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#socialnorms — Public Fediverse posts

Live and recent posts from across the Fediverse tagged #socialnorms, aggregated by home.social.

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  1. People who strongly admire celebrities tend to be more deferential to authority and more attached to traditional norms. Strong emotional attachments to famous figures relate to a preference for established social order and conventional norms.

    Read Full Article

    #CelebrityCulture #SocialNorms #AuthorityCompliance
    Reenviado desde Science News por experienciainterdimensional

  2. Miss Manners Advises on Bridal Shower Etiquette Controversy

    📰 Original title: Miss Manners: I wore white to a bridal shower. My daughters says I’m selfish.

    🤖 IA: It's clickbait ⚠️
    👥 Users: It's clickbait ⚠️

    View full AI summary en.killbait.com/miss-manners-a

    #society #etiquette #familyconflict #socialnorms

  3. Miss Manners Advises on Bridal Shower Etiquette Controversy

    📰 Original title: Miss Manners: I wore white to a bridal shower. My daughters says I’m selfish.

    🤖 IA: It's clickbait ⚠️
    👥 Users: It's clickbait ⚠️

    View full AI summary en.killbait.com/miss-manners-a

    #society #etiquette #familyconflict #socialnorms

  4. Canadian study suggests social norms rival economics in climate fight and can sway action abroad

    Efforts to cut emissions in one region can echo far beyond it, influencing public support for climate action…
    #Canada #climateaction #climatechange #climatechangemitigation #climatemodels #climaterisk #NatureCommunications #Socialnorms #UniversityofWaterloo
    europesays.com/canada/127448/

  5. ✌️We are thankful for all of the help this week!

    Although we're a small nonprofit, we support more than 100K young people every year -- empowering them to demand healthy relationships.

    Every time you share our work you make a difference.

    🧡 Together, we will ensure young people live happier, healthier lives.

    #nonprofit #charity #consent #prevention #PublicHealth #resilience #communication #CriticalThinking #education #SocialNorms #empathy #relationships #teaching #volunteer

  6. Why are there road turnoffs but not road turn-ons 🤨
    I feel like signs are kink shaming a little here.

    #socialnorms #roadsigns #driving #comedy

  7. Social Norms Clog Women's Political Pathways

    Nearly 90% of people surveyed have biases against women, impacting their political roles. Find out how this affects women's leadership.

    #GenderBias, #WomenInPolitics, #SocialNorms, #GlobalReport, #Equality

    newsletter.tf/global-bias-agai

  8. Almost 90% of people worldwide have biases against women, with nearly half believing men are better political leaders. This shows a big problem for women in power.

    #GenderBias, #WomenInPolitics, #SocialNorms, #GlobalReport, #Equality
    newsletter.tf/global-bias-agai

  9. Does anyone else have a problem with handshakes? Everyone seems to have their own style and just expect you to know what they’re wanting you to do, which means I’m just awkward 90% of the time because I don’t know what they want.
    I vote bring back the generic regular handshake!

    #socialnorms #social

  10. After the Condolences End

    What happens to a foreign widower when communal duty quietly expires

    By Cliff Potts, CSO, and Editor-in-Chief of WPS News

    The Moment the Crowd Disperses

    There is a moment after a funeral that rarely gets discussed. The food is gone. The chairs are stacked. The well-wishes stop arriving. The phone goes quiet. What follows is not closure—it is absence. For a foreign widower living inside a tight-knit barangay, that absence is not neutral. It is structural.

    I did not expect grief to be shared indefinitely. I did expect a minimum level of continued human acknowledgment. What I encountered instead was a sudden social vacuum—one where I was still visible as a resource, but no longer visible as a person.

    From Community to Transaction

    In the weeks following my wife’s death, interactions shifted tone. Conversations that once carried warmth began to revolve around obligation, money, and silence. Questions about how I was doing stopped. Requests did not.

    This was not overt hostility. It was something colder: transactional normalcy. The unspoken assumption seemed to be that my role had narrowed—to pay bills, keep the household functioning, and not ask for emotional reciprocity. Grief, it appeared, had an expiration date, and mine had passed.

    Respect for Elders: A Historical Expectation

    Historically, respect for elders in the Philippine archipelago predates Spanish colonization and was embedded in pre-colonial barangay structures, where older members served as custodians of memory, mediation, and customary law. Age conferred social authority tied to experience and communal continuity rather than wealth or force. Spanish colonization did not erase this framework but reframed it through Catholic moral theology, reinforcing filial obligation, care for parents and elders, and the moral duty of the community to protect the aged. The result was a hybrid system in which respect for elders became both a cultural norm and a religious expectation, persisting across centuries and surviving multiple political regimes.

    That context matters, because what I experienced runs counter to that tradition.

    Who Receives Deference—and Who Does Not

    Respect for elders remains real and visible here—when those elders are local, embedded, and culturally legible. It does not reliably extend to an older foreigner, even one who has married into the community, contributed financially, and remained present after loss.

    This is not about skin color alone. It is about classification. I occupy an ambiguous category: old, but not “one of us”; responsible, but not authoritative; expected to provide, but not entitled to care. In practice, this means deference flows around me rather than toward me.

    The Language Gap That Never Closed

    I was repeatedly encouraged to learn the local language. When I tried, assistance was inconsistent or absent. Over time, it became clear that language was not simply a barrier—it was a gate. Without fluency, I remained dependent on intermediaries, and dependence limits agency.

    Misunderstandings compounded. Requests were interpreted as impositions. Clarifications were framed as embarrassment. Silence became the default response to discomfort. The result was not integration, but containment.

    Grief Without a Net

    My wife acted as a cultural bridge. She translated tone, intention, and expectation in both directions. When she died, that bridge collapsed. What I encountered afterward was not cruelty, but indifference shaped by habit: once the ritual obligations were fulfilled, the system moved on.

    Grief, in this environment, is private unless it aligns with collective rhythm. Mine did not.

    What This Is—and What It Is Not

    This is not an attack on Filipino culture. It is an observation from inside a specific moment, in a specific place, under specific conditions. It is not an argument that people here are malicious. It is an argument that systems can fail quietly, and that failure has consequences for those who fall between categories.

    I am still here. I am still functioning. I am still contributing. What is missing is not resilience, but reciprocity.

    Why This Matters

    Foreign retirees, spouses, and long-term residents are often told that the Philippines is uniquely communal and caring. That can be true—until it isn’t. When loss occurs, and when the person grieving lacks cultural insulation, the gap between expectation and reality can be severe.

    This essay exists to document that gap. Not to inflame, but to record. Not to demand sympathy, but to insist on clarity.

    Because what happens after the condolences end is where the real story begins.

    For more social commentary and high-quality horror stories, please see Occupy 2.5 at https://Occupy25.com

    #barangayLife #culturalObservation #elders #expatriateLife #FilipinoCulture #grief #Philippines #socialNorms #widower #WPSNews
  11. The Social, Political, and Cultural Importance of Hats in Early Modern England

    📰 Original title: People once risked everything just to keep their hats on

    🤖 IA: It's clickbait ⚠️
    👥 Usuarios: It's clickbait ⚠️

    View full AI summary: killbait.com/en/the-social-pol

    #history #socialnorms #politicalprotest #fash...

  12. The Social, Political, and Cultural Importance of Hats in Early Modern England

    📰 Original title: People once risked everything just to keep their hats on

    🤖 IA: It's clickbait ⚠️
    👥 Usuarios: It's clickbait ⚠️

    View full AI summary: killbait.com/en/the-social-pol

    #history #socialnorms #politicalprotest #fas...

  13. We Didn’t Get Ruder—We Just Stopped Noticing Each Other: A Pagan View of Everyday Harm

    Rudeness isn’t just bad manners—it’s a breakdown in how we relate to each other and the spaces we share. From everyday frustrations to deeper disconnection, this piece explores how awareness—not rules—can restore balance in modern life.

    pagangrove.wordpress.com/2026/

  14. medium.com/storyangles/a-cultu

    Different groups have different expectations about how society should work. Those expectations clash. When groups talk past each other instead of to each other, the divide widens.

    #socialnorms #culturalunraveling #downfallofcivilization #TheEnd #medium #life

  15. Ethical Boundaries Tested Across the USA

    Learn about how ethical rules and people's rights are changing in the USA. See what experts say about these shifts.

    #EthicalChanges, #HumanRights, #USASociety, #MoralValues, #SocialNorms

    newsletter.tf/ethical-boundari

  16. People are talking about how ethical lines and human rights seem to be changing in the USA. Experts share their thoughts on why this is happening and what it means for everyone.

    #EthicalChanges, #HumanRights, #USASociety, #MoralValues, #SocialNorms

    newsletter.tf/ethical-boundari

  17. Thousands of parents in Northern Ireland urge MPs to raise social media age limit

    Thousands of parents are urging action to protect children online. More than 1500 parents in Northern Ireland have…
    #Ireland #IE #Europe #Europa #EU #ireland #MPs #NorthernIreland #parents #politicalspectrum #SmartphoneFreeChildhood #socialmedia #socialnorms
    europesays.com/2753910/

  18. Hey, so, I know this might be a weird thing to ask for and certainly a "git gud" on my part to some extent, but if you ask a rhetorical question or just would like to vent, it would be nice to note this somewhere. Otherwise please be aware that not everyone might be able to "read" your intentions and that a person "lecturing you with unsolicited advice" is trying to help you in good faith because they thought you actually asked a question.

    I am autistic. In my specific case (we're not a monolith) this means social behaviours are a thing I learn, not some vague self-explaining instinct I have out of nowhere. "Someone asking a question in my general direction means they want an answer from me and it is rude to not give one" is one of the first things I learned.
    However, "Someone asking a question in my general direction means they don't want any reaction at all aside maybe from 'that sucks' or a nod and if you reply you give unsolicited advice which is super rude" seems to be out there as well and just as common (and it feels like it's getting more common than the first one in recent years).

    I have no way to tell which one you mean. I learned when it's a stranger it's helpful to ask "do you want advice or just vent" and this might work, but apparently even among friends it seems to be common and I can't tell how tired I am for being considered rude either for not answering an actual question or for answering a rhethorical one. (Not to mention extreme cases where people assume I'd be some person who would want to pick a fight, and "is looking for excuses" when I simply try to explain my reasoning like I do now.)

    Any sort of pointer would be appreciated.

    #Autism #SocialNorms #Communication #Accessibility

  19. Công an Bắc Ninh vừa triệt phá đường dây môi giới bán dâm nam giá 2,5 triệu đồng/lượt phục vụ "quý bà" tuổi 40, do đối tượng tại Hà Nội tổ chức. Các bị can đã bị khởi tố và tạm giam để điều tra.

    #pháđườngdây #đêbổngdànhcho #nângđẩypháthủy #buốngiảitrí #đạođứcxãhội
    #crimedestroyed #prostitutionring #policeaction #socialnorms #lawenforcement

    vietnamnet.vn/triet-pha-duong-

  20. Chuyến đi 200km của họ nhà trai đến nhà gái để dự lễ lại mặt đã gây bất ngờ khi mâm cỗ chỉ có vài món đơn giản. Hai cô của chú rể không giấu được sự xì xào, chê bai trước sự chuẩn bị này của phía gia đình cô dâu.

    #Vietnam #SocialNorms #WeddingTraditions #CulturalShock #VietnameseCulture #ĐờiSống
    #LễLạiMặt #MâmCỗ #NhàTraiNhàGái #PhongTụcViệt #CướiHỏi

    vietnamnet.vn/di-200km-den-nha

  21. Open bigotry—are norms against hate collapsing? Paul Krugman warns President Trump’s viciousness is making hatemongering feel routine, with media amplification pushing society toward nihilism. paulkrugman.substack.com/p/why #PaulKrugman #SocialNorms #HateSpeech #Politics

  22. If I'm not supposed to hold the door open for others, what should I do instead? Is it preferable to pretend that other people don't exist?

    medium.com/@atheistrevolution/

    #humanism #kindness #SocialNorms

  23. Across 90 societies, social norms have softened: people are freer, but also more mindful of harm. A new global study reveals how the moral rules of everyday life are quietly evolving. #CulturalEvolution #SocialNorms #Anthropology #HumanBehavior anthropology.net/p/the-age-of-

  24. Leah Levi, The 4B Movement in South Korea

    Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

    Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

    Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/09

    Leah Levi, psychologist, sex and dating expert at first explorationships app Flure. With over six years in the dating app industry, she provides expert insights on relationships, intimacy, and self-confidence. Through her personal experience with breast reduction surgery, Leah advocates for body positivity and self-care, empowering individuals to build healthier relationships. She frequently explores topics like relationship patterns, digital-age breakups, and the psychological impact of body image on intimacy. Leah’s work has been featured in leading media outlets, where she shares evidence-based advice on love, dating, and modern relationship dynamics.

    Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When did the 4B movement become something of note, in general, and for you?

    Leah Levi: The 4B movement started gaining momentum around 2019. It started as a reaction to gender inequality in South Korea, gaining momentum after several major cases of violence and discrimination against women. For me, it became impossible to ignore when it started resonating beyond South Korea—women everywhere are rethinking traditional gender roles, especially when it comes to dating, marriage, and motherhood.

    Jacobsen: What does the 4B movement mean in its stances, but also its derivatives?

    Levi: The 4B movement—short for “Four No’s” (from four Korean words beginning with “bi”) – means no dating, no sex, no marriage, and no childbirth. Women in the movement see these expectations as unfair pressures limiting their independence and life opportunities.

    Jacobsen: The 4B movement is a South Korean cultural response. One grounded in the facets of gender inequality and misogyny. What other national movements outside of South Korea reflect this movement?

    Japan’s “Parasite Singles” – Women choosing not to marry due to financial and social pressures.

    China’s “Leftover Women” (Sheng Nu) Rebellion – Educated, unmarried women rejecting societal pressure to marry.

    Western Feminist Movements:  In the U.S., following political events like the 2024 presidential election, there’s been a surge of interest in the 4B movement.

    Jacobsen: What have been the counter-movements to the 4B Movement?

    Levi: In South Korea, the 4B movement has faced backlash, especially from men’s rights activists and anti-feminist groups who see it as an extreme and threatening tradition.

    Similar reactions have happened globally, for example, from groups like Red Pill (a controversial online community) and MGTOW (Men Going Their Way). These movements don’t just tell men to avoid relationships – they claim feminism has “ruined” society, spreading conspiracy theories fueled by misogyny and anger toward independent women. 

    Jacobsen: Trump-era politics is primarily economically motivated, with various derivatives, including co-equal restrictions on public provisions for women, e.g., reproductive rights, etc. How have these contributed to other countries’ women adopting the 4B movement-like activist principles?

    Levi: For many, the new administration’s policies feel like a direct attack on women’s autonomy, from attempts to defund Planned Parenthood to the rollback of reproductive healthcare protections. This has pushed some women toward more radical forms of protest, like the 4B movement. When rights feel under threat, women are more likely to reject traditional expectations, including marriage and motherhood, as a way to reclaim control over their lives.

    Jacobsen: Some South Korean women cite safety concerns and misogyny as reasons for the adoption of 4B principles. Do these motivations apply more so in the U.S.?

    Levi: Yes and no. In the U.S., issues like domestic violence, workplace harassment, and restrictions on reproductive rights are big concerns. Still, they play out differently due to cultural and legal differences.

    Jacobsen: High-profile cases reinforced discussions about misogyny. Do these serve as further catalysts for feminist action?

    Levi: The 4B Movement began in South Korea, inspired by a tragic 2016 murder in Gangnam, where a man killed a woman out of resentment. Women, there were tired of feeling unsafe and unseen, and 4B became a way to reject those constraints and reclaim their lives.

    Pop culture events add fuel to the sentiment. High-profile cases like the recent allegations against P. Diddy remind us that toxic power dynamics still go unchecked, even at the highest levels. Women feel this impact in their everyday lives, and 4B offers a way to stand against these norms.

    Jacobsen: What will be the likely long-term consequences of the 4B movement as it expands and evolves, breaks into other smaller movements, and so on, in South Korea?

    Levi: The potential 4B movement’s long-term consequences in South Korea could include:​

    • Policy Changes – The government might introduce new policies to address gender inequality and make marriage and parenting more appealing.
    • Shifting Social Norms – Ideas about gender roles, relationships, and family structures could continue evolving, leading to a more independent and self-focused approach to life for many women.
    • Lower Birth Rates – South Korea’s declining birth rate could drop even further. A smaller future workforce could impact productivity and slow down economic growth. 

    Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Leah. 

    Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices. In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: [email protected]. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

    #bodyPositivity #feministMovements #genderInequality #reproductiveRights #socialNorms

  25. Comprehensive Solutions to Gender-Based Violence

    Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

    Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

    Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/04/25

     Dr. Manuel Contreras-Urbina discusses the complexities of gender-based violence (GBV), drawing on over 25 years of experience. He emphasizes a comprehensive approach that addresses root causes like patriarchal norms, economic inequality, and institutional gaps. Contreras-Urbina critiques short-term or superficial interventions and advocates for integrating GBV prevention into education, social protection, and peacebuilding, among others. He highlights data collection challenges in conflict zones and the ethical responsibilities involved. Notable country examples include Australia, Brazil, and Mozambique. The conversation explores what truly works to reduce GBV and stresses multi-sectoral, community-driven, and long-term strategies for lasting impact.

    Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Dr. Manuel Contreras-Urbina is a Senior Social Development Specialist focusing on gender-based violence (GBV) in the World Bank. Contreras-Urbina is a gender specialist with over 25 years of experience in gender and GBV research and programming. Before joining the World Bank, he served as the Director of Research at the Global Women’s Institute at George Washington University, as a Programme Officer at UN Women in Mexico and Central America, and as Coordinator of the Gender, Violence, and Rights portfolio at the International Center for Research on Women.

    He earned a Ph.D. in Population and Gender Studies from the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, a Master’s in Demography from El Colegio de México, and a Bachelor’s in Mathematics and Actuarial Science from the National Autonomous University of Mexico. His work focuses on violence against women and girls, social norms, men and masculinities, and sexual and reproductive health. He has contributed to evidence-based strategies and research on GBV prevention and response worldwide. He’s been everywhere.

    So, my first question would be this: From an official standpoint, when people think of gender-based violence, they might only be thinking about physical violence. However, international institutions tend to take a broader view, which includes psychological or emotional violence as well. How do you define gender-based violence?

    Manuel Contreras-Urbina: We usually follow the United Nations’ definitions, which result from many years of expert dialogue. We define gender-based violence as encompassing various types of violence rooted primarily in gender inequality—where there is a power imbalance between men and women.

    Typically, the majority of those affected are women and girls. That does not mean other populations are unaffected, but the prevalence among women and girls is particularly high. There are different types of GBV. The most common is intimate partner violence. Others include early marriage, female genital mutilation, and sexual violence perpetrated by a non-partner.

    Within intimate partner violence, there are several forms: physical, sexual, psychological, and economic violence. So, there are many dimensions to GBV.

    And yes, you’re right. The most recognized or visible form of GBV tends to be physical violence. People are more aware of that. But the other forms—psychological, economic, sexual—exist and are deeply impactful.

    Sometimes, the forms of violence are not even recognized by the perpetrators themselves, but they exist—and there are clear definitions for all of them. They are also quite common. For example, sexual violence is still not legally recognized in some countries. However, we are now seeing more and more progressive legal frameworks that recognize all these types and forms of violence that I mentioned.

    Jacobsen: What are the key lessons from global data on gender-based violence and, particularly, from funding institutions that have worked to reduce its prevalence? There must be findings showing what kinds of programs and investments are effective—and, on the other hand, interventions that might sound good on paper but do not yield real-world results. So the question is: what works, and what do you think is commonly believed to work but does not?

    Contreras-Urbina: Yes, that’s a critical question. There are different models for what works, and we do have evidence about effective efforts.

    Ultimately, we want to see a reduction in violence, and that takes a comprehensive approach. That includes action at the policy level—such as establishing legal frameworks, national action plans, and protocols—which leads to stronger systems that can address GBV. This is especially important across sectors like health, education, and justice, where institutions need the capacity to prevent and respond to various forms of violence.

    Those frameworks should then translate into programmatic actions—services and programs that provide support to survivors and work on prevention. That might include comprehensive survivor services in health and education or legal support. Beyond services, institutions—often in collaboration with civil society—need to implement prevention interventions. So, what kinds of interventions prevent violence?

    They usually address the root causes, namely, the transformation of patriarchal gender norms. These long-term efforts create a more gender-equal environment at the community level. They involve work on women’s economic empowerment, leadership development, and the redistribution of unpaid care work. They also include community awareness and education on gender equality and rights. That works—but it takes time. These interventions are long-term by nature.

    And what does not work? Short-term, isolated efforts generally do not work. Running a campaign without linking it to broader systemic change is ineffective. Likewise, programs that involve brief or one-time sessions—talking to people two or three times and expecting long-term impact—do not work.

    Also, interventions that only focus on perpetrators without addressing the broader social and structural context have limited or no impact. Prevention has to be holistic, sustained, and rooted in transforming power dynamics and social norms.

    So, it is not that these interventions are completely ineffective—it is that isolated or superficial efforts tend not to work. What does work is a comprehensive approach. At the programmatic level, the focus must be on addressing the root causes of violence, particularly harmful gender norms. Equally important is fostering a community culture that does not view violence as an acceptable way to resolve conflict.

    One key area is violence against children, especially the use of violence as a method of discipline. That normalizes violence and creates a culture where it becomes an acceptable tool for control or punishment. We have seen that positive parenting programs—which discourage the use of violence against children—can have a meaningful impact, including reductions in intimate partner violence later on.

    We also recognize that in many contexts—though not exclusively—poverty can exacerbate violence. While poverty does not cause GBV directly, it can intensify existing stresses and risk factors, particularly where families face displacement, migration, overcrowded housing, or prolonged unemployment.

    Another effective strategy is integrating gender-sensitive approaches into social protection programs. For example, cash transfers directed at women can empower them economically and help create more stable and equitable household environments.

    Lastly, one of the main approaches we are now emphasizing is integrating all these effective models into the education system. Schools should be safe spaces for children and environments where they learn about gender equality—where teachers, students, and the broader school community receive education about equality between men and women and about nonviolence.

    We are working toward embedding these values into curricula and education policies, not as optional content but as a core part of delivering education. I believe this is one of the most promising long-term strategies to reduce violence and shape a different, more equal society.

    Jacobsen: We are also living in a time of numerous ongoing conflicts—Russia-Ukraine, Sudan, Ethiopia, Israel-Palestine, and others. How do you approach the analysis of GBV in the context of conflict zones? And what are some of the ethical challenges that arise in that work?

    Contreras-Urbina: That is a very important question. We already know from global evidence that violence increases significantly in conflict and humanitarian settings—across all forms of GBV.

    The most immediate example that comes to mind is sexual violence perpetrated by combatants or armed actors. But it is not limited to that. All types of GBV tend to increase in conflict—intimate partner violence, for example, often worsens during periods of displacement or prolonged instability.

    Collecting data in these contexts is incredibly challenging. Conflicts tend to unfold in phases, and each phase presents different risks and ethical considerations. Conducting research ethically means always ensuring confidentiality, informed consent, and do-no-harm principles. The safety of respondents and researchers is paramount.

    There is also the challenge of underreporting due to stigma, fear, and the collapse of formal support systems. So, even where we do have data, we must interpret it cautiously and always prioritize survivors’ needs and agency.

    There is typically an acute phase of conflict, followed by a medium phase and then a peacebuilding or state-building phase. In the first two phases, data collection is very difficult due to security risks and instability.

    However, organizations like UNHCR and others are often present in the field and collect information through incident reporting mechanisms. These are based on cases reported by individuals to service providers or field teams, and while they do not provide prevalence data, they help us understand the types of violence occurring and where support is most needed.

    More accurate and ethically collected data is sometimes possible in refugee or displacement camps, where conditions are more stable. Standardized methodologies can be applied to gather information responsibly in those settings.

    There is now a well-developed field of methodology focused on collecting GBV data in conflict and humanitarian settings. Guidelines like those from the World Health Organization and UNFPA provide ethical frameworks emphasizing confidentiality, informed consent, and survivor safety. When these protocols are followed, meaningful data can be gathered, even in very challenging contexts.

    Then, in the post-conflict or peacebuilding phase, researchers often conduct retrospective surveys with communities in more stable areas. These surveys ask individuals to reflect on their experiences during the conflict, its immediate aftermath, and the recovery period. From this, we can trace trajectories and trends—how violence changed over time and how interventions might have affected outcomes.

    What we know for certain is that GBV increases during conflict. And just as critically, failing to address GBV during peacebuilding and state-building creates a cycle that allows violence—not just gender-based violence but broader forms of violence—to persist. So, it is essential to address GBV as an integral part of peace processes if we are serious about ending cycles of violence.

    Jacobsen: Speaking from the UN context, Which member states have been truly remarkable in their ability to combat gender-based violence comprehensively? Specifically, which have applied the programs and strategies you recommend—realistically, at scale—and shown progress over the medium to long term?

    Contreras-Urbina: Several countries have made strong efforts. Of course, this is a complex issue, and progress can be challenging and uneven.

    If we begin with high-income countries, the Nordic countries—like Sweden, Norway, and Denmark—have been leaders in advancing this agenda. Canada has also been proactive in integrating GBV into its national policies. But I would say Australia is a particularly good example. Australia has taken a comprehensive approach, with strong government awareness, investment, and efforts to involve a wide range of actors—across sectors and communities. It stands out as a model in this regard.

    When we look at middle—and low-income countries, many have made important efforts. These may not always result in an immediate reduction in violence, but that does not mean they are ineffective. Many of these countries have developed solid legal frameworks and national action plans and have made substantial investments in prevention and response infrastructure.

    Brazil is a good example in Latin America. It has taken major steps through legislation and programming to address GBV.

    In Africa, one example—based on work we have supported through the World Bank and in coordination with other organizations—is Mozambique. The country has invested significantly in GBV response systems.

    India has taken important steps in Asia, though the country’s scale and complexity can make national coordination a challenge. Civil society is also driving much of the progress there.

    In Eastern Europe, Uzbekistan stands out for having developed robust policies to combat gender-based violence in recent years.

    That said, it is not that other countries are doing nothing. Most countries are taking action in some form. The reality is that this requires a multi-stakeholder effort. It is not only the government—it must involve civil society, local leaders, institutions, and communities working together.

    Jacobsen: Any final thoughts based on today’s conversation?

    Contreras-Urbina: No, just to say thank you. These were excellent questions.

    Jacobsen: Manuel, thank you very much for your time today and for sharing your expertise. I truly appreciate it.

    Contreras-Urbina: Thank you. Very good questions—that’s what we’re here for.

    Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices. In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: [email protected]. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

    #conflictZones #genderBasedViolence #preventionStrategies #socialNorms #womenEmpowerment

  26. Sewing machines - are they too noisy to use them at night in an apartment building?

    #sewing #socialnorms

  27. Discover why we ignore people for our phones! Dive into the sociology of smartphone etiquette, exploring phubbing, social norms, and civil inattention. Learn how phones shape our interactions and get tips to stay connected IRL. #SmartphoneEtiquette #Sociology #Phubbing #CivilInattention
    #SmartphoneEtiquette2025 #SociologyOfPhones #SocialNorms #WhyWeIgnore #PhoneAddiction #DigitalEtiquette #TechAndSociety
    youtu.be/9KgHhXpCfcw?si=aJnfwa

  28. Lots of #foodforthought about #socialnorms & #social relations.🤔

    In #Japan, ‘friendship marriages’ provide #partnership outside societal #norms
    " #friendshipmarriages r a "desperate measure" w added practical rewards of #socialsecurity benefits.. 2024 survey of married #couples by Japan #FamilyPlanning Association revealed tt more than 60% of respondents were in #sexless #marriages, defined as having #sex less than once a month, a #trend tt has been steadily increasing"
    msn.com/en-xl/news/other/in-ja

  29. Why does this gap persist? It's largely influenced by women's career choices and the societal expectation that they should prioritize family.

    We must challenge these norms and push for equitable sharing of household responsibilities.

    #SocialNorms #FamilyDynamics

  30. #introduction post

    hello my name is ivie! i’m #trans, #lesbian, and #demisexual. i’m kinda quiet when i don’t know you, but i’m a big yapper otherwise. this account is to let that occasional yap out without restricting me to #socialnorms and #heteronormativity. i tend to feel a lot of feelings :blushlove:

    my interests include: #music #bass #friends #movies #videogames #pcgaming #photography #sewing #wlw #design

    i hope everyone seeing this has a lovely day🥰💕💕

  31. Dear Nazis,

    You keep saying this, but I don't think you know what it means.

    > " You do not belong here. "

    You see, the reason why you need to keep creating new accounts so that you can be heard is because you're the ones not wanted here. The reason why many of you could never truly say all your hateful things offline, in the real world, is because you're the ones no one wants to tolerate or put up with.

    You do not belong anywhere.

    #Nazis #Fediverse #ActivityPub #SocialNorms

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