#wobblies — Public Fediverse posts

“Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties”*…

Today we have Substack and social media and blogs. In the old days, we “spoke” in person…

Speaker’s Corner, in Hyde Park in London, is a fabled site of on-going, open public speeches and debate. As Amelia Soth reminds us, that tradition also has a long history in the U.S…

There is nothing in American civic life today like Chicago’s old “Bughouse Square.” From the 1890s to the mid-1960s, it was a hotspot for soapbox speakers: radicals, evangelists, cranks, poets, philosophers, and eccentrics. Anyone with a perspective outside the mainstream gathered there nightly to declaim from their improvised podiums. The ethos, as one newspaper put it, was “free speech and the louder the better.” People actually came to listen, too, in crowds.

Bughouse Square (properly named Washington Square Park) might be the most famous free-speech center, but the practice of soapboxing stretched from sea to shining sea. New York City had its own crew of “peripatetic philosophers.” Hubert Harrison, known as the “Black Socrates,” delivered his critiques of capital right in front of the New York Stock Exchange. Then there was Portia Willis, the “suffrage beauty,” who drew in crowds with her looks and kept them with her wits.

As Mary Anne Trasciatti writes in “Athens or Anarchy? Soapbox Oratory and the Early Twentieth-Century American City,” the soapbox was a particularly democratic mode of public address. Even if you couldn’t get your cause into a meeting hall or a newspaper column, you could still hop on a box, lift your head a few inches above the crowd, and start talking. But that doesn’t mean just anyone could be a successful soapboxer. You had to be a good speaker to keep the crowds listening.

People tried all kinds of tricks to get attention. One soapboxer (wonderfully named Lowlife McCormick) would perform a Houdini-like escape from a straitjacket, which he would then declare to be a metaphor for the bonds of wage labor. Another would catch the crowd’s attention by shouting “I’ve been robbed! I’ve been robbed!” Once he had their ears, he’d finish up with “…by the capitalist system!” A really good soapboxer could draw in so many listeners as to render the streets impassable. One photo shows anarchist Alexander Berkman completely surrounded by a sea of hats.

But the attention soapboxing attracted wasn’t always positive. The 1910s saw a series of vicious “free speech fights” kick off in cities like Spokane, San Diego, and Fresno. Grace L. Miller lays out the history of perhaps the most violent of these struggles in “The I.W.W. Free Speech Fight: San Diego, 1912.” Things started to heat up when a deputy sheriff drove his car into a crowd of people listening to a socialist speaker. One listener reacted by slashing the sheriff’s tire. Within two days, the city passed an ordinance banning street speaking.

In response, the I.W.W. (the Industrial Workers of the World, or the “Wobblies”) urged supporters to ride the rails to San Diego and fight for their right to soapbox:

Come on the cushions; ride up on top;
stick to the brake beams; let nothing stop.
Come in great numbers; this we beseech;
Help San Diego to win free speech.

Soapboxers descended on the town en masse. Each would step up on the box, say a word or two, and then get yanked off by the police and carried to jail. There’s even an old Wobbly joke about a speaker who starts his speech with the traditional salutation—“Fellow friends and workers”—and then, when he realizes no one’s coming to arrest him, panics and shouts “Where are the cops?!”

The Wobblies’ goal was to overwhelm the court system with free-speech cases until the city was forced to give up prosecuting soapboxers. Soon the jail was overflowing. But instead of following the legal process, the city discharged the arrestees right into the waiting arms of a vigilante gang, who drove the Wobblies to the county line and viciously beat them with axe handles.

It’s not exactly clear who the vigilantes were, but the gang may have been composed of some of the city’s most prominent citizens. A newspaper editor who was run out of town for his sympathy to the free-speechers wrote of them (as quoted by Miller): “The chamber of commerce and the real estate board are well represented. The press and public utility corporations, as well as members of the Grand Jury are known to belong.”

Yet the vigilantes went too far, and labor organizations called on the state government to intervene. The commissioner sent to investigate declared that the abuses he saw weren’t taking place in Tsarist Russia. At great personal cost, the Wobblies had put the concept of free speech to the test, and won…

When public oratory was a defining feature of civic life: “The Golden Age of the American Soapbox,” from @amelia-soth.bsky.social in @jstordaily.bsky.social.

* John Milton, Areopagitica: A Speech for the Liberty of Unlicens’d Printing, to the Parliament of England

###

As we speak up, we might ponder another Chicago-related phenomenon, recalling that it was on this date in 1986 that Geraldo Rivera made a “shocking discovery”:

Notorious and “most wanted” gangster, Al Capone, began his life of crime in Chicago in 1919 and had his headquarters set up at the Lexington Hotel until his arrest in 1931.

Years later, renovations were being made at the hotel when a team of workers discovered a shooting-range and series of connected tunnels that led to taverns and brothels making for an easy escape should there be a police raid. Rumors were spread that Capone had a secret vault hidden under the hotel as well.

In 1985, news reporter Geraldo Rivera had been fired from ABC after he criticized the network for canceling his report made about an alleged relationship between John F. Kennedy and Marilyn Monroe. It seemed like a good time for Rivera to scoop a new story to repair his reputation.

It was on this day [that] a live, two-hour, syndicated TV special, The Mystery of Al Capone’s Vault aired. After lots of backstory, the time finally came to reveal what was in that vault. It turned out to be empty. After the show, Rivera was quoted as saying “Seems like we struck out.”

– source

source

“Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties”*…

Today we have Substack and social media and blogs. In the old days, we “spoke” in person…

Speaker’s Corner, in Hyde Park in London, is a fabled site of on-going, open public speeches and debate. As Amelia Soth reminds us, that tradition also has a long history in the U.S…

There is nothing in American civic life today like Chicago’s old “Bughouse Square.” From the 1890s to the mid-1960s, it was a hotspot for soapbox speakers: radicals, evangelists, cranks, poets, philosophers, and eccentrics. Anyone with a perspective outside the mainstream gathered there nightly to declaim from their improvised podiums. The ethos, as one newspaper put it, was “free speech and the louder the better.” People actually came to listen, too, in crowds.

Bughouse Square (properly named Washington Square Park) might be the most famous free-speech center, but the practice of soapboxing stretched from sea to shining sea. New York City had its own crew of “peripatetic philosophers.” Hubert Harrison, known as the “Black Socrates,” delivered his critiques of capital right in front of the New York Stock Exchange. Then there was Portia Willis, the “suffrage beauty,” who drew in crowds with her looks and kept them with her wits.

As Mary Anne Trasciatti writes in “Athens or Anarchy? Soapbox Oratory and the Early Twentieth-Century American City,” the soapbox was a particularly democratic mode of public address. Even if you couldn’t get your cause into a meeting hall or a newspaper column, you could still hop on a box, lift your head a few inches above the crowd, and start talking. But that doesn’t mean just anyone could be a successful soapboxer. You had to be a good speaker to keep the crowds listening.

People tried all kinds of tricks to get attention. One soapboxer (wonderfully named Lowlife McCormick) would perform a Houdini-like escape from a straitjacket, which he would then declare to be a metaphor for the bonds of wage labor. Another would catch the crowd’s attention by shouting “I’ve been robbed! I’ve been robbed!” Once he had their ears, he’d finish up with “…by the capitalist system!” A really good soapboxer could draw in so many listeners as to render the streets impassable. One photo shows anarchist Alexander Berkman completely surrounded by a sea of hats.

But the attention soapboxing attracted wasn’t always positive. The 1910s saw a series of vicious “free speech fights” kick off in cities like Spokane, San Diego, and Fresno. Grace L. Miller lays out the history of perhaps the most violent of these struggles in “The I.W.W. Free Speech Fight: San Diego, 1912.” Things started to heat up when a deputy sheriff drove his car into a crowd of people listening to a socialist speaker. One listener reacted by slashing the sheriff’s tire. Within two days, the city passed an ordinance banning street speaking.

In response, the I.W.W. (the Industrial Workers of the World, or the “Wobblies”) urged supporters to ride the rails to San Diego and fight for their right to soapbox:

Come on the cushions; ride up on top;
stick to the brake beams; let nothing stop.
Come in great numbers; this we beseech;
Help San Diego to win free speech.

Soapboxers descended on the town en masse. Each would step up on the box, say a word or two, and then get yanked off by the police and carried to jail. There’s even an old Wobbly joke about a speaker who starts his speech with the traditional salutation—“Fellow friends and workers”—and then, when he realizes no one’s coming to arrest him, panics and shouts “Where are the cops?!”

The Wobblies’ goal was to overwhelm the court system with free-speech cases until the city was forced to give up prosecuting soapboxers. Soon the jail was overflowing. But instead of following the legal process, the city discharged the arrestees right into the waiting arms of a vigilante gang, who drove the Wobblies to the county line and viciously beat them with axe handles.

It’s not exactly clear who the vigilantes were, but the gang may have been composed of some of the city’s most prominent citizens. A newspaper editor who was run out of town for his sympathy to the free-speechers wrote of them (as quoted by Miller): “The chamber of commerce and the real estate board are well represented. The press and public utility corporations, as well as members of the Grand Jury are known to belong.”

Yet the vigilantes went too far, and labor organizations called on the state government to intervene. The commissioner sent to investigate declared that the abuses he saw weren’t taking place in Tsarist Russia. At great personal cost, the Wobblies had put the concept of free speech to the test, and won…

When public oratory was a defining feature of civic life: “The Golden Age of the American Soapbox,” from @amelia-soth.bsky.social in @jstordaily.bsky.social.

* John Milton, Areopagitica: A Speech for the Liberty of Unlicens’d Printing, to the Parliament of England

###

As we speak up, we might ponder another Chicago-related phenomenon, recalling that it was on this date in 1986 that Geraldo Rivera made a “shocking discovery”:

Notorious and “most wanted” gangster, Al Capone, began his life of crime in Chicago in 1919 and had his headquarters set up at the Lexington Hotel until his arrest in 1931.

Years later, renovations were being made at the hotel when a team of workers discovered a shooting-range and series of connected tunnels that led to taverns and brothels making for an easy escape should there be a police raid. Rumors were spread that Capone had a secret vault hidden under the hotel as well.

In 1985, news reporter Geraldo Rivera had been fired from ABC after he criticized the network for canceling his report made about an alleged relationship between John F. Kennedy and Marilyn Monroe. It seemed like a good time for Rivera to scoop a new story to repair his reputation.

It was on this day [that] a live, two-hour, syndicated TV special, The Mystery of Al Capone’s Vault aired. After lots of backstory, the time finally came to reveal what was in that vault. It turned out to be empty. After the show, Rivera was quoted as saying “Seems like we struck out.”

– source

source

“Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties”*…

Today we have Substack and social media and blogs. In the old days, we “spoke” in person…

Speaker’s Corner, in Hyde Park in London, is a fabled site of on-going, open public speeches and debate. As Amelia Soth reminds us, that tradition also has a long history in the U.S…

There is nothing in American civic life today like Chicago’s old “Bughouse Square.” From the 1890s to the mid-1960s, it was a hotspot for soapbox speakers: radicals, evangelists, cranks, poets, philosophers, and eccentrics. Anyone with a perspective outside the mainstream gathered there nightly to declaim from their improvised podiums. The ethos, as one newspaper put it, was “free speech and the louder the better.” People actually came to listen, too, in crowds.

Bughouse Square (properly named Washington Square Park) might be the most famous free-speech center, but the practice of soapboxing stretched from sea to shining sea. New York City had its own crew of “peripatetic philosophers.” Hubert Harrison, known as the “Black Socrates,” delivered his critiques of capital right in front of the New York Stock Exchange. Then there was Portia Willis, the “suffrage beauty,” who drew in crowds with her looks and kept them with her wits.

As Mary Anne Trasciatti writes in “Athens or Anarchy? Soapbox Oratory and the Early Twentieth-Century American City,” the soapbox was a particularly democratic mode of public address. Even if you couldn’t get your cause into a meeting hall or a newspaper column, you could still hop on a box, lift your head a few inches above the crowd, and start talking. But that doesn’t mean just anyone could be a successful soapboxer. You had to be a good speaker to keep the crowds listening.

People tried all kinds of tricks to get attention. One soapboxer (wonderfully named Lowlife McCormick) would perform a Houdini-like escape from a straitjacket, which he would then declare to be a metaphor for the bonds of wage labor. Another would catch the crowd’s attention by shouting “I’ve been robbed! I’ve been robbed!” Once he had their ears, he’d finish up with “…by the capitalist system!” A really good soapboxer could draw in so many listeners as to render the streets impassable. One photo shows anarchist Alexander Berkman completely surrounded by a sea of hats.

But the attention soapboxing attracted wasn’t always positive. The 1910s saw a series of vicious “free speech fights” kick off in cities like Spokane, San Diego, and Fresno. Grace L. Miller lays out the history of perhaps the most violent of these struggles in “The I.W.W. Free Speech Fight: San Diego, 1912.” Things started to heat up when a deputy sheriff drove his car into a crowd of people listening to a socialist speaker. One listener reacted by slashing the sheriff’s tire. Within two days, the city passed an ordinance banning street speaking.

In response, the I.W.W. (the Industrial Workers of the World, or the “Wobblies”) urged supporters to ride the rails to San Diego and fight for their right to soapbox:

Come on the cushions; ride up on top;
stick to the brake beams; let nothing stop.
Come in great numbers; this we beseech;
Help San Diego to win free speech.

Soapboxers descended on the town en masse. Each would step up on the box, say a word or two, and then get yanked off by the police and carried to jail. There’s even an old Wobbly joke about a speaker who starts his speech with the traditional salutation—“Fellow friends and workers”—and then, when he realizes no one’s coming to arrest him, panics and shouts “Where are the cops?!”

The Wobblies’ goal was to overwhelm the court system with free-speech cases until the city was forced to give up prosecuting soapboxers. Soon the jail was overflowing. But instead of following the legal process, the city discharged the arrestees right into the waiting arms of a vigilante gang, who drove the Wobblies to the county line and viciously beat them with axe handles.

It’s not exactly clear who the vigilantes were, but the gang may have been composed of some of the city’s most prominent citizens. A newspaper editor who was run out of town for his sympathy to the free-speechers wrote of them (as quoted by Miller): “The chamber of commerce and the real estate board are well represented. The press and public utility corporations, as well as members of the Grand Jury are known to belong.”

Yet the vigilantes went too far, and labor organizations called on the state government to intervene. The commissioner sent to investigate declared that the abuses he saw weren’t taking place in Tsarist Russia. At great personal cost, the Wobblies had put the concept of free speech to the test, and won…

When public oratory was a defining feature of civic life: “The Golden Age of the American Soapbox,” from @amelia-soth.bsky.social in @jstordaily.bsky.social.

* John Milton, Areopagitica: A Speech for the Liberty of Unlicens’d Printing, to the Parliament of England

###

As we speak up, we might ponder another Chicago-related phenomenon, recalling that it was on this date in 1986 that Geraldo Rivera made a “shocking discovery”:

Notorious and “most wanted” gangster, Al Capone, began his life of crime in Chicago in 1919 and had his headquarters set up at the Lexington Hotel until his arrest in 1931.

Years later, renovations were being made at the hotel when a team of workers discovered a shooting-range and series of connected tunnels that led to taverns and brothels making for an easy escape should there be a police raid. Rumors were spread that Capone had a secret vault hidden under the hotel as well.

In 1985, news reporter Geraldo Rivera had been fired from ABC after he criticized the network for canceling his report made about an alleged relationship between John F. Kennedy and Marilyn Monroe. It seemed like a good time for Rivera to scoop a new story to repair his reputation.

It was on this day [that] a live, two-hour, syndicated TV special, The Mystery of Al Capone’s Vault aired. After lots of backstory, the time finally came to reveal what was in that vault. It turned out to be empty. After the show, Rivera was quoted as saying “Seems like we struck out.”

– source

source

“Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties”*…

Today we have Substack and social media and blogs. In the old days, we “spoke” in person…

Speaker’s Corner, in Hyde Park in London, is a fabled site of on-going, open public speeches and debate. As Amelia Soth reminds us, that tradition also has a long history in the U.S…

There is nothing in American civic life today like Chicago’s old “Bughouse Square.” From the 1890s to the mid-1960s, it was a hotspot for soapbox speakers: radicals, evangelists, cranks, poets, philosophers, and eccentrics. Anyone with a perspective outside the mainstream gathered there nightly to declaim from their improvised podiums. The ethos, as one newspaper put it, was “free speech and the louder the better.” People actually came to listen, too, in crowds.

Bughouse Square (properly named Washington Square Park) might be the most famous free-speech center, but the practice of soapboxing stretched from sea to shining sea. New York City had its own crew of “peripatetic philosophers.” Hubert Harrison, known as the “Black Socrates,” delivered his critiques of capital right in front of the New York Stock Exchange. Then there was Portia Willis, the “suffrage beauty,” who drew in crowds with her looks and kept them with her wits.

As Mary Anne Trasciatti writes in “Athens or Anarchy? Soapbox Oratory and the Early Twentieth-Century American City,” the soapbox was a particularly democratic mode of public address. Even if you couldn’t get your cause into a meeting hall or a newspaper column, you could still hop on a box, lift your head a few inches above the crowd, and start talking. But that doesn’t mean just anyone could be a successful soapboxer. You had to be a good speaker to keep the crowds listening.

People tried all kinds of tricks to get attention. One soapboxer (wonderfully named Lowlife McCormick) would perform a Houdini-like escape from a straitjacket, which he would then declare to be a metaphor for the bonds of wage labor. Another would catch the crowd’s attention by shouting “I’ve been robbed! I’ve been robbed!” Once he had their ears, he’d finish up with “…by the capitalist system!” A really good soapboxer could draw in so many listeners as to render the streets impassable. One photo shows anarchist Alexander Berkman completely surrounded by a sea of hats.

But the attention soapboxing attracted wasn’t always positive. The 1910s saw a series of vicious “free speech fights” kick off in cities like Spokane, San Diego, and Fresno. Grace L. Miller lays out the history of perhaps the most violent of these struggles in “The I.W.W. Free Speech Fight: San Diego, 1912.” Things started to heat up when a deputy sheriff drove his car into a crowd of people listening to a socialist speaker. One listener reacted by slashing the sheriff’s tire. Within two days, the city passed an ordinance banning street speaking.

In response, the I.W.W. (the Industrial Workers of the World, or the “Wobblies”) urged supporters to ride the rails to San Diego and fight for their right to soapbox:

Come on the cushions; ride up on top;
stick to the brake beams; let nothing stop.
Come in great numbers; this we beseech;
Help San Diego to win free speech.

Soapboxers descended on the town en masse. Each would step up on the box, say a word or two, and then get yanked off by the police and carried to jail. There’s even an old Wobbly joke about a speaker who starts his speech with the traditional salutation—“Fellow friends and workers”—and then, when he realizes no one’s coming to arrest him, panics and shouts “Where are the cops?!”

The Wobblies’ goal was to overwhelm the court system with free-speech cases until the city was forced to give up prosecuting soapboxers. Soon the jail was overflowing. But instead of following the legal process, the city discharged the arrestees right into the waiting arms of a vigilante gang, who drove the Wobblies to the county line and viciously beat them with axe handles.

It’s not exactly clear who the vigilantes were, but the gang may have been composed of some of the city’s most prominent citizens. A newspaper editor who was run out of town for his sympathy to the free-speechers wrote of them (as quoted by Miller): “The chamber of commerce and the real estate board are well represented. The press and public utility corporations, as well as members of the Grand Jury are known to belong.”

Yet the vigilantes went too far, and labor organizations called on the state government to intervene. The commissioner sent to investigate declared that the abuses he saw weren’t taking place in Tsarist Russia. At great personal cost, the Wobblies had put the concept of free speech to the test, and won…

When public oratory was a defining feature of civic life: “The Golden Age of the American Soapbox,” from @amelia-soth.bsky.social in @jstordaily.bsky.social.

* John Milton, Areopagitica: A Speech for the Liberty of Unlicens’d Printing, to the Parliament of England

###

As we speak up, we might ponder another Chicago-related phenomenon, recalling that it was on this date in 1986 that Geraldo Rivera made a “shocking discovery”:

Notorious and “most wanted” gangster, Al Capone, began his life of crime in Chicago in 1919 and had his headquarters set up at the Lexington Hotel until his arrest in 1931.

Years later, renovations were being made at the hotel when a team of workers discovered a shooting-range and series of connected tunnels that led to taverns and brothels making for an easy escape should there be a police raid. Rumors were spread that Capone had a secret vault hidden under the hotel as well.

In 1985, news reporter Geraldo Rivera had been fired from ABC after he criticized the network for canceling his report made about an alleged relationship between John F. Kennedy and Marilyn Monroe. It seemed like a good time for Rivera to scoop a new story to repair his reputation.

It was on this day [that] a live, two-hour, syndicated TV special, The Mystery of Al Capone’s Vault aired. After lots of backstory, the time finally came to reveal what was in that vault. It turned out to be empty. After the show, Rivera was quoted as saying “Seems like we struck out.”

– source

source

“Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties”*…

Today we have Substack and social media and blogs. In the old days, we “spoke” in person…

Speaker’s Corner, in Hyde Park in London, is a fabled site of on-going, open public speeches and debate. As Amelia Soth reminds us, that tradition also has a long history in the U.S…

There is nothing in American civic life today like Chicago’s old “Bughouse Square.” From the 1890s to the mid-1960s, it was a hotspot for soapbox speakers: radicals, evangelists, cranks, poets, philosophers, and eccentrics. Anyone with a perspective outside the mainstream gathered there nightly to declaim from their improvised podiums. The ethos, as one newspaper put it, was “free speech and the louder the better.” People actually came to listen, too, in crowds.

Bughouse Square (properly named Washington Square Park) might be the most famous free-speech center, but the practice of soapboxing stretched from sea to shining sea. New York City had its own crew of “peripatetic philosophers.” Hubert Harrison, known as the “Black Socrates,” delivered his critiques of capital right in front of the New York Stock Exchange. Then there was Portia Willis, the “suffrage beauty,” who drew in crowds with her looks and kept them with her wits.

As Mary Anne Trasciatti writes in “Athens or Anarchy? Soapbox Oratory and the Early Twentieth-Century American City,” the soapbox was a particularly democratic mode of public address. Even if you couldn’t get your cause into a meeting hall or a newspaper column, you could still hop on a box, lift your head a few inches above the crowd, and start talking. But that doesn’t mean just anyone could be a successful soapboxer. You had to be a good speaker to keep the crowds listening.

People tried all kinds of tricks to get attention. One soapboxer (wonderfully named Lowlife McCormick) would perform a Houdini-like escape from a straitjacket, which he would then declare to be a metaphor for the bonds of wage labor. Another would catch the crowd’s attention by shouting “I’ve been robbed! I’ve been robbed!” Once he had their ears, he’d finish up with “…by the capitalist system!” A really good soapboxer could draw in so many listeners as to render the streets impassable. One photo shows anarchist Alexander Berkman completely surrounded by a sea of hats.

But the attention soapboxing attracted wasn’t always positive. The 1910s saw a series of vicious “free speech fights” kick off in cities like Spokane, San Diego, and Fresno. Grace L. Miller lays out the history of perhaps the most violent of these struggles in “The I.W.W. Free Speech Fight: San Diego, 1912.” Things started to heat up when a deputy sheriff drove his car into a crowd of people listening to a socialist speaker. One listener reacted by slashing the sheriff’s tire. Within two days, the city passed an ordinance banning street speaking.

In response, the I.W.W. (the Industrial Workers of the World, or the “Wobblies”) urged supporters to ride the rails to San Diego and fight for their right to soapbox:

Come on the cushions; ride up on top;
stick to the brake beams; let nothing stop.
Come in great numbers; this we beseech;
Help San Diego to win free speech.

Soapboxers descended on the town en masse. Each would step up on the box, say a word or two, and then get yanked off by the police and carried to jail. There’s even an old Wobbly joke about a speaker who starts his speech with the traditional salutation—“Fellow friends and workers”—and then, when he realizes no one’s coming to arrest him, panics and shouts “Where are the cops?!”

The Wobblies’ goal was to overwhelm the court system with free-speech cases until the city was forced to give up prosecuting soapboxers. Soon the jail was overflowing. But instead of following the legal process, the city discharged the arrestees right into the waiting arms of a vigilante gang, who drove the Wobblies to the county line and viciously beat them with axe handles.

It’s not exactly clear who the vigilantes were, but the gang may have been composed of some of the city’s most prominent citizens. A newspaper editor who was run out of town for his sympathy to the free-speechers wrote of them (as quoted by Miller): “The chamber of commerce and the real estate board are well represented. The press and public utility corporations, as well as members of the Grand Jury are known to belong.”

Yet the vigilantes went too far, and labor organizations called on the state government to intervene. The commissioner sent to investigate declared that the abuses he saw weren’t taking place in Tsarist Russia. At great personal cost, the Wobblies had put the concept of free speech to the test, and won…

When public oratory was a defining feature of civic life: “The Golden Age of the American Soapbox,” from @amelia-soth.bsky.social in @jstordaily.bsky.social.

* John Milton, Areopagitica: A Speech for the Liberty of Unlicens’d Printing, to the Parliament of England

###

As we speak up, we might ponder another Chicago-related phenomenon, recalling that it was on this date in 1986 that Geraldo Rivera made a “shocking discovery”:

Notorious and “most wanted” gangster, Al Capone, began his life of crime in Chicago in 1919 and had his headquarters set up at the Lexington Hotel until his arrest in 1931.

Years later, renovations were being made at the hotel when a team of workers discovered a shooting-range and series of connected tunnels that led to taverns and brothels making for an easy escape should there be a police raid. Rumors were spread that Capone had a secret vault hidden under the hotel as well.

In 1985, news reporter Geraldo Rivera had been fired from ABC after he criticized the network for canceling his report made about an alleged relationship between John F. Kennedy and Marilyn Monroe. It seemed like a good time for Rivera to scoop a new story to repair his reputation.

It was on this day [that] a live, two-hour, syndicated TV special, The Mystery of Al Capone’s Vault aired. After lots of backstory, the time finally came to reveal what was in that vault. It turned out to be empty. After the show, Rivera was quoted as saying “Seems like we struck out.”

– source

source

2/2

Ich kann zum Beispiel eine direkte Linie von der schwarzen und indigenen #Anarchistin Lucy #Parsons, einer der #Gründerinnen der IWW, zu der Art und Weise ziehen, wie die Anarchosyndikalisten in den 1920er Jahren in #Deutschland Hunderte oder Tausende von unterirdischen #Abtreibungskliniken errichteten, in denen Millionen von Abtreibungen vorgenommen wurden. Ich kann eine Linie von Lucy Parsons zu dem deutschen Anarcho-Syndikalisten Rudolph #Rocker ziehen, der in den 1910er Jahren für einige Jahre nach #England ging und dort irische und jüdische #Arbeitsmigranten zusammenbrachte. Da die irischen #Hafenarbeiter gestreikt hatten, schickten sie ihre Kinder zu den jüdischen Schneidern, um sie zu ernähren. Als die britischen #Faschisten in den 1930er Jahren versuchten, die Iren gegen die #Juden aufzuhetzen, wollten die Iren nichts davon wissen, und gemeinsam schlugen die Juden und die #Iren die Faschisten in der Schlacht in der #CableStreet vernichtend, was der faschistischen Organisation auf der Straße im England der 1930er Jahre den Todesstoß versetzte. Ich kann mir das ansehen und sagen: "Das geschah, weil eine Frau namens Lucy Parsons in den Vereinigten Staaten in die #Sklaverei hineingeboren wurde und nach ihrer Befreiung ihr Leben der Entwicklung von Strategien widmete, mit denen wir alle nicht nur von der Sklaverei, sondern auch vom Kapitalismus befreit werden können."

Ich fand mehr und mehr dieser Themen. Die IWW tauchten immer wieder an den unwahrscheinlichsten Orten auf.
Vor ein paar Wochen, als ich über die Gewerkschaft Local 8 in #Philadelphia recherchierte, beschloss ich, dass ich ein Heuchler wäre, wenn ich nicht beitreten würde, und ich trat den IWW bei.

Die erste Blütezeit der IWW brach während der ersten Roten Panik 1917 oder so zusammen, als #Anarchisten und #Wobblies massenweise verhaftet oder deportiert wurden. Die #Gewerkschaft hielt sich wacker, aber die politische Landschaft Amerikas wurde für immer verändert. Einer der Kerngedanken der IWW war es, die Arbeiter auch entlang linker ideologischer Linien zu vereinen, aber nach dem russischen Bürgerkrieg, als die #Bolschewiki ihre linken Mitstreiter zerschlugen, wurde die Vorstellung, was es bedeutet, ein #Linker, #Kommunist oder #Sozialist zu sein, ebenfalls für immer verändert. Die Bolschewiki hielten nicht viel von den IWW, da sie zu demokratisch und zu schwer zu beeinflussen waren, und unterstützten stattdessen die liberaleren Gewerkschaften, da diese leichter zu kontrollieren waren.

Der Stern der IWW ging unter. Die liberaleren Gewerkschaften beanspruchten einen größeren Anteil der Arbeiterklasse für sich. Mit der Zeit wurden diese Gewerkschaften natürlich auch rassenübergreifend, und es war immer noch besser, einen gewerkschaftlichen Arbeitsplatz zu haben als einen nicht gewerkschaftlichen Arbeitsplatz.

Die IWW sind jedoch nie verschwunden. Ich weiß weniger über ihr Wiederaufleben, aber ich weiß, dass sie stattgefunden hat, und seit Jahrzehnten beobachte ich, wie die IWW Dinge erreichen, die ich nie für möglich gehalten hätte. Die vielleicht beeindruckendste Errungenschaft der IWW ist das #IWOC, das "Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee". Die #IWW organisieren die #Gefängnisarbeit. Und das ist keine Sache von oben nach unten... die Gefangenen selbst organisieren sich drinnen, während die Organisatoren draußen ihre Unterstützung anbieten.

Ich bin ein #Freiberufler ohne eine traditionelle #Belegschaft, aber die FJU, die Gewerkschaft der freien #Journalisten, vertritt, nun ja, freie #Journalisten. Sie kämpft, oft erfolgreich, für die Auszahlung nicht gezahlter #Löhne. Sie arbeitet an der Festlegung von Standards für Medien, die Freiberufler veröffentlichen.

Um ehrlich zu sein, brauche ich selbst keine Gewerkschaft. Meine Kunden sind in der Regel selbst ziemlich radikal und bezahlen mich pünktlich und so gut sie können. Es ist immer schön, wenn Menschen hinter einem stehen, und ich bin froh, dass ich jetzt diese große, horizontale Organisation an meiner Seite habe, aber ich bin den IWW nicht wegen mir beigetreten. Ich bin beigetreten, weil ich an ihre Mission glaube - die Arbeiterklasse zu organisieren, um ihre eigenen Bedingungen zu verbessern und schließlich die Lohnarbeit ganz abzuschaffen. Ich bin beigetreten, weil ich an die Arbeit glaube, die sie leisten, indem sie traditionelle und nicht-traditionelle Arbeitsplätze gleichermaßen organisieren.

Und ja, es war immer noch ärgerlich, dass vor 20 Jahren die ersten Wobblies, die ich kennenlernte, nicht gerade auf der Höhe der Zeit waren. Ich bin froh, dass ich gelernt habe, dass direkte Aktionen wichtiger sind als institutioneller Rückhalt. Aber was wäre, wenn unser #Chef gesagt hätte: "Gut, ihr seid alle gefeuert." Was dann? Hätten wir drei dann die nötige Erfahrung gehabt, um eine Beschwerde einzureichen, oder den nötigen Rückhalt, um Druck auf ihn auszuüben, damit er uns unseren nicht gezahlten Lohn auszahlt? (Die Antwort auf beide Fragen ist nein.)

Die IWW scheint eine unvollkommene Organisation zu sein, und sie ist derzeit nicht auf dem Höhepunkt ihrer Macht. Aber sie erlebt ein Wiederaufleben, und sie ist notwendiger denn je. Immer mehr Menschen arbeiten an nicht-traditionellen Arbeitsplätzen, und es braucht eine flexible, kämpferische Gewerkschaft, um die Menschen zu organisieren, die von den traditionellen Gewerkschaften ignoriert werden.

Also bin ich den Wobblies beigetreten. Das kannst du auch. Wenn du dich anmeldest und deinen Beitrag bezahlst (der je nach Einkommen gestaffelt ist), wird sich jemand mit dir in Verbindung setzen, um mit dir darüber zu sprechen, was auf lokaler Ebene passiert und wie du dich engagieren kannst.

Die Präambel der IWW-Satzung wurde von Thomas #Hagerty verfasst, einem katholischen #Wanderprediger, der wegen seiner politischen Aktivitäten aus der Kirche geworfen wurde und als Mystiker auf den Straßen #Chicagos landete. Wie könnte ich es nicht lieben?

"Die Arbeiterklasse und die Klasse der #Ausbeuter haben nichts gemeinsam.

Es kann keinen Frieden geben, solange Hunger und Not unter Millionen von Arbeitern herrschen und die wenigen, die die Ausbeuterklasse bilden, über alle Güter des Lebens verfügen.

Zwischen diesen beiden Klassen muss ein Kampf geführt werden, bis sich die Arbeiter der Welt als Klasse organisieren, die #Produktionsmittel in Besitz nehmen, das #Lohnsystem abschaffen und in Harmonie mit der Erde leben.

Wir stellen fest, dass die Zentralisierung der Verwaltung der Industrien in immer weniger Händen die Gewerkschaften unfähig macht, mit der immer größer werdenden Macht der #Ausbeuterklasse fertig zu werden.

Die Gewerkschaften fördern einen Zustand, der es ermöglicht, eine Gruppe von Arbeitnehmern gegen eine andere Gruppe von #Arbeitnehmern in derselben Branche auszuspielen und so dazu beizutragen, sich gegenseitig in Lohnkriegen zu besiegen.

Darüber hinaus helfen die Gewerkschaften der Ausbeuterklasse, die #Arbeiter in dem Glauben zu lassen, dass die Arbeiterklasse gemeinsame Interessen mit ihren Ausbeutern hat.

Diese Verhältnisse können nur durch eine Organisation geändert und die Interessen der Arbeiterklasse gewahrt werden, die so beschaffen ist, dass alle ihre Mitglieder in einem Industriezweig oder, falls erforderlich, in allen Industriezweigen die Arbeit niederlegen, wenn in irgendeiner Abteilung ein #Streik oder eine #Aussperrung stattfindet, so dass die Schädigung eines Einzelnen eine Schädigung aller ist.

Anstelle des konservativen Mottos "Gerechter Tageslohn für gerechte Arbeit" müssen wir die revolutionäre Losung auf unsere Fahne schreiben,
"Abschaffung des Lohnsystems".

Es ist die historische Aufgabe der Arbeiterklasse, den Kapitalismus
abzuschaffen.

Die Armee der Produktion muss organisiert werden, nicht nur für den täglichen Kampf mit den Kapitalisten, sondern auch um die Produktion fortzuführen, wenn der Kapitalismus gestürzt ist.

Indem wir uns industriell organisieren, bilden wir die Struktur der neuen Gesellschaft innerhalb der Schale der alten."

Margaret Killjoy, Birds Before the Storm, 14. August 2024

https://margaretkilljoy.substack.com/p/why-i-joined-the-industrial-workers

Übersetzung: Thomas Trueten

#Anarchismus #CapitalismIsADeathCult

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Ich kann zum Beispiel eine direkte Linie von der schwarzen und indigenen #Anarchistin Lucy #Parsons, einer der #Gründerinnen der IWW, zu der Art und Weise ziehen, wie die Anarchosyndikalisten in den 1920er Jahren in #Deutschland Hunderte oder Tausende von unterirdischen #Abtreibungskliniken errichteten, in denen Millionen von Abtreibungen vorgenommen wurden. Ich kann eine Linie von Lucy Parsons zu dem deutschen Anarcho-Syndikalisten Rudolph #Rocker ziehen, der in den 1910er Jahren für einige Jahre nach #England ging und dort irische und jüdische #Arbeitsmigranten zusammenbrachte. Da die irischen #Hafenarbeiter gestreikt hatten, schickten sie ihre Kinder zu den jüdischen Schneidern, um sie zu ernähren. Als die britischen #Faschisten in den 1930er Jahren versuchten, die Iren gegen die #Juden aufzuhetzen, wollten die Iren nichts davon wissen, und gemeinsam schlugen die Juden und die #Iren die Faschisten in der Schlacht in der #CableStreet vernichtend, was der faschistischen Organisation auf der Straße im England der 1930er Jahre den Todesstoß versetzte. Ich kann mir das ansehen und sagen: "Das geschah, weil eine Frau namens Lucy Parsons in den Vereinigten Staaten in die #Sklaverei hineingeboren wurde und nach ihrer Befreiung ihr Leben der Entwicklung von Strategien widmete, mit denen wir alle nicht nur von der Sklaverei, sondern auch vom Kapitalismus befreit werden können."

Ich fand mehr und mehr dieser Themen. Die IWW tauchten immer wieder an den unwahrscheinlichsten Orten auf.
Vor ein paar Wochen, als ich über die Gewerkschaft Local 8 in #Philadelphia recherchierte, beschloss ich, dass ich ein Heuchler wäre, wenn ich nicht beitreten würde, und ich trat den IWW bei.

Die erste Blütezeit der IWW brach während der ersten Roten Panik 1917 oder so zusammen, als #Anarchisten und #Wobblies massenweise verhaftet oder deportiert wurden. Die #Gewerkschaft hielt sich wacker, aber die politische Landschaft Amerikas wurde für immer verändert. Einer der Kerngedanken der IWW war es, die Arbeiter auch entlang linker ideologischer Linien zu vereinen, aber nach dem russischen Bürgerkrieg, als die #Bolschewiki ihre linken Mitstreiter zerschlugen, wurde die Vorstellung, was es bedeutet, ein #Linker, #Kommunist oder #Sozialist zu sein, ebenfalls für immer verändert. Die Bolschewiki hielten nicht viel von den IWW, da sie zu demokratisch und zu schwer zu beeinflussen waren, und unterstützten stattdessen die liberaleren Gewerkschaften, da diese leichter zu kontrollieren waren.

Der Stern der IWW ging unter. Die liberaleren Gewerkschaften beanspruchten einen größeren Anteil der Arbeiterklasse für sich. Mit der Zeit wurden diese Gewerkschaften natürlich auch rassenübergreifend, und es war immer noch besser, einen gewerkschaftlichen Arbeitsplatz zu haben als einen nicht gewerkschaftlichen Arbeitsplatz.

Die IWW sind jedoch nie verschwunden. Ich weiß weniger über ihr Wiederaufleben, aber ich weiß, dass sie stattgefunden hat, und seit Jahrzehnten beobachte ich, wie die IWW Dinge erreichen, die ich nie für möglich gehalten hätte. Die vielleicht beeindruckendste Errungenschaft der IWW ist das #IWOC, das "Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee". Die #IWW organisieren die #Gefängnisarbeit. Und das ist keine Sache von oben nach unten... die Gefangenen selbst organisieren sich drinnen, während die Organisatoren draußen ihre Unterstützung anbieten.

Ich bin ein #Freiberufler ohne eine traditionelle #Belegschaft, aber die FJU, die Gewerkschaft der freien #Journalisten, vertritt, nun ja, freie #Journalisten. Sie kämpft, oft erfolgreich, für die Auszahlung nicht gezahlter #Löhne. Sie arbeitet an der Festlegung von Standards für Medien, die Freiberufler veröffentlichen.

Um ehrlich zu sein, brauche ich selbst keine Gewerkschaft. Meine Kunden sind in der Regel selbst ziemlich radikal und bezahlen mich pünktlich und so gut sie können. Es ist immer schön, wenn Menschen hinter einem stehen, und ich bin froh, dass ich jetzt diese große, horizontale Organisation an meiner Seite habe, aber ich bin den IWW nicht wegen mir beigetreten. Ich bin beigetreten, weil ich an ihre Mission glaube - die Arbeiterklasse zu organisieren, um ihre eigenen Bedingungen zu verbessern und schließlich die Lohnarbeit ganz abzuschaffen. Ich bin beigetreten, weil ich an die Arbeit glaube, die sie leisten, indem sie traditionelle und nicht-traditionelle Arbeitsplätze gleichermaßen organisieren.

Und ja, es war immer noch ärgerlich, dass vor 20 Jahren die ersten Wobblies, die ich kennenlernte, nicht gerade auf der Höhe der Zeit waren. Ich bin froh, dass ich gelernt habe, dass direkte Aktionen wichtiger sind als institutioneller Rückhalt. Aber was wäre, wenn unser #Chef gesagt hätte: "Gut, ihr seid alle gefeuert." Was dann? Hätten wir drei dann die nötige Erfahrung gehabt, um eine Beschwerde einzureichen, oder den nötigen Rückhalt, um Druck auf ihn auszuüben, damit er uns unseren nicht gezahlten Lohn auszahlt? (Die Antwort auf beide Fragen ist nein.)

Die IWW scheint eine unvollkommene Organisation zu sein, und sie ist derzeit nicht auf dem Höhepunkt ihrer Macht. Aber sie erlebt ein Wiederaufleben, und sie ist notwendiger denn je. Immer mehr Menschen arbeiten an nicht-traditionellen Arbeitsplätzen, und es braucht eine flexible, kämpferische Gewerkschaft, um die Menschen zu organisieren, die von den traditionellen Gewerkschaften ignoriert werden.

Also bin ich den Wobblies beigetreten. Das kannst du auch. Wenn du dich anmeldest und deinen Beitrag bezahlst (der je nach Einkommen gestaffelt ist), wird sich jemand mit dir in Verbindung setzen, um mit dir darüber zu sprechen, was auf lokaler Ebene passiert und wie du dich engagieren kannst.

Die Präambel der IWW-Satzung wurde von Thomas #Hagerty verfasst, einem katholischen #Wanderprediger, der wegen seiner politischen Aktivitäten aus der Kirche geworfen wurde und als Mystiker auf den Straßen #Chicagos landete. Wie könnte ich es nicht lieben?

"Die Arbeiterklasse und die Klasse der #Ausbeuter haben nichts gemeinsam.

Es kann keinen Frieden geben, solange Hunger und Not unter Millionen von Arbeitern herrschen und die wenigen, die die Ausbeuterklasse bilden, über alle Güter des Lebens verfügen.

Zwischen diesen beiden Klassen muss ein Kampf geführt werden, bis sich die Arbeiter der Welt als Klasse organisieren, die #Produktionsmittel in Besitz nehmen, das #Lohnsystem abschaffen und in Harmonie mit der Erde leben.

Wir stellen fest, dass die Zentralisierung der Verwaltung der Industrien in immer weniger Händen die Gewerkschaften unfähig macht, mit der immer größer werdenden Macht der #Ausbeuterklasse fertig zu werden.

Die Gewerkschaften fördern einen Zustand, der es ermöglicht, eine Gruppe von Arbeitnehmern gegen eine andere Gruppe von #Arbeitnehmern in derselben Branche auszuspielen und so dazu beizutragen, sich gegenseitig in Lohnkriegen zu besiegen.

Darüber hinaus helfen die Gewerkschaften der Ausbeuterklasse, die #Arbeiter in dem Glauben zu lassen, dass die Arbeiterklasse gemeinsame Interessen mit ihren Ausbeutern hat.

Diese Verhältnisse können nur durch eine Organisation geändert und die Interessen der Arbeiterklasse gewahrt werden, die so beschaffen ist, dass alle ihre Mitglieder in einem Industriezweig oder, falls erforderlich, in allen Industriezweigen die Arbeit niederlegen, wenn in irgendeiner Abteilung ein #Streik oder eine #Aussperrung stattfindet, so dass die Schädigung eines Einzelnen eine Schädigung aller ist.

Anstelle des konservativen Mottos "Gerechter Tageslohn für gerechte Arbeit" müssen wir die revolutionäre Losung auf unsere Fahne schreiben,
"Abschaffung des Lohnsystems".

Es ist die historische Aufgabe der Arbeiterklasse, den Kapitalismus
abzuschaffen.

Die Armee der Produktion muss organisiert werden, nicht nur für den täglichen Kampf mit den Kapitalisten, sondern auch um die Produktion fortzuführen, wenn der Kapitalismus gestürzt ist.

Indem wir uns industriell organisieren, bilden wir die Struktur der neuen Gesellschaft innerhalb der Schale der alten."

Margaret Killjoy, Birds Before the Storm, 14. August 2024

https://margaretkilljoy.substack.com/p/why-i-joined-the-industrial-workers

Übersetzung: Thomas Trueten

#Anarchismus #CapitalismIsADeathCult