#reformism — Public Fediverse posts
Live and recent posts from across the Fediverse tagged #reformism, aggregated by home.social.
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One way that people try to dismiss revolutionary action is by trying to position it as preventing reform. But I don't think that's true at all. I think that in a system like the one we live in, that fundamentally exists to serve the few at the expense of the many, reform only happens when there is a rise in revolutionary sentiment, as an attempt to quell revolution. While reforms are never adequate to fix deep-seated societal issues, they obviously can have some utility for allieviating suffering. So I don't see reforms as inherently bad.
However, I do see reformism as counterproductive, even to bringing about reforms. Why? Because I think it fundamentally misidentifies what causes reformists to be elected and what causes reforms to happen. I think reforms can only happen in an environment of rising revolutionary sentiment. Because reforms are a desperate effort by a failing society to stave off revolution, not something granted when people play by the rules of that society. When people play by the rules, society knows it doesn't have to do anything to change itself. When people play by the rules, society knows that words, that lies are enough, that no action is needed. Society doesn't want reform. So reform only happens when it needs to stave off something it doesn't want even more: revolution.
What I'm trying to say is that even if someone is only aspiring for reforms, it's counterproductive to malign and obstruct revolutionaries, when it is only because of revolutionaries that society implements reforms in the first place. -
One way that people try to dismiss revolutionary action is by trying to position it as preventing reform. But I don't think that's true at all. I think that in a system like the one we live in, that fundamentally exists to serve the few at the expense of the many, reform only happens when there is a rise in revolutionary sentiment, as an attempt to quell revolution. While reforms are never adequate to fix deep-seated societal issues, they obviously can have some utility for allieviating suffering. So I don't see reforms as inherently bad.
However, I do see reformism as counterproductive, even to bringing about reforms. Why? Because I think it fundamentally misidentifies what causes reformists to be elected and what causes reforms to happen. I think reforms can only happen in an environment of rising revolutionary sentiment. Because reforms are a desperate effort by a failing society to stave off revolution, not something granted when people play by the rules of that society. When people play by the rules, society knows it doesn't have to do anything to change itself. When people play by the rules, society knows that words, that lies are enough, that no action is needed. Society doesn't want reform. So reform only happens when it needs to stave off something it doesn't want even more: revolution.
What I'm trying to say is that even if someone is only aspiring for reforms, it's counterproductive to malign and obstruct revolutionaries, when it is only because of revolutionaries that society implemented those reforms in the first place. -
One way that people try to dismiss revolutionary action is by trying to position it as preventing reform. But I don't think that's true at all. I think that in a system like the one we live in, that fundamentally exists to serve the few at the expense of the many, reform only happens when there is a rise in revolutionary sentiment, as an attempt to quell revolution. While reforms are never adequate to fix deep-seated societal issues, they obviously can have some utility for allieviating suffering. So I don't see reforms as inherently bad.
However, I do see reformism as counterproductive, even to bringing about reforms. Why? Because I think it fundamentally misidentifies what causes reformists to be elected and what causes reforms to happen. I think reforms can only happen in an environment of rising revolutionary sentiment. Because reforms are a desperate effort by a failing society to stave off revolution, not something granted when people play by the rules of that society. When people play by the rules, society knows it doesn't have to do anything to change itself. When people play by the rules, society knows that words, that lies are enough, that no action is needed. Society doesn't want reform. So reform only happens when it needs to stave off something it doesn't want even more: revolution.
What I'm trying to say is that even if someone is only aspiring for reforms, it's counterproductive to malign and obstruct revolutionaries, when it is only because of revolutionaries that society implemented those reforms in the first place. -
One way that people try to dismiss revolutionary action is by trying to position it as preventing reform. But I don't think that's true at all. I think that in a system like the one we live in, that fundamentally exists to serve the few at the expense of the many, reform only happens when there is a rise in revolutionary sentiment, as an attempt to quell revolution. While reforms are never adequate to fix deep-seated societal issues, they obviously can have some utility for allieviating suffering. So I don't see reforms as inherently bad.
However, I do see reformism as counterproductive, even to bringing about reforms. Why? Because I think it fundamentally misidentifies what causes reformists to be elected and what causes reforms to happen. I think reforms can only happen in an environment of rising revolutionary sentiment. Because reforms are a desperate effort by a failing society to stave off revolution, not something granted when people play by the rules of that society. When people play by the rules, society knows it doesn't have to do anything to change itself. When people play by the rules, society knows that words, that lies are enough, that no action is needed. Society doesn't want reform. So reform only happens when it needs to stave off something it doesn't want even more: revolution.
What I'm trying to say is that even if someone is only aspiring for reforms, it's counterproductive to malign and obstruct revolutionaries, when it is only because of revolutionaries that society implemented those reforms in the first place. -
One way that people try to dismiss revolutionary action is by trying to position it as preventing reform. But I don't think that's true at all. I think that in a system like the one we live in, that fundamentally exists to serve the few at the expense of the many, reform only happens when there is a rise in revolutionary sentiment, as an attempt to quell revolution. While reforms are never adequate to fix deep-seated societal issues, they obviously can have some utility for allieviating suffering. So I don't see reforms as inherently bad.
However, I do see reformism as counterproductive, even to bringing about reforms. Why? Because I think it fundamentally misidentifies what causes reformists to be elected and what causes reforms to happen. I think reforms can only happen in an environment of rising revolutionary sentiment. Because reforms are a desperate effort by a failing society to stave off revolution, not something granted when people play by the rules of that society. When people play by the rules, society knows it doesn't have to do anything to change itself. When people play by the rules, society knows that words, that lies are enough, that no action is needed. Society doesn't want reform. So reform only happens when it needs to stave off something it doesn't want even more: revolution.
What I'm trying to say is that even if someone is only aspiring for reforms, it's counterproductive to malign and obstruct revolutionaries, when it is only because of revolutionaries that society implements reforms in the first place. -
Marxist dialectics is a quest to transcend oppositions through the transformative historical practice of the social totality within which it is embedded.
Reformism and economism are not truly dialectical; they do not seek transcendence but rather a more satisfactory adaptation.
If the two terms of the opposition remain unchanged after the dialectical process, then no dialectical process has taken place.
For example, the fundamental dialectic of *Capital*: the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Within the framework of Marxist dialectics, both terms must disappear; by destroying the bourgeoisie, the proletariat abolishes itself as the proletariat, for what it abolishes is precisely what defines it—capitalist exploitation by the bourgeoisie or the bureaucracy.
This is a dialectical process.Reformism takes a critical approach; it aims to improve existing conditions so that exploitation, subjugation, and oppression occur under conditions that are more acceptable and bearable for the proletariat. Due to its non-dialectical nature, reformism serves as a means for a segment of the bourgeoisie or the bureaucracy to enable the continuation of exploitation, to avoid the dialectical process, and thus to prevent revolution. Fascism is another means, explicitly aimed at reinforcing oppression and domination.
Dialectics does not merely help one to engage in activism as a revolutionary Marxist—it enables it; without a dialectical materialist approach, there can be no revolutionary action.
Dialectics does not merely help one to be active as a revolutionary Marxist; it makes it possible. Without a dialectical materialist approach, there can be no revolutionary action.The dialectical process transforms the terms of the opposition; they either change in nature or disappear.
What could it mean for a revolutionary activist to be active in reformist organizations?
Note the systematically irreconcilable nature of divergent interests.
The dignity of expatriates implies the destruction of nations and their borders.
Consistent anti-ableism implies the destruction of the performance-based principles linked to capitalism—and thus of capitalism itself.
The liberation of workers implies the destruction of capitalism; otherwise, we are merely adjusting exploitation, and in doing so, we preserve it.
A feminist struggle that does not combat patriarchy and heteronormativity makes absolutely no sense; failing to consider the role of the family—and thus women’s place in the process of reproduction—in a capitalist society will lead to a dead end.
Thanks to trade unionism, capitalism has been able to endure; it has helped prevent crises of overproduction and revolts that could have turned into revolutionary episodes.
Any non-dialectical militant approach is counterrevolutionary.
Dialectics is not a critical concept that can be reified in its articulation; it implies totality and movement—it is, in fact, the very opposite of reification.
Revolutionary thinkers or practitioners who seek to reify dialectics—such as Althusser and Stalin—aim to strip it of its movement and its revolutionary character.
Dialectics then becomes nothing more than an instrumental and sterile concept.
Marxist dialectics is a movement to overcome the contradictions of the social whole through its revolutionary transformation; it concerns totality or it is nothing.
It is the sole revolutionary path for the proletariat.
Materialist dialectics, as developed by Marx, is not merely an aid to the revolutionary activist—it is his compass, his criterion for evaluation.
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Revolutionary Communists of America - Revolutionary Communists of America [Unofficial] @[email protected] ·The Dictatorship of Capital: Bond Markets Twist the Screws on Britain’s Political Leaders
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Revolutionary Communists of America - Revolutionary Communists of America [Unofficial] @[email protected] ·The Dictatorship of Capital: Bond Markets Twist the Screws on Britain’s Political Leaders
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Revolutionary Communists of America - Revolutionary Communists of America [Unofficial] @[email protected] ·The Dictatorship of Capital: Bond Markets Twist the Screws on Britain’s Political Leaders
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Revolutionary Communists of America - Revolutionary Communists of America [Unofficial] @[email protected] ·The Dictatorship of Capital: Bond Markets Twist the Screws on Britain’s Political Leaders
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Revolutionary Communists of America - Revolutionary Communists of America [Unofficial] @[email protected] ·The Dictatorship of Capital: Bond Markets Twist the Screws on Britain’s Political Leaders
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Mexico cuts workweek, bans after-hours contact, and guarantees no worker will take a pay cut in the most sweeping labor reform in a generation
> Mexico amends its constitution to cut the maximum workweek from 48 to 40 hours by 2030 and gives 13.5 million workers the legal right to ignore their boss's
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Mexico cuts workweek, bans after-hours contact, and guarantees no worker will take a pay cut in the most sweeping labor reform in a generation
> Mexico amends its constitution to cut the maximum workweek from 48 to 40 hours by 2030 and gives 13.5 million workers the legal right to ignore their boss's
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Mexico cuts workweek, bans after-hours contact, and guarantees no worker will take a pay cut in the most sweeping labor reform in a generation
> Mexico amends its constitution to cut the maximum workweek from 48 to 40 hours by 2030 and gives 13.5 million workers the legal right to ignore their boss's
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Mexico cuts workweek, bans after-hours contact, and guarantees no worker will take a pay cut in the most sweeping labor reform in a generation
> Mexico amends its constitution to cut the maximum workweek from 48 to 40 hours by 2030 and gives 13.5 million workers the legal right to ignore their boss's
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Mexico cuts workweek, bans after-hours contact, and guarantees no worker will take a pay cut in the most sweeping labor reform in a generation
> Mexico amends its constitution to cut the maximum workweek from 48 to 40 hours by 2030 and gives 13.5 million workers the legal right to ignore their boss's
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... general strike. Our reporters• 11 hours ago 7 June 2026. Who is prospective Labour Party leader and prime minister, Andy Burnham?—Part Two. A ...
The capitalist state is not a neutral instrument that can be picked up and aimed at the wealthy by a sufficiently determined government. It is an organ of class rule.#GaryStevenson #YouTube #tax #economy #reformism
Gary Stevenson and the dead end of wealth-tax reformism -
... general strike. Our reporters• 11 hours ago 7 June 2026. Who is prospective Labour Party leader and prime minister, Andy Burnham?—Part Two. A ...
The capitalist state is not a neutral instrument that can be picked up and aimed at the wealthy by a sufficiently determined government. It is an organ of class rule.#GaryStevenson #YouTube #tax #economy #reformism
Gary Stevenson and the dead end of wealth-tax reformism -
... general strike. Our reporters• 11 hours ago 7 June 2026. Who is prospective Labour Party leader and prime minister, Andy Burnham?—Part Two. A ...
The capitalist state is not a neutral instrument that can be picked up and aimed at the wealthy by a sufficiently determined government. It is an organ of class rule.#GaryStevenson #YouTube #tax #economy #reformism
Gary Stevenson and the dead end of wealth-tax reformism -
... general strike. Our reporters• 11 hours ago 7 June 2026. Who is prospective Labour Party leader and prime minister, Andy Burnham?—Part Two. A ...
The capitalist state is not a neutral instrument that can be picked up and aimed at the wealthy by a sufficiently determined government. It is an organ of class rule.#GaryStevenson #YouTube #tax #economy #reformism
Gary Stevenson and the dead end of wealth-tax reformism -
I often see the sentiment that revolutionary action is unrealistic or undesirable because there are pressing actions that need to be resolved in the now, and so the only effective response is reformism. But the necessity of smaller actions to address current issues is not an argument against the necessity of larger actions to improve the future.
If a person is bleeding out after a major injury, they need bandages now to staunch the flow of blood, but they may also need surgery later to mend broken bones, repair organs, or remove shrapnel. Just adding more bandages won't fix any of those things.
The necessity of triaging current issues as best we can with the tools we have available now in no way implies that the answer to politics is reformism. -
I often see the sentiment that revolutionary action is unrealistic or undesirable because there are pressing actions that need to be resolved in the now, and so the only effective response is reformism. But the necessity of smaller actions to address current issues is not an argument against the necessity of larger actions to improve the future.
If a person is bleeding out after a major injury, they need bandages now to staunch the flow of blood, but they may also need surgery later to mend broken bones, repair organs, or remove shrapnel. Just adding more bandages won't fix any of those things.
The necessity of triaging current issues as best we can with the tools we have available now in no way implies that the answer to politics is reformism. -
Kshama Sawant: Revolutionary rhetoric and reformist politics
Seattle Council Member Kshama Sawant talks to supporters, Tuesday, Feb. 21, 2023, in a meeting room of the…
#Politics #Amazontax #electoralpolitics #fascism #Iran #MinimumWage #reformism #Sawant #Seattle #war
https://www.europesays.com/2849041/ -
Kanske gick det en våg av förhoppningar om förändring bland de socialdemokratiska gräsrötterna i förra veckan när den omfattande kritiken inom rörelsen mot de absurda konsekvenserna av migrationspolitiken tvingade partiledningen till en mindre pudel. Magdalena Anderssons medverkan i söndagens Agenda stäckte varje sådan dröm.
https://blog.zaramis.se/2026/02/18/ett-maktparti-utan-ideologisk-kompass/ -
> "The enemy state benefits from nothing more than the funneling of potentially revolutionary energy into reformist electoral politics in the face of an earth-shattering armed uprising in Palestine."
#Gaza #GazaGenocide #Palestine #mamdani #communism
#Revolution #reformism #globalizetheintifada #uspol -
My dear brother, Carimo Mohamed, has a new book coming out soon through Ekpyrosis Press. #academia #history #sociology #philosophy #islam #India #subcontinent #Reformism #newbookalert #history #mosque https://www.ekpyrosispress.com
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My dear brother, Carimo Mohamed, has a new book coming out soon through Ekpyrosis Press. #academia #history #sociology #philosophy #islam #India #subcontinent #Reformism #newbookalert #history #mosque https://www.ekpyrosispress.com
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My dear brother, Carimo Mohamed, has a new book coming out soon through Ekpyrosis Press. #academia #history #sociology #philosophy #islam #India #subcontinent #Reformism #newbookalert #history #mosque https://www.ekpyrosispress.com
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My dear brother, Carimo Mohamed, has a new book coming out soon through Ekpyrosis Press. #academia #history #sociology #philosophy #islam #India #subcontinent #Reformism #newbookalert #history #mosque https://www.ekpyrosispress.com
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AOC Seen as ‘Face’ of Democratic Party — and It’s Not Even Close: New Poll - lemm.ee
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Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis: Attention! The Lackeys of Counter-Revolution Circulate Among Us
On Saturday, April 5th, a large group of relatives of victims of state and parastate murders and state-capitalist massacres are about to meet in a public debate. The whole social movement welcomes such a broad manifestation with joy and humility. The coordination of the discussion was assigned to two journalists, one of whom, driven by his demonstrated ideological-political commitment to the defense of the bourgeois regime, has contributed in the recent past to the policy of criminal extermination of the people of the social resistance in general and me in particular for my political commitment to the guerrilla social struggle and its defense against the bourgeoisie state judges. For this he has been publicly denounced (https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1622067/). Writing political articles about the second instance trial against the Revolutionary Self-Defense Organization and the Holargos case, he boldly sided with the policy of criminal repression of the revolutionary struggle, mocking the expression of guerrilla discourse in the courtroom, sucking up to the judges, advocating the “democratic” condemnation of the “guilty”, exaggerating the false objectivity that bourgeois criminal terrorism wears like a purifying coat and applauding the constant judicial attack for the depoliticization of the counter-revolutionary trial, the depoliticization of the disputed issues and the depoliticization of the subject to be exterminated.
What contribution to the public debate on social justice can a sculptural whistleblower dedicated to the Leviathan of the state-capitalist complex have? His invitation already gives movement justification and new energy to his dirty role. The extremes of the political assimilation of the antagonistic mindset into counter-revolutionary terrorism shift deeper into Leviathan, as the central position in the debate has been taken over by an ideological agent of special duties, who defends the judiciary, not only as a regulator of social justice in general, but as a “democratic” institution for the extermination of the armed movement. The organizers, masquerading as libertarians in the political arena, bring the butcher’s cradle to welcome the slaughterhouses. Now, it is reasonable that the sculptor of the counter-revolution will not mock the relatives of the victims for subjecting the judges to “procedural torture”, as he did against an armed militant, but he is here to validate the class-political competence of state judges to render justice, to punish the illegality according to bourgeois institutions, to define objectivity, to conduct a “fair trial”. Assistance in the depoliticization of counter-revolutionary trials is a vanguard in assisting in the conversion of the politicization of social anger, towards assimilation into the institutions of the regime and its defusement. A person who acts on the position that he has “closed his accounts” with revolutionary political ideas and ridicules the revolutionaries at a time when the judicial priesthood of anti-proletarian, anti-social and counter-revolutionary terrorism is fighting with dignity, can today intervene in the mass movement for state-capitalist massacres, only to de-revolutionize the issues at hand. To cause confusion, to instill loyalty and discord in the social movement, to introduce embankments to the common prospective path for the overthrow of genocidal class domination. His position next to the regime’s institutional complex then and now, a position that at that time called for the condemnation of the “guilty” of the revolutionary social struggle having first separated the armed and the unarmed ideas, today is a position of covering up the radical class-political causes of the political massacres, the “why?”, and the self-disguise of the institutional network of their legitimacy and cover-up. Because the truth that the people are looking for comes only through their subversive struggle, while reinvestment in universally discredited bourgeois institutions only brings terrorist silencing orders and new massacres.
The organizing political group should have known, if not in its entirety, the identity of the parastate journalist in question, since some of its cadres participated in procedures of support in the trial of the Holargos case – Revolutionary Self-Defense Organization. Those in the know, by placing the whistleblower among the bloody people of the social movement, have consciously assumed responsibility for an upgrade of provoking conflicts within the movement, something that the whistleblower had attempted. Nice social federalists! If they had at least a little honesty, they would not have called the apologist of the regime’s terrorism who wears the mask of the movement, they would have called directly Theodorikakos (former KKE), who rushed to embrace the murderers of Nikos Sambanis, they would have called Floridis (former PASOK), the rapporteur of the last penal code, they would have called the proud fascist Voridis.
It should be noted, apart from the prominent political hospitality of the sycophantic reporter in the lively dialogue of the resisting social subject, his name decorated with militant rhetoric was projected in the eminently open and federalist structure of the libertarian movement, in Athens Indymedia. The media’s management team cannot control the history of every person for whom a well-known political figure takes responsibility. Federalism is built on mutual trust. However, this raises political responsibilities and requires prudence. The depravity of opportunist arbitrariness must find its wall.
Parenthetically, the OmniaTV channel participates in the same event, members of which had been at the forefront of the reproduction of the imperialist and governmental terrorist propaganda of anti-health fascism and biotechnocratic colonialism on the social body. Fascism always has two legs: one of the traditional right and one of social democracy.
Bourgeois democracy does not prevent anyone from becoming the tail of the PASOK-SYRIZA party. It is the duty of anarchists not to allow the current insurrectionary movement to be driven in the teeth of reformism. The dirty reactionary strategy that exploits the libertarian struggles has a future only along the lines of parainstitutionalism and will sink with it. The revolutionary organization of anarchists is the only hope of a way out of the shackle and the slaughterhouse.
Together with those who come forward in search of justice against state and parastate crimes. Not even an inch of social ground for the reformist gravediggers.
There is no peace without justice
Scumbag snitch journalists
Thugs, opportunists, filth
Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis
3 April 2025
Domokos Prison
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=18378
#AnarchistPrisoners #counterRevolution #DimitrisChatzivasiliadis #europe #greece #reformism #revolutionarySelfDefense
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Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis: Attention! The Lackeys of Counter-Revolution Circulate Among Us
On Saturday, April 5th, a large group of relatives of victims of state and parastate murders and state-capitalist massacres are about to meet in a public debate. The whole social movement welcomes such a broad manifestation with joy and humility. The coordination of the discussion was assigned to two journalists, one of whom, driven by his demonstrated ideological-political commitment to the defense of the bourgeois regime, has contributed in the recent past to the policy of criminal extermination of the people of the social resistance in general and me in particular for my political commitment to the guerrilla social struggle and its defense against the bourgeoisie state judges. For this he has been publicly denounced (https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1622067/). Writing political articles about the second instance trial against the Revolutionary Self-Defense Organization and the Holargos case, he boldly sided with the policy of criminal repression of the revolutionary struggle, mocking the expression of guerrilla discourse in the courtroom, sucking up to the judges, advocating the “democratic” condemnation of the “guilty”, exaggerating the false objectivity that bourgeois criminal terrorism wears like a purifying coat and applauding the constant judicial attack for the depoliticization of the counter-revolutionary trial, the depoliticization of the disputed issues and the depoliticization of the subject to be exterminated.
What contribution to the public debate on social justice can a sculptural whistleblower dedicated to the Leviathan of the state-capitalist complex have? His invitation already gives movement justification and new energy to his dirty role. The extremes of the political assimilation of the antagonistic mindset into counter-revolutionary terrorism shift deeper into Leviathan, as the central position in the debate has been taken over by an ideological agent of special duties, who defends the judiciary, not only as a regulator of social justice in general, but as a “democratic” institution for the extermination of the armed movement. The organizers, masquerading as libertarians in the political arena, bring the butcher’s cradle to welcome the slaughterhouses. Now, it is reasonable that the sculptor of the counter-revolution will not mock the relatives of the victims for subjecting the judges to “procedural torture”, as he did against an armed militant, but he is here to validate the class-political competence of state judges to render justice, to punish the illegality according to bourgeois institutions, to define objectivity, to conduct a “fair trial”. Assistance in the depoliticization of counter-revolutionary trials is a vanguard in assisting in the conversion of the politicization of social anger, towards assimilation into the institutions of the regime and its defusement. A person who acts on the position that he has “closed his accounts” with revolutionary political ideas and ridicules the revolutionaries at a time when the judicial priesthood of anti-proletarian, anti-social and counter-revolutionary terrorism is fighting with dignity, can today intervene in the mass movement for state-capitalist massacres, only to de-revolutionize the issues at hand. To cause confusion, to instill loyalty and discord in the social movement, to introduce embankments to the common prospective path for the overthrow of genocidal class domination. His position next to the regime’s institutional complex then and now, a position that at that time called for the condemnation of the “guilty” of the revolutionary social struggle having first separated the armed and the unarmed ideas, today is a position of covering up the radical class-political causes of the political massacres, the “why?”, and the self-disguise of the institutional network of their legitimacy and cover-up. Because the truth that the people are looking for comes only through their subversive struggle, while reinvestment in universally discredited bourgeois institutions only brings terrorist silencing orders and new massacres.
The organizing political group should have known, if not in its entirety, the identity of the parastate journalist in question, since some of its cadres participated in procedures of support in the trial of the Holargos case – Revolutionary Self-Defense Organization. Those in the know, by placing the whistleblower among the bloody people of the social movement, have consciously assumed responsibility for an upgrade of provoking conflicts within the movement, something that the whistleblower had attempted. Nice social federalists! If they had at least a little honesty, they would not have called the apologist of the regime’s terrorism who wears the mask of the movement, they would have called directly Theodorikakos (former KKE), who rushed to embrace the murderers of Nikos Sambanis, they would have called Floridis (former PASOK), the rapporteur of the last penal code, they would have called the proud fascist Voridis.
It should be noted, apart from the prominent political hospitality of the sycophantic reporter in the lively dialogue of the resisting social subject, his name decorated with militant rhetoric was projected in the eminently open and federalist structure of the libertarian movement, in Athens Indymedia. The media’s management team cannot control the history of every person for whom a well-known political figure takes responsibility. Federalism is built on mutual trust. However, this raises political responsibilities and requires prudence. The depravity of opportunist arbitrariness must find its wall.
Parenthetically, the OmniaTV channel participates in the same event, members of which had been at the forefront of the reproduction of the imperialist and governmental terrorist propaganda of anti-health fascism and biotechnocratic colonialism on the social body. Fascism always has two legs: one of the traditional right and one of social democracy.
Bourgeois democracy does not prevent anyone from becoming the tail of the PASOK-SYRIZA party. It is the duty of anarchists not to allow the current insurrectionary movement to be driven in the teeth of reformism. The dirty reactionary strategy that exploits the libertarian struggles has a future only along the lines of parainstitutionalism and will sink with it. The revolutionary organization of anarchists is the only hope of a way out of the shackle and the slaughterhouse.
Together with those who come forward in search of justice against state and parastate crimes. Not even an inch of social ground for the reformist gravediggers.
There is no peace without justice
Scumbag snitch journalists
Thugs, opportunists, filth
Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis
3 April 2025
Domokos Prison
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=18378
#AnarchistPrisoners #counterRevolution #DimitrisChatzivasiliadis #europe #greece #reformism #revolutionarySelfDefense
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"‘Liberal’ and ‘capitalist’ paired as a hyphenated compound word seems like an oxymoron, leaving one to wonder, what do civil liberties and democracy have to do with an economic system that often infringes on the aforementioned liberal defining characteristics? Well, A History of Capitalist Transformation: A Critique of Liberal-Capitalist Reforms by Giampaolo Conte analyzes the historical scope of capitalist reforms, particularly through the British economy, under the guise of liberalism from the nineteenth century and beyond. In just four chapters, while grazing the philosophy of Marxism through figures like Antonio Gramsci, Conte offers a clarifying historical perspective on the evolution of capitalist reforms. Conte’s engagement in this historical project reignites a conversation on the ability of capitalism, a system that thrives on exploitation and violence, to textually morph into an ostensibly paradoxical philosophy, that is, liberalism, to gain submission (domestically and internationally), expand dominance and accumulate capital. A History of Capitalist Transformation displays how domestic social classes and semi-peripheral states (developing nations) have both fallen prey to the expansion of internal and external capitalist reforms. According to Conte, the action of falling prey is caused by the presentation of liberal-capitalist reforms as they are presented through the cultural, moral and civic values of liberalism and not the violent and individualist values of capitalism (38)."
#Capitalism #Liberalism #EconomicHistory #Reformism #PoliticalEconomy
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"‘Liberal’ and ‘capitalist’ paired as a hyphenated compound word seems like an oxymoron, leaving one to wonder, what do civil liberties and democracy have to do with an economic system that often infringes on the aforementioned liberal defining characteristics? Well, A History of Capitalist Transformation: A Critique of Liberal-Capitalist Reforms by Giampaolo Conte analyzes the historical scope of capitalist reforms, particularly through the British economy, under the guise of liberalism from the nineteenth century and beyond. In just four chapters, while grazing the philosophy of Marxism through figures like Antonio Gramsci, Conte offers a clarifying historical perspective on the evolution of capitalist reforms. Conte’s engagement in this historical project reignites a conversation on the ability of capitalism, a system that thrives on exploitation and violence, to textually morph into an ostensibly paradoxical philosophy, that is, liberalism, to gain submission (domestically and internationally), expand dominance and accumulate capital. A History of Capitalist Transformation displays how domestic social classes and semi-peripheral states (developing nations) have both fallen prey to the expansion of internal and external capitalist reforms. According to Conte, the action of falling prey is caused by the presentation of liberal-capitalist reforms as they are presented through the cultural, moral and civic values of liberalism and not the violent and individualist values of capitalism (38)."
#Capitalism #Liberalism #EconomicHistory #Reformism #PoliticalEconomy
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"‘Liberal’ and ‘capitalist’ paired as a hyphenated compound word seems like an oxymoron, leaving one to wonder, what do civil liberties and democracy have to do with an economic system that often infringes on the aforementioned liberal defining characteristics? Well, A History of Capitalist Transformation: A Critique of Liberal-Capitalist Reforms by Giampaolo Conte analyzes the historical scope of capitalist reforms, particularly through the British economy, under the guise of liberalism from the nineteenth century and beyond. In just four chapters, while grazing the philosophy of Marxism through figures like Antonio Gramsci, Conte offers a clarifying historical perspective on the evolution of capitalist reforms. Conte’s engagement in this historical project reignites a conversation on the ability of capitalism, a system that thrives on exploitation and violence, to textually morph into an ostensibly paradoxical philosophy, that is, liberalism, to gain submission (domestically and internationally), expand dominance and accumulate capital. A History of Capitalist Transformation displays how domestic social classes and semi-peripheral states (developing nations) have both fallen prey to the expansion of internal and external capitalist reforms. According to Conte, the action of falling prey is caused by the presentation of liberal-capitalist reforms as they are presented through the cultural, moral and civic values of liberalism and not the violent and individualist values of capitalism (38)."
#Capitalism #Liberalism #EconomicHistory #Reformism #PoliticalEconomy
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"‘Liberal’ and ‘capitalist’ paired as a hyphenated compound word seems like an oxymoron, leaving one to wonder, what do civil liberties and democracy have to do with an economic system that often infringes on the aforementioned liberal defining characteristics? Well, A History of Capitalist Transformation: A Critique of Liberal-Capitalist Reforms by Giampaolo Conte analyzes the historical scope of capitalist reforms, particularly through the British economy, under the guise of liberalism from the nineteenth century and beyond. In just four chapters, while grazing the philosophy of Marxism through figures like Antonio Gramsci, Conte offers a clarifying historical perspective on the evolution of capitalist reforms. Conte’s engagement in this historical project reignites a conversation on the ability of capitalism, a system that thrives on exploitation and violence, to textually morph into an ostensibly paradoxical philosophy, that is, liberalism, to gain submission (domestically and internationally), expand dominance and accumulate capital. A History of Capitalist Transformation displays how domestic social classes and semi-peripheral states (developing nations) have both fallen prey to the expansion of internal and external capitalist reforms. According to Conte, the action of falling prey is caused by the presentation of liberal-capitalist reforms as they are presented through the cultural, moral and civic values of liberalism and not the violent and individualist values of capitalism (38)."
#Capitalism #Liberalism #EconomicHistory #Reformism #PoliticalEconomy
-
"‘Liberal’ and ‘capitalist’ paired as a hyphenated compound word seems like an oxymoron, leaving one to wonder, what do civil liberties and democracy have to do with an economic system that often infringes on the aforementioned liberal defining characteristics? Well, A History of Capitalist Transformation: A Critique of Liberal-Capitalist Reforms by Giampaolo Conte analyzes the historical scope of capitalist reforms, particularly through the British economy, under the guise of liberalism from the nineteenth century and beyond. In just four chapters, while grazing the philosophy of Marxism through figures like Antonio Gramsci, Conte offers a clarifying historical perspective on the evolution of capitalist reforms. Conte’s engagement in this historical project reignites a conversation on the ability of capitalism, a system that thrives on exploitation and violence, to textually morph into an ostensibly paradoxical philosophy, that is, liberalism, to gain submission (domestically and internationally), expand dominance and accumulate capital. A History of Capitalist Transformation displays how domestic social classes and semi-peripheral states (developing nations) have both fallen prey to the expansion of internal and external capitalist reforms. According to Conte, the action of falling prey is caused by the presentation of liberal-capitalist reforms as they are presented through the cultural, moral and civic values of liberalism and not the violent and individualist values of capitalism (38)."
#Capitalism #Liberalism #EconomicHistory #Reformism #PoliticalEconomy
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1. Kanaky France is currently involved in the violent repression of an anti-colonial uprising in the Pacific archipelago of Kanaky. The French have occupied the islands for over 170 years. 2. The Caribbean Martinique, Guadeloupe, Guyane, St. Barth, and half the island of Soualiga continue to be held as colonies by the government in Paris, which euphemistically renamed its possessions “overseas collectivities” to avoid UN scrutiny. Most of the human population of these communities are the descendants of Africans, kidnapped and transported across the Atlantic ocean to be exploited for generations by European slaveholders. 3. Polynesia Would you give away your homeland to be exploited as a testing space for nuclear bombs—while you were still living there? As have other empires against other indigenous peoples, France imposed this situation on those living on the hundreds of Polynesian islands without bothering to wait for an answer. Predictably, many have decided enough is enough. 4. Fortress Europe Mainland France, also known as l’hexagone, is a central player in the international border regime that has been responsible for untold thousands of deaths in the Mediterranean and the English Channel. Through its colonies La Réunion and Maoré, it even extends the regime of displacement and deportation into the Indian Ocean.
5. Palestine Alongside its political and military support for the Israeli government, French official philosemitism and the decades-long imprisonment of Georges Abdallah are particular examples of a consistent practice of European white supremacy. Just as many of us would reject arguments to hail the victory of a left-wing “Israeli” party as anything other than a rebrand of the old colonial machine, we should regard the domestic politics of its longtime ally “France”—which has carried out equally brutal massacres for much longer—with the same perspective. If there is anything to celebrate in contemporary French politics, perhaps it is the vibrant resistance movements against “France”—and it’s world. submitted anon -
1. Kanaky France is currently involved in the violent repression of an anti-colonial uprising in the Pacific archipelago of Kanaky. The French have occupied the islands for over 170 years. 2. The Caribbean Martinique, Guadeloupe, Guyane, St. Barth, and half the island of Soualiga continue to be held as colonies by the government in Paris, which euphemistically renamed its possessions “overseas collectivities” to avoid UN scrutiny. Most of the human population of these communities are the descendants of Africans, kidnapped and transported across the Atlantic ocean to be exploited for generations by European slaveholders. 3. Polynesia Would you give away your homeland to be exploited as a testing space for nuclear bombs—while you were still living there? As have other empires against other indigenous peoples, France imposed this situation on those living on the hundreds of Polynesian islands without bothering to wait for an answer. Predictably, many have decided enough is enough. 4. Fortress Europe Mainland France, also known as l’hexagone, is a central player in the international border regime that has been responsible for untold thousands of deaths in the Mediterranean and the English Channel. Through its colonies La Réunion and Maoré, it even extends the regime of displacement and deportation into the Indian Ocean.
5. Palestine Alongside its political and military support for the Israeli government, French official philosemitism and the decades-long imprisonment of Georges Abdallah are particular examples of a consistent practice of European white supremacy. Just as many of us would reject arguments to hail the victory of a left-wing “Israeli” party as anything other than a rebrand of the old colonial machine, we should regard the domestic politics of its longtime ally “France”—which has carried out equally brutal massacres for much longer—with the same perspective. If there is anything to celebrate in contemporary French politics, perhaps it is the vibrant resistance movements against “France”—and it’s world. submitted anon -
Soon after the escalation of the war in Ukraine, two completely different tendencies began to emerge under the banner of anarchy. One tendency insists that all inter-state wars are wars of the bourgeoisie against the proletariat, and therefore our participation in them cannot benefit the interests of the exploited class. The other tendency focuses on material, ideological and propaganda work in support of Ukraine’s state war effort and it sees such an approach as a pragmatic step for future self-organization.
Regarding these two tendencies, many speak of a fundamental split within the anarchist movement. But the “split theory” assumes that these are different manifestations of one movement, which does not match reality. Rather, what we are witnessing is the development of two completely different movements using the same anarchist symbolism: a revolutionary proletarian movement that sees the world through the perspective of class struggle, and a movement of red and black social democracy that sees the world through the lens of radical democratism, i.e. left reformism and opportunism.
While the first movement builds its basis in the development of proletarian autonomy in opposition to the power of the bourgeois class, the basis of the second movement is an inter-class collaboration – the national union of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie. In case of war in the Ukraine, the first movement seeks to link up with the proletarians in the Ukraine, Russia and other parts of the world; the second movement attaches the proletariat to the project of the bourgeoisie by pushing it to support those bourgeois factions that are now facing pressure from the Russian-Chinese imperialist bloc. While these movements both claim the label of anarchist, in reality they are two movements standing in opposition to each other. The tension and contradiction between them cannot be abolished or overcome. Revolutionary energy and counter-revolutionary energy clash here.
The manifestations of sabotage by the left of capital
When we refer to the antagonism of two opposing movements, we are talking about very specific conflict situations where one side is trying to assert itself at the expense of the other. The social democratic and pro-war tendency of the left of capital now has the numerical and material superiority. Its adherents are aware of this, hence with a certain amount of self-confidence they lead attacks against revolutionary anarchist structures and projects. Their aim is to deprive the authentic anarchist movement of resources, support, spaces for presentation. In short, to suppress and marginalize it. The arsenal of methods used is wide. Sometimes, for example, anarchist projects are blocked from public events under various pretexts. In the Czech Republic, a popular excuse is the “lack of capacity”. This is done by inviting various liberal associations, NGOs or charities to an event and then telling the anarchists that there is no room left for them. Let’s think about the Riot Over River festival or the winter Anarchist Bookfair in Prague. Another method is to actively pressure various collectives to deny cooperation to anarchist and antimilitarist projects. We can mention, for example, the pressure exerted by the Anarchist Federation and the publishing house Utopia libri on the collective of the Brno Bookfair to prevent the Antimilitarist Initiative and the historical association Zádruha from attending the event. It is characteristic that such pressures are usually carried out in a completely scheming manner behind the backs of the persons to whom the access should be denied, and are often accompanied by a dishonest, slanderous campaign: anarchists are falsely labelled as aggressors or pacifists, dogmatists, puritans, Putinists or opponents of aid to the war-affected population. Such absurd accusations are often based on distortions, outright lies and denial of the accused persons’ ability to defend themselves. For people less familiar with the context, such vague and unproven accusations are often enough to break cooperation with anarchists. In practice, this can mean cancelling an event a few days before it is due to take place, as it was the case with the “Make Tattoo Not War” fundraiser, which was cancelled at the instigation of the membership of the Anarchist Federation. The latter, as in other cases, did not even have the courage to inform of its decision directly the people concerned. This suggests that even if they are attacking from positions currently in the majority tendency, they fear direct confrontation. This is a weakness that the anarchist movement should strategically exploit against them.
The propaganda strategy is an issue in itself. The left of capital systematically tries to reduce the revolutionary anarchist current in its media to the voice of a few. In doing so, they want to feed their propaganda to give their followers the feeling that this is not actually a movement on its own, but the marginal voice of a few isolated lunatics. This is manifested, among other things, by the fact that anarchist critical voices, expressed anonymously, are speculatively attributed to the same individuals over and over again, as if there could not possibly be anyone else with the same views. The expressions of collectives are also arbitrarily presented as expressions of individualities, and some groups that have been active for many years are even labelled as non-existent, as the Anarchist Federation does in the case of the Třídní válka group.
The efforts to “erase” some anarchist projects from historical memory cannot be ignored. For example, the Anarchist Federation likes to use a list of all the reformist associations present in reports of events, but not to mention the participating anarchist initiatives. To this propaganda pressure can also be added the active destruction of anarchist propaganda in the streets (posters, stickers, graffiti) when being overlaid with the propaganda of the left of capital. For example, there are such absurd situations where poster invitations to the internationalist anti-war congress are systematically pasted over with invitations to the May Day rally organized by groups claiming to be against the war.
The seriousness of the situation is also illustrated by the case of the informers Anatoly Dubovik and Alexander Kolchenko, who threaten the security of anarchists in Russia by providing sensitive information to the repressive forces. The left of capital in the Czech environment accepts these informers and continues to uncritically give space to their voice. This happens, for example, on the website and in the magazines of the Anarchist Federation, in the Kontradikce journal and at the Anarchist Bookfair in Prague. If this environment accepts those denouncing anarchists living in Russia to the Putin regime, what will happen when the drama of war will come closer to our homes!? In such a case, it can be expected that the people behind these projects will actively promote this abhorrent behavior in the local context. Any defiance of their pro-war line may be a pretext. These denunciators can label and threaten anyone who will undermine national unity with proletarian internationalism. Anyone who refuses to submit to forced mobilization. Anyone who decides to leave the country illegally. Anyone who refuses inter-class collaboration between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the name of an anti-fascist or “anti-imperialist” coalition. Anyone who will support deserters and soldiers rebelling against their own officers. Anyone who will advocate the defeat of their own government and the bourgeoisie, regardless of the war propaganda that will portray this as aiding the enemy.
Keep in mind that the left of capital, despite its declared anti-statism, never hesitates to fight its opponents with the help of the repressive forces of the state when it has the opportunity to do so. It is in the interest of revolutionary anarchism to prevent it from doing so and to deprive it of this opportunity. The risks are too great to be ignored or underestimated.
The need for effective defense
You might think that the ways how the activities of revolutionary anarchism are sabotaged by the left of capital are not worthy of much attention. We think that the opposite is true. We must make the defense against this phenomenon one of our priorities. The attacks that the anarchist milieu is facing are escalating and are having a not insignificant impact on our activities.
In the past there have been attempts to devote ourselves to our own anarchist activity and to ignore the left of capital. It didn’t work out! This proved impossible and huge obstacles were constantly put in our way. The left of capital has taken every opportunity behind our backs to attack and sabotage our activities. Practice has therefore taught us to accept the fact that there is an insurmountable antagonism between the anarchist movement and the left of capital. It is impossible to coexist without conflict. The other side will harm and attack us even if there is only ignorance or silence from our side.
Whenever the anarchist movement faces attacks from fascist or ultra-conservative forces, it never hesitates to use all available means to defend its own space and its membership base. Our movement should not hesitate even when such attacks are organized under the banner of anarchy, because by doing so it demonstrates that people can practically side with the counter-revolution and state policy, even if they theoretically claim to be a revolutionary force.
We must analyze how people act and what are the consequences. It doesn’t matter how they call their action and which banner they wave. If someone sabotages the anarchist movement, it is necessary to respond uncompromisingly with an organized self-defense. The left of capital is one of the many obstacles that revolutionary anarchism must consciously and collectively overcome.
* SOME ANARCHISTS FROM THE CENTRAL EUROPEAN REGION (JUNE 2024)
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Reformism is dumb because it's ineffective. The bourgeois revolutions prove that the only way to radically change the world is the revolutionary approach.
#Capitalism #WageSlavery #Domination #Reformism #ClimateChange: "In other words, there are at least two reasons to think the long-term horizons of the Left should go beyond reforming capitalism with better regulations or a bigger welfare state to transcending capitalist property relations entirely. One is philosophical: we don’t think it’s fair or reasonable that some people have to rent themselves out to capitalists while other people get to live off the labor of others.
But the other reason is practical. We’ve noticed that where important reforms have been achieved in the past, they’re eroded or even reversed by the efforts of the politically powerful capitalist class. As the Marxist theoretician Rosa Luxemburg once put it, reforms are important, but a workers’ movement whose long-term horizons are limited to reform ends up being like Sisyphus in Greek mythology — perpetually rolling a boulder up a hill only to have it roll back down.
That’s bad enough when it comes to reforms that remove entirely avoidable forms of human misery. But it’s potentially catastrophic when it comes to the environmental issues that seem to be among the only problems with capitalism Hossenfelder has noticed. If we don’t take power out of the hands of the capitalists who are letting their unquenchable thirst for profit destroy the planet, our very survival as a species may be at risk."
https://jacobin.com/2023/11/capitalism-market-economy-sabine-hossenfelder-youtube/
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Reformism is dumb because it's ineffective. The bourgeois revolutions prove that the only way to radically change the world is the revolutionary approach.
#Capitalism #WageSlavery #Domination #Reformism #ClimateChange: "In other words, there are at least two reasons to think the long-term horizons of the Left should go beyond reforming capitalism with better regulations or a bigger welfare state to transcending capitalist property relations entirely. One is philosophical: we don’t think it’s fair or reasonable that some people have to rent themselves out to capitalists while other people get to live off the labor of others.
But the other reason is practical. We’ve noticed that where important reforms have been achieved in the past, they’re eroded or even reversed by the efforts of the politically powerful capitalist class. As the Marxist theoretician Rosa Luxemburg once put it, reforms are important, but a workers’ movement whose long-term horizons are limited to reform ends up being like Sisyphus in Greek mythology — perpetually rolling a boulder up a hill only to have it roll back down.
That’s bad enough when it comes to reforms that remove entirely avoidable forms of human misery. But it’s potentially catastrophic when it comes to the environmental issues that seem to be among the only problems with capitalism Hossenfelder has noticed. If we don’t take power out of the hands of the capitalists who are letting their unquenchable thirst for profit destroy the planet, our very survival as a species may be at risk."
https://jacobin.com/2023/11/capitalism-market-economy-sabine-hossenfelder-youtube/
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Reformism is dumb because it's ineffective. The bourgeois revolutions prove that the only way to radically change the world is the revolutionary approach.
#Capitalism #WageSlavery #Domination #Reformism #ClimateChange: "In other words, there are at least two reasons to think the long-term horizons of the Left should go beyond reforming capitalism with better regulations or a bigger welfare state to transcending capitalist property relations entirely. One is philosophical: we don’t think it’s fair or reasonable that some people have to rent themselves out to capitalists while other people get to live off the labor of others.
But the other reason is practical. We’ve noticed that where important reforms have been achieved in the past, they’re eroded or even reversed by the efforts of the politically powerful capitalist class. As the Marxist theoretician Rosa Luxemburg once put it, reforms are important, but a workers’ movement whose long-term horizons are limited to reform ends up being like Sisyphus in Greek mythology — perpetually rolling a boulder up a hill only to have it roll back down.
That’s bad enough when it comes to reforms that remove entirely avoidable forms of human misery. But it’s potentially catastrophic when it comes to the environmental issues that seem to be among the only problems with capitalism Hossenfelder has noticed. If we don’t take power out of the hands of the capitalists who are letting their unquenchable thirst for profit destroy the planet, our very survival as a species may be at risk."
https://jacobin.com/2023/11/capitalism-market-economy-sabine-hossenfelder-youtube/
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Reformism is dumb because it's ineffective. The bourgeois revolutions prove that the only way to radically change the world is the revolutionary approach.
#Capitalism #WageSlavery #Domination #Reformism #ClimateChange: "In other words, there are at least two reasons to think the long-term horizons of the Left should go beyond reforming capitalism with better regulations or a bigger welfare state to transcending capitalist property relations entirely. One is philosophical: we don’t think it’s fair or reasonable that some people have to rent themselves out to capitalists while other people get to live off the labor of others.
But the other reason is practical. We’ve noticed that where important reforms have been achieved in the past, they’re eroded or even reversed by the efforts of the politically powerful capitalist class. As the Marxist theoretician Rosa Luxemburg once put it, reforms are important, but a workers’ movement whose long-term horizons are limited to reform ends up being like Sisyphus in Greek mythology — perpetually rolling a boulder up a hill only to have it roll back down.
That’s bad enough when it comes to reforms that remove entirely avoidable forms of human misery. But it’s potentially catastrophic when it comes to the environmental issues that seem to be among the only problems with capitalism Hossenfelder has noticed. If we don’t take power out of the hands of the capitalists who are letting their unquenchable thirst for profit destroy the planet, our very survival as a species may be at risk."
https://jacobin.com/2023/11/capitalism-market-economy-sabine-hossenfelder-youtube/
-
Reformism is dumb because it's ineffective. The bourgeois revolutions prove that the only way to radically change the world is the revolutionary approach.
#Capitalism #WageSlavery #Domination #Reformism #ClimateChange: "In other words, there are at least two reasons to think the long-term horizons of the Left should go beyond reforming capitalism with better regulations or a bigger welfare state to transcending capitalist property relations entirely. One is philosophical: we don’t think it’s fair or reasonable that some people have to rent themselves out to capitalists while other people get to live off the labor of others.
But the other reason is practical. We’ve noticed that where important reforms have been achieved in the past, they’re eroded or even reversed by the efforts of the politically powerful capitalist class. As the Marxist theoretician Rosa Luxemburg once put it, reforms are important, but a workers’ movement whose long-term horizons are limited to reform ends up being like Sisyphus in Greek mythology — perpetually rolling a boulder up a hill only to have it roll back down.
That’s bad enough when it comes to reforms that remove entirely avoidable forms of human misery. But it’s potentially catastrophic when it comes to the environmental issues that seem to be among the only problems with capitalism Hossenfelder has noticed. If we don’t take power out of the hands of the capitalists who are letting their unquenchable thirst for profit destroy the planet, our very survival as a species may be at risk."
https://jacobin.com/2023/11/capitalism-market-economy-sabine-hossenfelder-youtube/
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"Those #posts going around about how we can't pop off in the us because the "cops will shoot #everyone" is such #coward shit. Nearly every #insurrectionary moment/movement towards rupture that I've experienced/witnessed has imploded from intra milieu infighting, respectability #politics, #reformism and #peace #policing, not #police #violence.
Nobody ever said that #liberation would be easy but the #cops aren't some omnipotent and omnipresent force that can smash down every #protest/action with an iron fist.
Lack of #respect for a #diversity of #tactics and a deeply ingrained #mythology about the "effectiveness of peaceful #protest" is FAR more paralytic to a burgeoning #insurrectionary tendency than violence can ever be."
https://www.tumblr.com/thelearnedwobbly/715191588122394625?source=share
