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1000 results for “ST_Crow”
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Should I Stop Caring and Let IP Address Reputation Sort Them Out? https://nxdomain.no/~peter/should_i_stop_caring_and_let_ip_reputation_sort_them_out.html
How long does data on misbehaving hosts on the Internet stay relevant in an IP Address Reputation context?
Link to poll within (on for a week, 4 days left, please *do* vote).
#security #passwordguessing #antispam #sshgropers #pop3gropers #blacklists #blocklists #bruteforcers #spam #cybercrime #ipreputation
(repost for the CET-ish crowd, some still in holiday mode, and with graphics of sorts added)
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Should I Stop Caring and Let IP Address Reputation Sort Them Out? https://nxdomain.no/~peter/should_i_stop_caring_and_let_ip_reputation_sort_them_out.html
How long does data on misbehaving hosts on the Internet stay relevant in an IP Address Reputation context?
Link to poll within (on for a week, 4 days left, please *do* vote).
#security #passwordguessing #antispam #sshgropers #pop3gropers #blacklists #blocklists #bruteforcers #spam #cybercrime #ipreputation
(repost for the CET-ish crowd, some still in holiday mode, and with graphics of sorts added)
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Should I Stop Caring and Let IP Address Reputation Sort Them Out? https://nxdomain.no/~peter/should_i_stop_caring_and_let_ip_reputation_sort_them_out.html
How long does data on misbehaving hosts on the Internet stay relevant in an IP Address Reputation context?
Link to poll within (on for a week, 4 days left, please *do* vote).
#security #passwordguessing #antispam #sshgropers #pop3gropers #blacklists #blocklists #bruteforcers #spam #cybercrime #ipreputation
(repost for the CET-ish crowd, some still in holiday mode, and with graphics of sorts added)
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New Pittsburgh fest Sudden Little Thrills announces 2024 lineup (SZA, The Killers, St. Vincent, more)
https://www.brooklynvegan.com/new-pittsburgh-fest-sudden-little-thrills-announces-2024-lineup-sza-the-killers-st-vincent-more/#brooklynvegan_category_music #Music #tour_dates #2024_music_festival_lineups #Corook #Crowded_House #Ethel_Cain #Feeble_Little_Horse #Girl_Talk #Juvenile #Lupe_Fiasco #Omar_Apollo #St_Vincent #Sudden_Little_Thrills #SZA #The_Killers #Wisp #Wiz_Khalifa
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“Light Beam, St. Giles Cathedral”— Light from an upper window forms beams inside St. Giles Cathedral, Edinburgh.
We concluded our three weeks in Scotland earlier this year with a few days in Edinburgh. This marked one extreme on the continuum of our visit, with the opposite end defined by a week spent walking the quiet trails of the Great Glen Way. Edinburgh, of course, is not just a rather large city, but it is also a place that attracts crowds of tourists, even when we were there before prime tourist season. Since it was our first visit to the city we had to, of course, visit some of the famous sites…continues: https://gdanmitchell.com/2024/09/27/light-beam-st-giles-cathedral/
#stgiles #edinburgh #historical #scotland #cathedral #travel #unitedkingdom #photography
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Popcast zum RBF24
Jedes Jahr im September ist St. Pauli – vor allem die viel geschundene #Reeperbahn – so, wie es sein soll.
Es ist Zeit für das Reeperbahn Festival. Musik, Kunst und Performance – und vor allem die musizierenden, performenden Menschen prägen den Spätsommer auf dem Kiez. Ein überwältigendes Angebot, das ich euch unbedingt empfehlen will. Holt euch ein Tagesticket (Donnerstag!) und lasst euch treiben; aufladen mit Energie der letzten Sommerstunden vor nem langen Winter.
Der Sommer ist beinahe vorbei, da wandelt sich der Kiez ein weiteres Mal. Es ist Festivalzeit auf der Reeperbahn und St. Paulis Straßen werden von einer bunten Mischung aus Künstlern, Aktivisten und Musikliebhaberinnen bevölkert. Eine besondere Zeit im Jahr.
Wenn die Sonne schon am Nachmittag tief aus dem Westen herüber scheint und die Reeperbahn in goldenes Licht taucht, stehen Menschen, wie selbstverständlich um ein improvisiertes Soundsystem herum und wippen, einige tanzen. Der alte Reggae-Sänger und sein junger weißer DJ erinnern an alte Zeiten, in denen im weit entfernten Brooklyn solche Happenings an der Tagesordung waren und nebenbei ganze Musikstile aus der Taufe hoben.
Die Reeperbahn ist für fünf Tage der Nabel der (Musik)Welt
Ich nehme niemals sonst auf dem Kiez so wenig Aggression wahr, Jungesellenabschiede haben es schwer durchzukommen, durch die Crowds, die sich vor beinahe jedem Klub bilden. Es liegt eine gelassene Internationalität in der Luft, die man beinahe greifen kann.
DarioDumancic: „Stimmung Festival Village“Musik und Kunst überall, da fällt es schwer, den Überblick zu behalten. Ich habe mir im Programm des Reeperbahnfestivals ein paar Events und Künstler herausgesucht, die ich mir dieses Jahr ansehen und anhören möchte.
Wahrscheinlich wird aber doch alles anders kommen, als geplant und ich streune die Tage durch die Konferenz und später über die Reeperbahn und lasse mich einfach in dieser wunderschönen Stimmung treiben, wie auf einem Fluss aus Melodien; für ein paar Tage ist St. Pauli so, wie es sein soll 😉
A bunch of music journalists visited Hamburg in 2010 for a first impression on our magic district.
„So you think you’re cultured, arty and up for a great time? From World War bunker nightclubs, some of the strangest (funniest) shop/bar names, graffiti, football, art, The Beatles, sex shops and some of the friendliest people on the planet. You wont find many places quite like Hamburg and the organisers have definitely chosen the correct part of the world to host the Reeper Bahn Festival 2010.“
https://blog.stpauli.social/last-days-of-summer-reeperbahn-festival-2024/
#Auswärts #Auswärtsniederlage #Musik #Podcast #ReeperbahnFestival #Saison202425
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Raheem Hosseini: Next front in a bizarre neo-Nazi campaign: Crowdfunded city council appearances: A #California neo-Nazi is trying to crowdfund a tour of city council meetings to provoke a free speech lawsuit — and using a Christian website to do so.
"Welcome to the latest front in a four-year battle between local government officials and neo-Nazis, who have been using pandemic-popularized video-conferencing platforms to ambush public meetings with hate speech. Now, as more legislative bodies suspend remote participation at their meetings, a few of the more determined hatemongers are showing up in person and trying to goad officials into First Amendment lawsuits."
#giftarticle #neonazis #hatespeech #modesto #citycouncil #christian #givesendgo
https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/crowdfunded-nazi-tour-18683015.php?utm_content=hed&sid=57f2d62b1acbcdb5538b4a4e&ss=A&st_rid=98ebc417-046c-4639-bbc2-4643319705bc&utm_source=marketing&utm_medium=copy-url-link&utm_term=headlines&utm_campaign=article-share&hash=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuc2ZjaHJvbmljbGUuY29tL2JheWFyZWEvYXJ0aWNsZS9jcm93ZGZ1bmRlZC1uYXppLXRvdXItMTg2ODMwMTUucGhw&time=MTcwODk2OTczOTg2OQ%3D%3D&rid=OThlYmM0MTctMDQ2Yy00NjM5LWJiYzItNDY0MzMxOTcwNWJj&sharecount=NQ%3D%3D -
RE: https://mastodon.social/@Toadlyturtle/115860519017955629
Weekly rate was lost last week & now, on daily rate, the hotel falling more & more into past due
Indigenous Latina family, homeless, mourning Sansón, ESA bunny
Sabi is disabled caretaker for elderly mom; multidisciplinary artist & advocate
Linktree SabiLewSounds
Kofi/Pypl SabiLewSounds
CA/VM toadlyturtle (Note Sabi)#fundfriday #funditfriday #settlersaturday #indigenousmutualaid #crowdfund #bipocmutualaid #helppeoplelive2026 #helppeoplesurvive2026
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RE: https://mastodon.social/@Toadlyturtle/115860519017955629
Weekly rate was lost last week & now, on daily rate, the hotel falling more & more into past due
Indigenous Latina family, homeless, mourning Sansón, ESA bunny
Sabi is disabled caretaker for elderly mom; multidisciplinary artist & advocate
Linktree SabiLewSounds
Kofi/Pypl SabiLewSounds
CA/VM toadlyturtle (Note Sabi)#fundfriday #funditfriday #settlersaturday #indigenousmutualaid #crowdfund #bipocmutualaid #helppeoplelive2026 #helppeoplesurvive2026
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RE: https://mastodon.social/@Toadlyturtle/115860519017955629
Weekly rate was lost last week & now, on daily rate, the hotel falling more & more into past due
Indigenous Latina family, homeless, mourning Sansón, ESA bunny
Sabi is disabled caretaker for elderly mom; multidisciplinary artist & advocate
Linktree SabiLewSounds
Kofi/Pypl SabiLewSounds
CA/VM toadlyturtle (Note Sabi)#fundfriday #funditfriday #settlersaturday #indigenousmutualaid #crowdfund #bipocmutualaid #helppeoplelive2026 #helppeoplesurvive2026
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RE: https://mastodon.social/@Toadlyturtle/115860519017955629
Weekly rate was lost last week & now, on daily rate, the hotel falling more & more into past due
Indigenous Latina family, homeless, mourning Sansón, ESA bunny
Sabi is disabled caretaker for elderly mom; multidisciplinary artist & advocate
Linktree SabiLewSounds
Kofi/Pypl SabiLewSounds
CA/VM toadlyturtle (Note Sabi)#fundfriday #funditfriday #settlersaturday #indigenousmutualaid #crowdfund #bipocmutualaid #helppeoplelive2026 #helppeoplesurvive2026
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It has been almost three years since I stepped outside of Scandinavia for the first time and visited Gdańsk, Poland. One of my best shots on this trip was this one taken from the Town Hall tower, where we can see the famous St. Mary's Church (also known as Crown of Gdańsk). It actually took about 120 years to complete constructing the building!
#Church #City #Architecture #Gdańsk #Eurotrip #Poland #Europe
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It has been almost three years since I stepped outside of Scandinavia for the first time and visited Gdańsk, Poland. One of my best shots on this trip was this one taken from the Town Hall tower, where we can see the famous St. Mary's Church (also known as Crown of Gdańsk). It actually took about 120 years to complete constructing the building!
#Church #City #Architecture #Gdańsk #Eurotrip #Poland #Europe
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Golden Gate Park, circa 1915
Horses were once a common sight in the Park, there's were 2 large stables nearby, The Park Riding Academy on Fulton & St. Francis Riding Academy on 7th Ave, Here Esther Crow shows off her horse in front of the memorial Museum and Dore Vase in the Music Concourse. #sfhistory #sfmemory #goldengatepark #sanfrancisco -
@rinsuki can I work on the translation of #iMast on https://crowdin.com?
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@[email protected] @mutual_aid @[email protected] @edendestroyer
May is officially here; and my #BirthdayWeek kicks in May7th through May 15th!!!
Crowdfunding goal for all of this month is $2,000; I could use that now to cover purchasing food, bills, and next rent due next week. Donations and boosts are always appreciated!!
💸💕
https://ko-fi.com/anthonyjkenn38399/goal?g=52
https://cash.app/AnthonyJK6319
https://venmo.com/u/AnthonyJK6319
https://paypal.me/anthonyjkenn
https://donate.stripe.com/6oE9BeeJ2c2peyYfYY -
Enjoyed Owen Hatherley’s piece on architecture in New Left Review:
https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/breathing-space
Hatherley brings together two architectural movements: the big-name styles of High-Tech pioneers like Archigram, Norman Foster and Richard Rogers; and the AA-led crowd of figures such as Rem Koolhaas and Zaha Hadid. Known for Deconstructivism or Parametricism, the latter are often tagged with labels like ‘starchitecture’ ‘oligarchitecture’ or ‘signature architecture’.
Hatherley then contrasts these two movements to architectural firms that reject the demands of global market, refusing to ‘design its products – sprawl, luxury housing, airports, malls’. The foremost non-players cited here being Caruso St John who are praised for their commitment to quiet, unobtrusive design.
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Enjoyed Owen Hatherley’s piece on architecture in New Left Review:
https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/breathing-space
Hatherley brings together two architectural movements: the big-name styles of High-Tech pioneers like Archigram, Norman Foster and Richard Rogers; and the AA-led crowd of figures such as Rem Koolhaas and Zaha Hadid. Known for Deconstructivism or Parametricism, the latter are often tagged with labels like ‘starchitecture’ ‘oligarchitecture’ or ‘signature architecture’.
Hatherley then contrasts these two movements to architectural firms that reject the demands of global market, refusing to ‘design its products – sprawl, luxury housing, airports, malls’. The foremost non-players cited here being Caruso St John who are praised for their commitment to quiet, unobtrusive design.
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Enjoyed Owen Hatherley’s piece on architecture in New Left Review:
https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/breathing-space
Hatherley brings together two architectural movements: the big-name styles of High-Tech pioneers like Archigram, Norman Foster and Richard Rogers; and the AA-led crowd of figures such as Rem Koolhaas and Zaha Hadid. Known for Deconstructivism or Parametricism, the latter are often tagged with labels like ‘starchitecture’ ‘oligarchitecture’ or ‘signature architecture’.
Hatherley then contrasts these two movements to architectural firms that reject the demands of global market, refusing to ‘design its products – sprawl, luxury housing, airports, malls’. The foremost non-players cited here being Caruso St John who are praised for their commitment to quiet, unobtrusive design.
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Enjoyed Owen Hatherley’s piece on architecture in New Left Review:
https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/breathing-space
Hatherley brings together two architectural movements: the big-name styles of High-Tech pioneers like Archigram, Norman Foster and Richard Rogers; and the AA-led crowd of figures such as Rem Koolhaas and Zaha Hadid. Known for Deconstructivism or Parametricism, the latter are often tagged with labels like ‘starchitecture’ ‘oligarchitecture’ or ‘signature architecture’.
Hatherley then contrasts these two movements to architectural firms that reject the demands of global market, refusing to ‘design its products – sprawl, luxury housing, airports, malls’. The foremost non-players cited here being Caruso St John who are praised for their commitment to quiet, unobtrusive design.
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Enjoyed Owen Hatherley’s piece on architecture in New Left Review:
https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/breathing-space
Hatherley brings together two architectural movements: the big-name styles of High-Tech pioneers like Archigram, Norman Foster and Richard Rogers; and the AA-led crowd of figures such as Rem Koolhaas and Zaha Hadid. Known for Deconstructivism or Parametricism, the latter are often tagged with labels like ‘starchitecture’ ‘oligarchitecture’ or ‘signature architecture’.
Hatherley then contrasts these two movements to architectural firms that reject the demands of global market, refusing to ‘design its products – sprawl, luxury housing, airports, malls’. The foremost non-players cited here being Caruso St John who are praised for their commitment to quiet, unobtrusive design.
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Justice Thomas discloses two 2019 trips paid for by Harlan Crow
#SCOTUS #SupremeCorruption #ImpeachClarenceThomas #JohnRoberts #SamAlito #SupremeCourt #GiftLink
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Sabrina will always be a #UOregon Duck:
"New York Liberty guard Sabrina Ionescu electrified the crowd Friday by hitting 20 straight shots and scoring a record 37 of a possible 40 points to win the 3-point shooting contest at the WNBA All-Star Game in a performance that will be incredibly difficult to match.
She made 25 of 27 shots to break the event record for the WNBA and NBA.”
https://apnews.com/article/wnba-all-star-game-3point-skills-397fe52ca995053f5860b56bcbf88178
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#Australia #SocialHistory #Sectarianism #ChildrenLearningFromParents
have been sharing a collection of family stories with a niece, and for context, adding bits of social history.
i was 5th generation born in australia, 1/16th irish dna, yet ironically raised as “irish catholic”.
— anyone who conflates dna with culture is seriously wrongaustralia in the 1950s and 1960s was still predominantly white and christian, but divided into two main groups — anglican and catholic
Daniel Mannix, Irish born catholic archbishop of melbourne, was a focal point for australian sectarianism, having opposed conscription for world war I, and still archbishop during the great labor party split of 1955
[wikipedia says: The Australian Labor Party split of 1955 was a split within the Australian Labor Party along ethnocultural lines and about the position towards communism. Key players in the split were the federal opposition leader H. V. "Doc" Evatt and B. A. Santamaria, the dominant force behind the "Catholic Social Studies Movement" or "the Movement".]
australia had an interesting relationship with communism through all these years (PM Menzies sought desperately to ban communism, and failed)
The breakaway DLP (democratic labor party) was “nourished” by anti-communist sentiment among post-war immigrants. (santamaria is now described by some writers as a fascist)
meanwhile, the rest of us “micks” (catholics of irish variety) were seen as “other” — at the very least, our loyalty to the british crown was questionable.
in the 1960s there was a movement determined to prevent governments from supporting private schools. (today we might reasonable question whether we should subsidise extremely wealthy and privileged schools to the tune of billions, but in the 1960s it was all about not giving one penny to even the most impoverished catholic schools.
wikipedia, for example, tells us The Goulburn School Strike was a protest action in July 1962 in Goulburn, New South Wales, Australia.
The protesters were families of students attending St Brigid's Primary School - as a school run by the local Catholic church. Children enrolled at the school were all withdrawn and enrolled at local state schools in the town, placing pressure on the resources available at those schools. The immediate aim of the protest was to secure government assistance to construct a new toilet block at St Brigid's to meet government health requirements. The protests arose in a background of heated political debate about "state aid" to Catholic schools and accusations of sectarianism. The strike, in effect a lockout, generated hostility in Goulburn and across Australia.
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@Crow74 It was indeed called Virus on the Amiga, Atari ST, etc. It was a simplified version of Zarch; the Acorn Archimedes was notably more powerful than the others, and couldn't quite handle Zarch.
I compared them a while back on my #blog.
https://bytecellar.com/2010/12/28/virus-vs-zarch-a-look-at-two-braben-classics/
#Amiga #Acorn #Archimedes #Zarch #Virus #DavidBraben #gaming #retrogaming #ARM #retrogames
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Emmy Predictions: Limited/Anthology Series — ‘DTF St. Louis’ Builds Momentum as Netflix’s ‘Lord of the Flies’ Leads Crowded Field
#Variety #Awards #Columns #Beef #Emmys #LordOfTheFlies #LoveStoryhttps://variety.com/lists/2026-best-limited-series-predictions/
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How “Veteranness” Has Become A Sense Of Self With Its Own Marketing Brand In The All Volunteer Force Age
Image: Veterans Transition Resource Center“WAR ON THE ROCKS” By Rebecca Burgess
“The broken veteran narrative, unintentionally fueled by the tone of veteran legislation, certainly contributes to the real difficulties today’s veterans face in transitioning into civilian life.
The unexplored historical relationship between public perception, legislation, and veteran identity suggests that reframing veteran legislation and strengthening civilian identity may be the Joint Action Plan today’s veterans need to thrive after their service.”
“America does have a “veteran problem,” but perhaps not the one we’ve concentrated our popular attention on. Nor is today’s version unique to the 21st century. Throughout U.S. history, war generations have emphasized either the challenge veterans can pose to social stability, or the challenge commercial society can pose to the disabled veteran. Legislative solutions have been framed accordingly: The particular tone of veteran legislation has historically emphasized the disadvantages, if not “brokenness,” of veterans.
In parallel, veterans have developed their own unique sense of identity. “Veteranness” has mutated from a personality trait before the Civil War to a comprehensive sense of self with its own marketing brand in the post-9/11 All Volunteer Force age.
In 1944, sociologist Willard Waller was anticipating the re-civilianizing of the nearly 16 million American servicemen of World War II, many of whom would soon be in university classrooms like his at Columbia.
As long as America had had veterans, Waller pointed out in “The Veteran Comes Back,” it has had had some type of “veteran problem.” That stood to some reason:
Our kind of democratic society is probably worse fitted than any other for handling veterans. An autocracy, caring nothing for its human materials, can use up a man and throw him away. A socialistic society that takes from each according to his abilities and gives to each according to his needs can use up a man and then care for him the rest of his life. But a democracy, a competitive democracy like ours, that cares about human values but expects every man to look out for himself, uses up a man and returns him to the competitive process, then belatedly recognizes the injustice of his procedure and makes lavish gestures of atonement in his direction.
The sociologist wasn’t praising nondemocratic forms of rule. He was highlighting how the principles around which the experiment of American democracy was organized — liberty and equality, personal responsibility, private property, and limited government — exist in some legitimate tension with how such a government ought properly to acknowledge and repay individuals who have defended it.
Waller believed the real questions about veterans resuming their civilian way of life were bound up with the psychology of the soldier. Returning the soldier to civilian life in the modern world, he argued, had to start with understanding the veteran’s attitudes against the backdrop of industrial warfare, mass conscription, and a cog-in-the-machine mentality. “We must learn what it is … to be, for a time, expendable, and then to be expendable no more.” What happens, he wondered, when the “expendable one” returns from facing death?
George Washington had puzzled over a similar difficulty. The commander of the Continental Army felt intuitively that veterans needed to maintain a sense of self after military service. In his Farewell Orders to the Armies of the United States, Washington recommended that veterans funnel their energies as soon as possible into active pursuits, and “prove themselves not less virtuous and useful as Citizens, than they [were] persevering and victorious as soldiers.”
Washington’s insight was that soldiers cannot simply remain ex-soldiers once their period of service is fulfilled. He knew that soldiers “walk the weird wall at the edge of civilization,” as Reed Robert Bonnadona puts it: The people who have historically been the staunchest defenders of their societies have also sometimes posed the greatest threat to it. From this juxtaposition Washington formed his idea that the citizen-turned-soldier could — and must — turn back into the citizen again.
For Washington, ex-soldiers’ veteran status was only one (temporary) part of their American identity. This was a crucial plank of his argument that the new nation could have a professional army without endangering the liberties of citizens. Alexis de Tocqueville gave the more explicit explanation several decades later, when he showed why the American soldier displays “a faithful image of the nation.” Most democratic citizens would rather reserve their passions and ambitions for civilian life than for martial grandeur, he wrote, because they think of military service as at most a passing obligation, not an identity. “They bow to their military duties, but their souls remain attached to the interests and desires they were filled with in civil life.”
In the era of Washington and Tocqueville, American veterans were not an alien faction different from society at large. Since then, however, the end of each subsequent conflict has spurred the public to think of ex-soldiers as a discrete group with certain special claims on society’s gratitude. The War of 1812 cemented the outcome of the Revolution and gave Americans a renewed sense of their independence. The public’s attention turned to appreciate the role of the Continental Army. The aging of the surviving soldiers and some public romanticizing of their persons as archetypes of national character, led to a public movement in favor of pensions for the neglected “suffering soldier.” The “suffering soldier” became such a powerful public trope that even though the Senate invoked 40 years of accepted republican principle about pension establishments being aristocratic and corruption-prone, President James Monroe signed the Revolutionary War Pension Act in 1818. The legislation fused the idea of a service pension to the concept of public assistance for the aged poor, laying the groundwork for how the system of American military service-related benefits would evolve.
Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, the changing face of industrialized society, technologies of war, and beliefs about the role of government have expanded each generation’s understanding of its debt to soldiers. The early practice of granting only disability pensions to war veterans grew to include professional or vocational training after World War I, to college tuition assistance and low-interest home loans after World War II. Finally, these benefits were expanded to all who have served in uniform, whether during war or peacetime. At the same time, Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal and Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society programs expanded the paradigm of government’s obligations to all citizens. Nevertheless, today, there are those who would extend the above-mentioned benefits even to soldiers with an “Other Than Honorable” discharge — reflecting how much veteran identity has come to be wedded to a legal status premised on the perceived cost of service. The pension/benefits narrative has corralled anyone who has worn a uniform into a unique category of society in the eyes of the public.
The way veterans have responded to their evolving status has both reflected and informed national attitudes. Largely because of the sheer numbers involved in the Civil War and, especially, in World War I, soldiers who had survived these massive conflicts, protracted campaigns, and deadlier weapons began to think of themselves more narrowly — as survivors of epic experiences who would forever have more in common with those who had seen such killing fields than with civilians who had not. John A. Casey charts this transformation in “New Men,” showing that whereas former soldiers and civilians alike once viewed military service more as an episode in a man’s life and a set of acquired skills that all could appreciate, in the post-bellum era both groups began to view service as a transformative experience that produced a new identity, one civilians couldn’t interpret.
Historians and military scholars debate exactly how different the Civil War was from prior conflicts. Casey argues that “it is the changed rhythm of war more than anything that marks it as different.” While more traditional set-piece battles marked the early campaigns of the war, the last two years witnessed nearly continuous fighting. Soldiers had no time to conceptualize what they had lived through or to recuperate. This “changed them in ways they never completely understood. All that was certain was they could not fully return to their antebellum sense of identity … They had been baptized by war and born again as new men.”
For Casey, the Civil War was when veterans and civilians changed their conception of war from an event to a liminal experience transforming the warfighter’s consciousness, analogous to religious conversion. It was Civil War veteran Oliver Wendell Holmes who likened combat to being “touched by fire,” like the Apostles. The postbellum trail of fiction and nonfiction writings authored by veterans illustrate this mindset. William Tecumseh Sherman’s “Memoirs,” Sam Watkins’s “Company Aytch,” and Ambrose Bierce’s stories all evince a struggle to find coherence in the traumatic events the authors experienced, a struggle to show the “real” war, and a sense of the inadequacy of their portrayal to make the uninitiated civilian reader “get it.”
Civil War veterans such John William De Forest (“Miss Ravenel’s Conversion from Secession to Loyalty”), and Winslow Homer (“The Empty Sleeve at Newport”) also showed this literary and artistic consciousness at work. Lanier’s protagonist, Confederate veteran Phil Sterling, is a number rather than a name, his identity shattered by incarceration in a prisoner-of-war camp. Once released, the love of friends and family enables Sterling to recover his name and identity, but his combat experiences prevent him from feeling “at home.” Spectators of the same war, but not participants in it, Sterling’s loved ones cannot truly understand him.
“War literature” as a unique field of academic study is generally considered to have originated in the wake of the Civil War, Casey writes. These ex-soldiers presented wartime memories as something they alone could discuss, forging the path for how the Ernest Hemingways and other, more familiar “Lost Generation” soldier-poets of World War I wrote about war and the fighting man, establishing a now-defined genre.
Buttressing such artistic expressions, robust veterans’ associations, helped cement a national concept of “the veteran.” The Grand Army of the Republic provided a blueprint for the multiplicity of veterans associations, like the American Legion, that emerged after World War I in America and then in nearly every other country that had participated in the Great War. The visible, concrete image of the invalid veteran sans leg or arm played a significant role in transforming the concept of veteran into an enduring identity. Especially in France and America, these national associations helped solidify the public concept of the veteran as having unique needs necessitating specialized care and deserving of government support.
Cultural elements and political events played a tangible role here. Andrew J. Huebner reminds us in “The Warrior Image” that war correspondents and photography, while relevant from the Mexican War to the Civil War, swelled during WWI, though much of the imagery was censored from the public view until after the Armistice. The rise of newspaper publishing put images and accounts of struggling veterans in anybody’s hand. Meanwhile, the American Legion and Veterans of Foreign Wars held public rallies advocating for veterans’ benefits and encouraged the attenuate Bonus March, making the political presence of veterans impossible to ignore. Internationally, the Conférence Internationale des Associations de Mutilés et Anciens Combattants aimed to unite all veterans and “war invalids” of the Great War, including from former enemy countries Germany, Austria, and Bulgaria. In 1922, it boasted over 10 million members. And while many states struggled to respond to their invalid veterans, they often supplied them with free or discounted railway travel, enabling them to attend far-flung veteran rallies and reunions. The image of the permanently changed veteran was literally on the move.
It was this newer understanding of the veteran as a psychological identity, earned in the crucible of war, that Waller had in mind in 1944 when he asked what happens when “the expendable one returns.” Like Washington, Waller thought a transition back into the civilian community was both possible and essential, but he believed that post-service education would be key. Education, he argued, would give the soldier the mental tools with which to make sense of his warfighting experience juxtaposed against his perception of the civilian’s perspective.
Although Waller didn’t live to witness the effects of the 1944 GI Bill — the “Serviceman’s Readjustment Act” — the bill supported Waller’s theory and is widely considered to be one of the most successful pieces of legislation in American history (so successful that Great Society programs were patterned off it). Through its education and vocational training assistance and small business loans, the GI Bill helped millions of ex-soldiers bridge their war experience back to the civilian sector, to the net enrichment of their families and civil society. The absence of a public discussion of a postwar “veteran problem,” in comparison to the post-World War I and Civil War eras, reflects the success of the legislation.
In the decades since World War II, society has moved well past Washington and Waller’s viewpoints about post-service identity. Thanks to the cultural conflicts of the Vietnam era, the rise of identity politics, the medicalization of behavior, and the valorization of victimhood, in the era of the professionalized All-Volunteer Force, veterans are viewed as a “tribe apart.” Their increasingly medicalized image is linked to the relatively new field of neuropsychiatry. After Vietnam, Hollywood helped promulgate a perception of veterans as “walking time bombs.” This view was reinforced by front-page stories in the New York Times proclaiming veterans to be “psychiatric casualties of war.”
In the late 1970s and 1980s, an extreme version of this diagnosis was crowned with scientific gravitas when a group of activist-psychiatrists led by the prominent Robert Jay Lifton testified that the veteran “returns as a tainted intruder … likely to seek continuing outlets for a pattern of violence to which they have become habituated.” Popular culture painted soldiers as “baby killers.” Within a generation, ex-soldiers in the public consciousness went from needing education to needing to be “rehumaniz[ed],” as Lifton put it.
Since 9/11, society has largely softened that extreme characterization of veterans. Instead of killers or victims, veterans are seen as victims, heroes, or victim-heroes. But that narrative stands in its own need of rehumanization — the modern-day perception of veterans needs to be brought down from mythologized heroes on a pedestal to the real world of public servants, adventure seekers, and bill payers who volunteer for military service. And yet, despite a fair amount of literature supporting this point, the narrative does not change much.
One reason for this is clear, and has to do with the historical originals of the concept of veteran identity. Legislation for veterans has traditionally been premised on a pension/benefits model that assumed that war — and now that any military service — adversely costs the soldier. Today’s identity-driven politics is particularly conducive to this narrative, as many in society seek to identify rights and bring about public policy outcomes specific to discrete, often historically underrepresented groups. And U.S. soldiers certainly qualify: Less than one percent of a nation’s population volunteers for active duty service. American soldiers become even intellectually underrepresented when the majority of their peers don’t know anything about them.
A second reason for the continued valorization of veterans follows from this last: Americans may have lost the robust sense of citizenship that previous generations relied on to make civilian life vibrant enough for veterans to embrace it. In the All-Volunteer Force era, perhaps it’s the civilian majority with its loose sense of civic connectedness that makes it difficult for veterans to subsume a veteran identity within the generalized civilian one. When Washington argued for former soldiers to think of themselves as fully civilian-citizens with a set of acquired military skills, many Americans felt a sense of patriotism and civic identity that shaped the calendar of their yearly activities. Missouri painter George Caleb Bingham may have over-eulogized this civic engagement in “Stump Speaking” and “County Election;” nevertheless, that strong sense seems to have weakened considerably since the 19th century. Today’s America no longer shares that identity, as suggested by factors from low voter turnout, “Man on the Street”-style public confessions of civic and historical ignorance, disinterest in civic education, to the “bowling alone” culture decried by Harvard’s Robert Putnam. In Putnam’s view, the comparably steep membership losses since the 1960s among trade unions, professional associations, chapter-based voluntary membership federations, and community groups documents “the erosion of America’s social connectedness and community involvement.” This is to say nothing of the 2016 election, whose after-action report notes the role that a hollowed-out sense of citizenship thanks to globalization played in the electoral returns.
To that first generation of Americans, citizenship wasn’t a passive label, but an active way of life. Jefferson relayed the sense of this understanding in his comment that citizenship is composed of the civic knowledge of rights, duties, and how to judge individuals worthy of public office; the practice of sound civic habits; and importantly, an informed attachment to the American regime and principles of the Constitution.
America’s political class today doesn’t exactly articulate this. As that California teacher’s rant shows, angry citizens are present in all layers of society. But we have little corresponding understanding of a robust citizenship animated by an informed attachment to American laws, principles and institutions, and the need for each generation to perpetuate them. It may not be possible — or preferable given the dynamics of today’s professional All-Volunteer Force — to return entirely to Washington’s designation of the veteran as simply the citizen. But it is both possible and pressing to return to that robust sense of citizenship that enabled citizens to be soldiers, and soldiers citizens.”
Beyond the ‘Broken Veteran’: A History of America’s Relationship With Its Ex-Soldiers
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
Rebecca Burgess manages the Program on American Citizenship at the American Enterprise Institute, where she focuses on veterans and their role in civil society and politics. She is the author of “Second Service: Military Veterans and Public Office.”
#history #military #news #politics #Veterans #war -
For the Mastodon crowd at the #ASSA2023 conference, there's a meetup at The Will and the Way, 719 Toulouse St., New Orleans, LA
Thursday at 9 p.m. CST.
Please share with your #econtwitter #econodon and allied social science crews!
Via https://twitter.com/Wesley_A_Miller -
As a long time rider of Ontario's commuter train system I've determined the worst/best post event crowds you have to sometimes ride the train with. From Best to Worst:
Raptors fans (well behaved)
Bluejays fans (not bad if a bit clueless about how to use transit)
Maple Leafs fans (old entitled rich aholes who spend $500 a ticket to see their team lose all the time and will watch movies on their cell phone without headphones)
Toronto FC (soccer) fans (Incels, date rap!st bros, and dudes with unibrows and/or chinstrap beards and/or still wearing man buns)
People going to a Lady Antebellum concert (savages)
________
#GoTrain
#HillIwillDieOn -
3.5% — A Small Number With Huge Implications
Kelley and I have recently returned from 10 days in London, one of the most genuinely multi-cultural cities I’ve spent time in. We had many deep and interesting conversations, one of which I’ll touch on further down. (And others I might discuss in more detail in a future post.) Most of those we spoke with—friends, family, colleagues, strangers, whether in politics, arts, sciences, religion, nonprofits and/or social justice organisations—are as distressed as we are about what is happening in this country and their own, and its implications for the rest of the world. Several of our conversations revolved around the findings about change and civil disobedience that I detail in this post—which I had just begun drafting before I left Seattle and so was top-of-mind.
The findings discussed below are the work of Erica Chenoweth and Maria Stephan.1
3.5% of a population can force real and lasting change
Nonviolent civil resistance, or unarmed civil struggle, can and does force real change in the behaviour of government, or, if the government cannot change, then its collapse. Stop and think about that a moment, please: not slight change, or meaningless promises but real change or the fall of government. According to Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan in their book, Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict (Columbia University Press, 2012), once around 3.5% of a nations’s population2 has begun active and sustained participation in nonviolent civil resistance, success becomes increasingly likely with time.
Don’t take my word for it. Here’s the BBC talking about how this has worked internationally.
Nonviolent protests are twice as likely to succeed as armed conflicts – and those engaging a threshold of 3.5% of the population have never failed to bring about change. [Note: given revised data—see footnote 1 below—it would be more accurate to say ‘very rarely failed to bring about change.]
In 1986, millions of Filipinos took to the streets of Manila in peaceful protest and prayer in the People Power movement. The Marcos regime folded on the fourth day.
In 2003, the people of Georgia ousted Eduard Shevardnadze through the bloodless Rose Revolution, in which protestors stormed the parliament building holding the flowers in their hands. While in 2019, the presidents of Sudan and Algeria both announced they would step aside after decades in office, thanks to peaceful campaigns of resistance.
— BBC
Here’s Chenoweth herself discussing her work. Watch it; it’s only 12 minutes. Pay attention. She speaks to 150 years of data; if you doubt the numbers I use here, go argue with her: she has the receipts. Moreover, though she was speaking 13 years ago, her central thesis is sharply relevant to us here in the US (and, as I discovered, the UK) today more than ever.
What this means for the US today
3.5%. A small percentage—but in terms of the US population, big absolute numbers. Per the U.S. Census Bureau, as of July 1, 2025 the population of the USA was 341,784,857. 3.5% would be 11,970,000. Essentially 12 million people.
If 12 million Americans engaged in active and sustained nonviolent protest/civil disobedience, the current administration would very likely either change significantly or collapse.
12 million. Are there 12 million Americans willing to commit to protest? I think there are. I think that since late 2016 an increasing number of ordinary people are becoming aware, unhappy, and organised. These organisations are many and varied. Some are very small and unconnected to anything else—blocks of houses where families have learnt to look out for neighbours during floods and wildfires, government shut-downs, or sudden DOGE-mandated layoffs. Other organisations at the congregation or neighbourhood or city level are loosely networked. Then there are nodes of specialised groups—food banks, whistle-makers, observers, trainers in nonviolent response—who are starting to coordinate. And then there are cities and states who are becoming rapidly radicalised because of governmental overreach, callousness, and murder: Minneapolis/St Paul and Minnesota; Los Angeles and California; Chicago and Illinois.
Just as important, though often less reported, are the smaller communities in more rural areas where voters are as likely to be registered as Republicans or Independents as Democrats. See, for example, reporting on Wilder, Idaho, population 1,725, where 72% of the county it sits in voted for Trump in 2024: 400 citizens or legal residents, including children, were zip-tied and detained, 105 were held on immigration charges, and 75 were deported. You can risk a bet that in the mid-terms, that county voting percentage is going to look rather different. If you want more on smaller communities and their less-reported tribulations at the hands of immigration and border control agents, see, for example, this NYT article (gift link).
There’s no way to know for certain how many of us there are, but my guess is more, and very possibly a great many more, than 12 million.
But can those 12 million commit to the extent required—and what is the extent required? Can that commitment be sustained—and for how long should that be? Can those 12 million coordinate—and to what extent should their actions be concentrated or decentralised?
I haven’t read the book, so I don’t know the finer details, but bearing in mind, always, that we are talking about nonviolent behaviour in support of a clearly articulated goal, two things I feel sure of:
- In terms of mass protest, the more people that gather on the street—and are seen to gather—the more others will join. There is safety in numbers. (I’ve talked about this before.) In the bluntest of terms, the more ordinary Americans that participate, the greater the odds are of the enforcement agencies (ICE, FBI, National Guard, police) becoming unwilling to gas, shoot, or beat protestors: their kids, their parents, and their friends might be in the crowd. This, according to Chenoweth, is what has happened in other times and places.
- Coordinated protests must happen in towns, small cities, and big cities, in communities both red and blue. More than one of those protests must, on the same day, be huge—record-breakingly huge.
- The protests must show not only determination but commitment to kindness and building community rather than to hate and division. Hate does not help. (I’ll return to hate in a bit.)
What do I base all this on? Thinking about US movements for change during my lifetime, looking at the numbers, and considering the results both obvious and subtle.
Precedent in the US
All these numbers are available via a variety of sources. Wikipedia has an aggregation page with enough links to get you started. Please note that while some of these protests were met with violence, whether from over-zealous law enforcement or from hateful counter-protesters, the overwhelming majority remained steadfastly nonviolent in the face of provocation. Also, while it’s important to acknowledge the risk of violence, it’s equally important to remember that, according to Chenoweth’s data, the greater the percentage of a community’s population that’s marching, the less likely it is that local law enforcement or National Guard will be willing to use violent tactics against a crowd of those who may be their relatives, friends, or neighbours.
In terms of single-day actions in the US in my lifetime, some examples:
- Earth Day (1970): On April 22, more than 20 million Americans (10% of the population at the time) took part in teach-ins, clean-ups, and rallies in more than 10,000 towns and campuses. Huge, huge numbers, but a single-day decentralised event. It was not a protest; the focus was not on marching with the goal of regime change but on raising the environmental consciousness of those in power and agitating for legislative action. Earth Day led to the creation of the Environmental Protection Agency and absolutely raised the bar on environmental action in this country, an effect that lasted 55 years—until the actions of the current administration, which has effectively destroyed the Clean Air Act and other safeguards.
- Women’s March (2017): On January 21, 3.3 – 4.6 million Americans (1-1.3% of the population at the time), the majority of them women, marched in over 50 states as counter-programming to Trump’s inauguration. There were over 750,000 in Los Angeles and 500,000 in DC. Those huge numbers buoyed the participants; judging by anedotal accounts, I believe the Women’s March laid the foundations for much of today’s local organising, whether focused on neighbourhood-scale actions or forming wider networks.
- No Kings (2025): On June 14, about 5 million Americans (1.4% of the population) marched in over 2,000 locations in protest and counter-programming of Trump’s Flag Day military parade. On October 18 there was another coordinated protest, this time estimated at between 5 – 7 million Americans (1.4 – 2.0% of the population). This may be the nation’s largest biggest single-day protest. But it was not concentrated in select cities—it consisted mainly of smaller gatherings in many locations. Even so, I believe it consolidated much of the networking and experience of the Women’s March and, again, strengthened the commitment to change and the ability to coordinate action.
In terms of more sustained protest:
- George Floyd/Black Lives Matter (2020): Over the three months after George Floyd’s murder, polls3 suggest 15 – 26 million Americans (4.5 – 6% of the population) joined at least one racial justice demonstration, with the single-highest day turnout on June 6 of perhaps 500,000—though not all in one place. That lack of massive numbers in any single time and place, and (perhaps—I’m happy to be corrected on this) specific actionable demands may be why outcomes are less obvious. Nonetheless, I believe these protests and organised networks helped make the No Kings actions possible. I also believe it had an impact on more localised change—in terms of city and county police regulations and response.
Much more recently, the spate of ICE Out protests resulting largely from the killings in Minneapolis/St Paul of two US citizen observers, Renée Good and Alex Pretti, by Customs and Border Protection agents, are more difficult to quantify. For one, it’s difficult to find reliable numbers (though they seem to have been lower than most protesters hoped). And for another, while there seem to have been some results—the ICE presence in Minneapolis/St Paul and some other cities is being reduced; there will be an investigation into the death of Pretti but not Good—there is no commitment to agents removing masks or wearing ID, or obtaining judicial warrants before breaking into people’s homes and hauling them away with no due process. Democrats in the Senate have (temporarily, if past experience is any guide) found some spine—but at best these results are minor and, at worst, misleading.
What does all this mean?
That we have most of the groundwork already done: the conditions exist for a nation-changing protest. But. We need more, and bigger. With longer planning and very clear demands. And a great deal of very unglamourous behind the scenes organisation. Imagine beginning with a single-day nationwide General Strike, school closings, and people on the street in huge numbers—more than 12 million, with, say, 1.5 million in DC, at least half a million in each of the ten largest cities, and tens or hundreds of thousands in smaller cities and towns across the country—followed by two weeks of massive and peaceful demonstrations and/or vigils and/or withdrawal of services or money. And/or perhaps more specific and regionally focused actions.
Is this possible? Yes. Many unions are ready. Many congregations of many creeds are ready. Many administrations at city, county, and state level are ready. Many local and regional law enforcement agencies are reevaluating their cooperation with federal enforcers. Community organisers are ready. There are more and more people out there who have recent experience of protest, demonstration, and vigil. They are connected, formally and informally. Ordinary Americans are more than ready; once we see it begin, we will join. There are easily 12 million of us.
Negativity bias—stats and stories
I promised to touch on those interesting conversations we had in London, and this is where it gets even more hopeful. To understand why let’s first consider something I’ve talked about often: negativity bias.4 People pay more attention to the negative than the positive. It’s an evolutionary trait: humans are prey animals; in survival terms it’s more cost-effective to focus on a sound that could be a predator than on a laugh. As a result we are more attuned to and tend to overweight the importance of the negative than the positive. We can look to the evidence of our own everyday experience; anyone with even a passing familiarity with social media understands that bad news spreads faster and further than good news. Negative disinformation moves even faster. Countless studies back this up: all over the world, ‘If it bleeds, it leads.’
This is important. I want you to understand and believe it: in the context of information and/or news (whether gossip, anecdata, mainstream media, social media, tabloids, podcasts, newsletters or government announcements), negativity bias can lead to a distorted perception of reality. This distortion can be extreme—normally reasonable people can have a seriously skewed understanding of the world around them. There are reams of data to back this up but rather than hammering at you with tables and statistics and links, let me tell you a story.
I used to teach women’s self-defence for a living; my students were women and girls (and a handful of men) of all ages, abilities, colours, creeds, and socio-economic backgrounds. Around the second session, when I started showing women how to apply the strikes I taught in the first session—how to seriously hurt their attacker—they baulked. Why? Because, they said, fighting back would just make it worse, make their would-be rapist (rape and sexual torture is what most women fear) angry and more like to hurt them. Everything they knew about the world told them that fighting back would do no good: all you had to do was read the newspaper, watch the news, listen to the radio to learn that (this was before the internet).
I would sit them down, and ask: What do you think the odds are of a woman fighting off a rapist? Someone might venture, Five percent? No, I’d say: if the attacker is unarmed, data show that 72% of the time if a woman fights back she will avoid rape; if she fights back against an attacker armed with a knife, her chances are 58%; against a gun, 51%. Even if a would-be rapist is armed with a gun and the woman he has targeted is unarmed, if she fights back the odds of her avoiding rape are greater than even. (The odds of her being less badly hurt are also better if she fights back than if she doesn’t.)
Those stats were from a 1985 study, Ask Any Woman: A London Inquiry into Rape and Sexual Assault, Ruth E. Hall (Bristol: Falling Wall Press, 1985). While writing Always (published 2007), I went to the Department of Justice website to check their statistics: the numbers held up. Looking at what info I can find now (and the internet has got so bad that it’s difficult to find clear answers) it seems that women’s odds have not got worse.
So why do women believe fighting back is useless? Because the media tells them so. Media, mainstream and social, reports completed rapes (the bloodier and more brutal the better) far more often than attempted rapes. While in real life women have an almost 3:1 chance of beating off a would-be rapist, the media publicises 13 completed rapes for every attempted but uncompleted rape. (Why? Because bad news garners clicks. Bad news sells ads.) When it comes to gender violence, media negativity bias is 39:1. That is a seriously skewed version of reality. That’s what we’re up against; that’s why it’s easy to read bad news and believe the world is irretrievably broken.
Saving the best for last
Right now there is a lot of bad news to notice. In the US we are hit daily with everything from the disassembly of public health and the cancellation of research programmes to federal agents executing citizens in the streets. In the UK we talked to people in positions of formal and informal responsibility at the national, community, or diocesan level who are worried by the signs of hatred visibly rising in their spheres of interest—racist graffiti, street violence, social media attacks.
Again and again we brought up this notion of 3.5% and change. It excited everyone—it is exciting. But then one woman Kelley was talking to suddenly stopped and said (I’m paraphrasing a second-hand report) “Oh! All that hatred out there, that feels so overwhelming, like there’s nothing we can do because the whole world hates us… What if it’s only 3.5% who are full of hate, and not the whole world?”
When Kelley told me this later that night I said, Yes! And, oh, I wish I’d been part of that conversation! Because I would have pointed out that when you factor in the cognitive bias towards the negative, it’s probable that the level of real hatred, the kind of hatred that leads to burning synagogues, spitting on immigrants, attacking transfolk—or to marching in the street to counter-protest nonviolent marches for change, calling your representative to vote for dehumanising legislation against transgirls in sports, or directly funding hate groups—is not just small but tiny. Think about it. Think about the numbers of people who show up for anti-abortion vigils or White Power marches or transphobic campaigns; try to remember how many homophobes showed up at the last Pride event: minuscule, comparatively speaking. Insignificant when weighed against those of us who protest hatred and cruelty.
If it takes only 3.5% of a population to change the direction of a nation; if the hatred we feel is out there isn’t quite as widespread as we think; and if you factor in the negativity bias at a ratio of 39:1, well, even if the bias was wrong by an order of magnitude, it’s still a heartening answer. Change is possible. More possible than we might think.
I don’t know what will force the growing dissent against the current administration’s agenda into full flower but I have no doubt it’s coming. And when it does I have no doubt it will succeed. There are so very many more of us than them.
- Many thanks to Mary Brandt whose Wellnessrounds.org post brought Chenoweth to my attention and helped crystallise what I’d been fumbling towards for a while. Those who want to follow the evolution of Chenoweth’s thinking might want to download this PDF. (Thanks Jennifer!) ↩︎
- I’ll be using ‘population’ and ‘Americans’ interchangeably to refer to those who live in this country, whether they’re citizens or not. ↩︎
- Lowest estimate from Pew, highest from Kaiser Family Foundation. These are self-reported numbers rather than estimates from photos and professional crowd counters. ↩︎
- I usually talk about it in terms of Misery Lit, and the perception that High Art has to be depressing. ↩︎