seyed Mohammad Marandi’s assertion that “an attack on Iran is an attack on the BRICS” acquires meaning: this is no literal military doctrine, obviously, but a reflection of converging interests. Iran is, after all, a key node in Eurasian connectivity, energy flows, and emerging financial architectures. Destabilizing it thereby affects not just a single state but a broader network of countries seeking parallel alternatives and options to Western frameworks.

    Indeed, the war is accelerating trends that were already underway. De-dollarization, non-alignment/multi-alignment, and the strengthening of multipolar institutions are gaining momentum. As I’ve argued, many Global South nations are, once again (as seen in the Ukrainian conflict) opting for strategic neutrality in order to protect their economic interests and avoid being drawn into great-power conflicts. The current crisis only reinforces that logic.

    Meanwhile, Washington’s approach risks appearing increasingly out of step, to say the least. Reports indicate that US strategic resources are being diverted to sustain the conflict, even at the expense of other alliances, as is the case with South Korea. Such moves are sure to raise questions about priorities and commitments, even amongst traditional Western allies.

    The credibility of the West-centered order, already weakened by perceived double standards, is therefore taking another hit. For many in the Global South, the pattern, again, is becoming blatantly clear: conflicts involving Western adversaries tend to generate global disruptions, while their costs are externalized onto poorer nations. This perception is politically consequential.

    Thus, the question is no longer whether the war with Iran will reshape the global system, but how far that ongoing process will go. The answer depends on variables that remain uncertain. Yet one conclusion is difficult to escape: by triggering economic shocks, exacerbating food insecurity, and alienating vast swathes of the world, the conflict is inadvertently accelerating the transition toward a more fragmented and multipolar order. Whether Washington recognizes this shift is another matter entirely.

    Uriel Araujo, Anthropology PhD, is a social scientist specializing in ethnic and religious conflicts, with extensive research on geopolitical dynamics and cultural interactions.

    Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Voice of East.

     

    #Eurasia #Geopolitics #GlobalSouth #Iran #IranIsraelWar #Israel #MiddleEast #USA
  17. Putin’s Top Aide Patrushev: The Third Gulf War Could Destabilize Afro-Eurasia for Years

    Putin’s Top Aide Patrushev: The Third Gulf War Could Destabilize Afro-Eurasia for Years

    By Andrew Korybko

    The “negative impacts on the agro-industrial complex in Asia, Africa, and Europe” can lead to widespread starvation, while “the shutdown of energy-intensive industries in Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, and the European Union” can lead to widespread unemployment, with both sparking unrest.

    Nikolai Patrushev is one of Putin’s oldest friends and has served as his top aide for over a quarter-century already. Although no longer Secretary of the Security Council, he’s still part of the administration and retains the president’s ear. That’s why his insight into significant matters like the Third Gulf War, which he just shared in a recent interview with Kommersant, is worth paying attention to. Patrushev believes that the conflict’s global systemic consequences will destabilize Afro-Eurasia for years.

    In his words, “Operation ‘Epic Fury’ has effectively become the catalyst for the redistribution of the global energy market and the collapse of maritime logistics”, which is due to Gulf no longer functioning as one of the nexuses of the global economy after the damage to its infrastructure. As such, “Energy prices, freight rates for major container shipping lines, and insurance costs are rising. Global fertilizer exports are declining, negatively impacting the agro-industrial complex in Asia, Africa, and Europe.”

    He added that “Energy supply restrictions will inevitably lead to the shutdown of energy-intensive industries in Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, and the European Union”, which implies that the global economy will plunge into a protracted recession with no end in sight. The Third Gulf War has also backfired on the US by discrediting its reputation as a guarantor of its allies’ security, especially those that host its bases, as Iran continues pummelling the Gulf Kingdoms with retaliatory strikes.

    Reflecting on the insight that Patrushev shared about the conflict’s consequences, the last-mentioned pertaining to the US’ reputational and regional interests are relatively more manageable since it could simply withdraw from the Eastern Hemisphere in the worst-case scenario of full-blown chaos. This contextualizes the National Security Strategy’s focus on restoring the US’ hegemony over the Western Hemisphere as a source of resources and markets for surviving and even thriving in that scenario.

    Regrettably, the countries of Afro-Eurasia can’t shield themselves from Gulf-emanating global systemic instability like the US can, which will likely portend years of turmoil for many developed and developing countries alike. After all, any further large-scale damage to regional energy infrastructure – which is already expected to require lots of time to repair – risks taking even more of its resources off the market, thus leaving many countries without the means to meet their related needs.

    The “negative impacts on the agro-industrial complex in Asia, Africa, and Europe” can lead to widespread starvation, while “the shutdown of energy-intensive industries in Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, and the European Union” can lead to widespread unemployment, with both sparking unrest. Russia would probably be the only oasis of security and stability in the Eastern Hemisphere, but it could prioritize agricultural, fertilizer, and energy exports to its Chinese and Indian partners to help them too.

    Be that as it may, Afro-Eurasia as a whole would still likely remain destabilized for years, all while the US retreats back to the Western Hemisphere to insulate itself from all this simultaneously with weaponizing the chaos for divide-and-rule purposes, so it’s impossible to predict how it could all end. To be clear, this is only the worst-case scenario and could still be averted in part, but the fact that Putin’s top aide Patrushev is already hinting about this ominously suggests that Russia is actively preparing for the worst.

    Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Voice of East.

     

    #Africa #Asia #Eurasia #Europe #Geopolitics #Iran #IranIsraelWar #Israel #MiddleEast #Russia #USA
  18. Putin’s Top Aide Patrushev: The Third Gulf War Could Destabilize Afro-Eurasia for Years

    Putin’s Top Aide Patrushev: The Third Gulf War Could Destabilize Afro-Eurasia for Years

    By Andrew Korybko

    The “negative impacts on the agro-industrial complex in Asia, Africa, and Europe” can lead to widespread starvation, while “the shutdown of energy-intensive industries in Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, and the European Union” can lead to widespread unemployment, with both sparking unrest.

    Nikolai Patrushev is one of Putin’s oldest friends and has served as his top aide for over a quarter-century already. Although no longer Secretary of the Security Council, he’s still part of the administration and retains the president’s ear. That’s why his insight into significant matters like the Third Gulf War, which he just shared in a recent interview with Kommersant, is worth paying attention to. Patrushev believes that the conflict’s global systemic consequences will destabilize Afro-Eurasia for years.

    In his words, “Operation ‘Epic Fury’ has effectively become the catalyst for the redistribution of the global energy market and the collapse of maritime logistics”, which is due to Gulf no longer functioning as one of the nexuses of the global economy after the damage to its infrastructure. As such, “Energy prices, freight rates for major container shipping lines, and insurance costs are rising. Global fertilizer exports are declining, negatively impacting the agro-industrial complex in Asia, Africa, and Europe.”

    He added that “Energy supply restrictions will inevitably lead to the shutdown of energy-intensive industries in Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, and the European Union”, which implies that the global economy will plunge into a protracted recession with no end in sight. The Third Gulf War has also backfired on the US by discrediting its reputation as a guarantor of its allies’ security, especially those that host its bases, as Iran continues pummelling the Gulf Kingdoms with retaliatory strikes.

    Reflecting on the insight that Patrushev shared about the conflict’s consequences, the last-mentioned pertaining to the US’ reputational and regional interests are relatively more manageable since it could simply withdraw from the Eastern Hemisphere in the worst-case scenario of full-blown chaos. This contextualizes the National Security Strategy’s focus on restoring the US’ hegemony over the Western Hemisphere as a source of resources and markets for surviving and even thriving in that scenario.

    Regrettably, the countries of Afro-Eurasia can’t shield themselves from Gulf-emanating global systemic instability like the US can, which will likely portend years of turmoil for many developed and developing countries alike. After all, any further large-scale damage to regional energy infrastructure – which is already expected to require lots of time to repair – risks taking even more of its resources off the market, thus leaving many countries without the means to meet their related needs.

    The “negative impacts on the agro-industrial complex in Asia, Africa, and Europe” can lead to widespread starvation, while “the shutdown of energy-intensive industries in Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, and the European Union” can lead to widespread unemployment, with both sparking unrest. Russia would probably be the only oasis of security and stability in the Eastern Hemisphere, but it could prioritize agricultural, fertilizer, and energy exports to its Chinese and Indian partners to help them too.

    Be that as it may, Afro-Eurasia as a whole would still likely remain destabilized for years, all while the US retreats back to the Western Hemisphere to insulate itself from all this simultaneously with weaponizing the chaos for divide-and-rule purposes, so it’s impossible to predict how it could all end. To be clear, this is only the worst-case scenario and could still be averted in part, but the fact that Putin’s top aide Patrushev is already hinting about this ominously suggests that Russia is actively preparing for the worst.

    Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Voice of East.

     

    #Africa #Asia #Eurasia #Europe #Geopolitics #Iran #IranIsraelWar #Israel #MiddleEast #Russia #USA
  19. Putin’s Top Aide Patrushev: The Third Gulf War Could Destabilize Afro-Eurasia for Years

    Putin’s Top Aide Patrushev: The Third Gulf War Could Destabilize Afro-Eurasia for Years

    By Andrew Korybko

    The “negative impacts on the agro-industrial complex in Asia, Africa, and Europe” can lead to widespread starvation, while “the shutdown of energy-intensive industries in Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, and the European Union” can lead to widespread unemployment, with both sparking unrest.

    Nikolai Patrushev is one of Putin’s oldest friends and has served as his top aide for over a quarter-century already. Although no longer Secretary of the Security Council, he’s still part of the administration and retains the president’s ear. That’s why his insight into significant matters like the Third Gulf War, which he just shared in a recent interview with Kommersant, is worth paying attention to. Patrushev believes that the conflict’s global systemic consequences will destabilize Afro-Eurasia for years.

    In his words, “Operation ‘Epic Fury’ has effectively become the catalyst for the redistribution of the global energy market and the collapse of maritime logistics”, which is due to Gulf no longer functioning as one of the nexuses of the global economy after the damage to its infrastructure. As such, “Energy prices, freight rates for major container shipping lines, and insurance costs are rising. Global fertilizer exports are declining, negatively impacting the agro-industrial complex in Asia, Africa, and Europe.”

    He added that “Energy supply restrictions will inevitably lead to the shutdown of energy-intensive industries in Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, and the European Union”, which implies that the global economy will plunge into a protracted recession with no end in sight. The Third Gulf War has also backfired on the US by discrediting its reputation as a guarantor of its allies’ security, especially those that host its bases, as Iran continues pummelling the Gulf Kingdoms with retaliatory strikes.

    Reflecting on the insight that Patrushev shared about the conflict’s consequences, the last-mentioned pertaining to the US’ reputational and regional interests are relatively more manageable since it could simply withdraw from the Eastern Hemisphere in the worst-case scenario of full-blown chaos. This contextualizes the National Security Strategy’s focus on restoring the US’ hegemony over the Western Hemisphere as a source of resources and markets for surviving and even thriving in that scenario.

    Regrettably, the countries of Afro-Eurasia can’t shield themselves from Gulf-emanating global systemic instability like the US can, which will likely portend years of turmoil for many developed and developing countries alike. After all, any further large-scale damage to regional energy infrastructure – which is already expected to require lots of time to repair – risks taking even more of its resources off the market, thus leaving many countries without the means to meet their related needs.

    The “negative impacts on the agro-industrial complex in Asia, Africa, and Europe” can lead to widespread starvation, while “the shutdown of energy-intensive industries in Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, and the European Union” can lead to widespread unemployment, with both sparking unrest. Russia would probably be the only oasis of security and stability in the Eastern Hemisphere, but it could prioritize agricultural, fertilizer, and energy exports to its Chinese and Indian partners to help them too.

    Be that as it may, Afro-Eurasia as a whole would still likely remain destabilized for years, all while the US retreats back to the Western Hemisphere to insulate itself from all this simultaneously with weaponizing the chaos for divide-and-rule purposes, so it’s impossible to predict how it could all end. To be clear, this is only the worst-case scenario and could still be averted in part, but the fact that Putin’s top aide Patrushev is already hinting about this ominously suggests that Russia is actively preparing for the worst.

    Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Voice of East.

     

    #Africa #Asia #Eurasia #Europe #Geopolitics #Iran #IranIsraelWar #Israel #MiddleEast #Russia #USA
  20. Sacrificing Seoul For Tel Aviv: The Global Geopolitical Ripple Effects Of The Iran War

    Sacrificing Seoul For Tel Aviv: The Global Geopolitical Ripple Effects Of The Iran War

    By Uriel Araujo

    The redeployment of THAAD defences from South Korea to the Middle East reflects the widening geopolitical shockwaves of the Iran conflict. While Seoul diplomatically seeks to minimize it, the episode highlights US strategic overstretch and shifting alliance dynamics. Across Asia, debates over security dependence and multi-alignment should intensify.

    The ongoing war against Iran jointly pursued by Washington and Israel is already producing geopolitical ripple effects far beyond the Middle East. One of the most telling developments arguably emerged this week, with the partial redeployment of US missile defence systems from the Korean Peninsula to the Middle East. Reportedly, elements of the THAAD system stationed in South Korea are being transferred to reinforce regional defences amid the escalating conflict in Iran.

    The move, possibly accompanied by Patriot batteries, reflects Washington’s urgent need to reinforce missile defences around Israel and US assets in the Gulf, thus alarming sectors of the South Korean political and military elite.

    This redeployment in fact also highlights a deeper structural problem: the United States is attempting to manage multiple theatres of confrontation simultaneously while possessing finite defensive resources. And the consequences are now being felt in Northeast Asia: from a “Western” point of view, removing or even partially relocating THAAD from South Korea arguably creates exposure by weakening the peninsula’s upper-tier ballistic missile defence, thereby potentially opening a high-altitude interception gap against North Korean missiles.

    South Korean President Lee Jae Myung has publicly downplayed the issue, stating that deterrence remains credible thanks to layered defences, US troops on the peninsula, and existing alliance mechanisms.

    Be as it may, the symbolism and political message is clear enough. Critics in Seoul have already voiced concern that the redeployment signals wavering US commitment to Northeast Asian security while Israel-driven Washington prioritizes Middle Eastern crises. South Korea may officially accept the decision: it cannot block it, anyway, meaning: when strategic priorities collide, secondary allies must adjust.

    This development should also be understood within the broader global consequences of the Iran war. I recently wrote about how the conflict is generating worldwide repercussions, from oil market volatility to regional instability across Eurasia. Iran has demonstrated resilience and the risk of a very prolonged conflict is real enough.

    The THAAD redeployment illustrates precisely that overstretch. In addition to its neo-Monroeist pivot to the American continent (see Cuba and Venezuela, not to mention the war on drugs in Mexico), Washington now finds itself balancing commitments in the Middle East, Europe, and the Indo-Pacific. Moreover, this takes place while confronting adversaries across all these regions simultaneously (and the line between adversary and “ally” is often blurred, as we have seen with Greenland). The limits of missile defence assets in any case have become visible. Systems deployed in one theatre cannot be instantly replicated elsewhere.

    From Seoul’s perspective, the implications are quite serious. The peninsula remains one of the most militarized regions in the world, and any perceived weakening of the missile defence architecture may alter strategic calculations. Even if the gap proves temporary, the political signal still matters.

    One may recall that during Trump’s first administration tensions with North Korea briefly eased through direct diplomacy. Whatever one thinks of those negotiations, they demonstrated that engagement could lower immediate risks. By contrast, the Biden years largely abandoned that approach, treating negotiations primarily through the lens of denuclearization demands that Pyongyang of course had little incentive to accept.

    As I argued previously, a more realistic approach to the Korean Peninsula (even from an American perspective) would recognize that North Korea’s nuclear capability is a permanent strategic fact and, accordingly, seek mechanisms to manage it rather than try to eliminate it.

    In that context, regional dynamics have evolved rapidly. Cooperation between Russia and North Korea, for instance, has expanded within a broader Eurasian strategic landscape.

    Meanwhile, Washington’s own Indo-Pacific strategy has already contributed to an accelerating missile race across the region. Deployments and defence initiatives involving Japan, the Philippines, Australia and others have intensified the militarization of the region, thereby raising the risks of miscalculation and escalation.

    The redeployment of THAAD demonstrates a hard truth: even this expanding network cannot fully compensate for limited resources.

    The irony is that the Korean Peninsula itself has been drawn into Washington’s evolving alliance architecture. Discussions about an “AUKUS-plus” framework including South Korea, along with debates about nuclear-submarine cooperation, illustrate how Seoul has been encouraged to deepen military integration with US-led structures. Yet the current episode suggests that alliance commitments remain quite conditional when global crises emerge elsewhere, especially given the complexity of the US-Israeli special relationship.

    No wonder some Asian policymakers increasingly consider multi-alignment strategies. Countries such as Indonesia have already experimented with more flexible diplomacy, maintaining relations across rival blocs rather than relying exclusively on one security patron. For many emerging states navigating the new Cold War environment, such pragmatism appears reasonable.

    That being said, the Iran war will likely accelerate that very trend. Washington’s decision to escalate alongside Israel has already produced worldwide economic and strategic repercussions, as mentioned. Energy markets are volatile, shipping routes face disruption, and regional tensions extend from the Persian Gulf to Eurasia. The redeployment of missile defences from South Korea is yet another example of how this conflict reverberates globally. For US allies, it also shows that, when Washington engages in simultaneous confrontations, priorities shift rapidly, to say the least.

    Seoul has responded cautiously, emphasizing alliance stability and minimizing public criticism. Diplomatically, that restraint is understandable. Yet strategically the lesson should not be ignored.

    If the United States is willing to redeploy critical defences from the Korean Peninsula in order to support a Middle Eastern war, Asian governments may conclude that diversification of partnerships is prudent or necessary. Reliance on a single security provider, especially one as unpredictable as Washington, becomes rather risky in an era of global instability.

    To sum it up, the THAAD episode is a geopolitical signal in itself. It tells the world how overburdened Washington has become, how quickly alliance priorities can shift, and how urgently Asian states must rethink their strategic autonomy.

    Uriel Araujo, Anthropology PhD, is a social scientist specializing in ethnic and religious conflicts, with extensive research on geopolitical dynamics and cultural interactions.

    Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Voice of East.

     

    #Asia #Eurasia #Geopolitics #Iran #IranIsraelWar #MiddleEast #SouthKorea #TheGulf #USA