#georges-abdallah — Public Fediverse posts

« Le réalisateur #PierreCarles sort un #film sur l’histoire du militant communiste libanais Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, incarcéré pendant plus de quarante ans en #France. En salle le 8 avril, le #documentaire est un rappel nécessaire de la longue lutte de celui qui a été, jusqu’en juillet 2025, le plus vieux prisonnier politique de France. »

https://orientxxi.info/L-Affaire-Abdallah-Retour-sur-un-acharnement-judiciaire-et-politique
#LAffaireAbdallah #GeorgesAbdallah #Liban #guerreDuLiban #Palestine #polFr #justiceFr #prisonniersPolitiques #cinéma #cinémaEngagé

« Le réalisateur #PierreCarles sort un #film sur l’histoire du militant communiste libanais Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, incarcéré pendant plus de quarante ans en #France. En salle le 8 avril, le #documentaire est un rappel nécessaire de la longue lutte de celui qui a été, jusqu’en juillet 2025, le plus vieux prisonnier politique de France. »

https://orientxxi.info/L-Affaire-Abdallah-Retour-sur-un-acharnement-judiciaire-et-politique
#LAffaireAbdallah #GeorgesAbdallah #Liban #guerreDuLiban #Palestine #polFr #justiceFr #prisonniersPolitiques #cinéma #cinémaEngagé

📢 C'est aujourd'hui !

Le samedi 11 avril à 17h30 ne manquez pas notre séance rencontre autour du film L’AFFAIRE ABDALLAH de Pierre CARLES, à l’issue de la projection avec Saïd BOUAMAMA, auteur du livre « L’affaire Georges Ibrahim Abdallah »
En partenariat avec Tsedek et le Parti Révolutionnaire Communistes

#GeorgesAbdallah #GeorgesIbrahimAbdallah #PierreCarles #Luminor

📢 C'est aujourd'hui !

Le samedi 11 avril à 17h30 ne manquez pas notre séance rencontre autour du film L’AFFAIRE ABDALLAH de Pierre CARLES, à l’issue de la projection avec Saïd BOUAMAMA, auteur du livre « L’affaire Georges Ibrahim Abdallah »
En partenariat avec Tsedek et le Parti Révolutionnaire Communistes

#GeorgesAbdallah #GeorgesIbrahimAbdallah #PierreCarles #Luminor

#PierreCarles, réalisateur de « #LAffaireAbdallah » : « Il y a un parallèle entre Missak Manouchian et Georges Ibrahim Abdallah »

https://assawra.blogspot.com/2026/04/pierre-carles-realisateur-de-laffaire.html
#GeorgesAbdallah #Liban #guerreDuLiban #Palestine #cinéma #film #cinéastes #résistants #polFr #justiceFr #documentaire

«Pourquoi ce militant libanais marxiste pro-palestinien fut-il condamné à la perpétuité dans les années 80 et pourquoi resta-t-il aussi longtemps en prison ? Un #documentaire fait la lumière sur cette ténébreuse affaire qui mêle terrorisme, barbouzerie et pression américaine.»

entretien avec #PierreCarles, réalisateur de #LAffaireAbdallah

https://www.rfi.fr/fr/podcasts/tous-les-cin%C3%A9mas-du-monde/20260404-l-affaire-abdallah-fait-la-lumi%C3%A8re-sur-plus-de-40-ans-d-emprisonnement-du-militant-pro-palestinien
#GeorgesAbdallah #polFr #justiceFr #Liban #Palestine #guerreDuLiban #prisonniersPolitiques #cinéma #cinéastes #film #cinémaEngagé

«Pourquoi ce militant libanais marxiste pro-palestinien fut-il condamné à la perpétuité dans les années 80 et pourquoi resta-t-il aussi longtemps en prison ? Un #documentaire fait la lumière sur cette ténébreuse affaire qui mêle terrorisme, barbouzerie et pression américaine.»

entretien avec #PierreCarles, réalisateur de #LAffaireAbdallah

https://www.rfi.fr/fr/podcasts/tous-les-cin%C3%A9mas-du-monde/20260404-l-affaire-abdallah-fait-la-lumi%C3%A8re-sur-plus-de-40-ans-d-emprisonnement-du-militant-pro-palestinien
#GeorgesAbdallah #polFr #justiceFr #Liban #Palestine #guerreDuLiban #prisonniersPolitiques #cinéma #cinéastes #film #cinémaEngagé

jeudi 2 avril 2026 à 20h30 HEC 14h30 HE

Aude Lancelin reçoit le cinéaste #PierreCarles pour parler de son #documentaire #LAffaireAbdallah

https://qg.media/live/

#GeorgesAbdallah #prisonniersPolitiques #polFr #justiceFr #Liban #Palestine #guerreDuLiban #cinéma #cinéastes #film #cinémaEngagé

#QGLeMédiaLibre

Georges Abdallah Declares Support For Iranian Position in War

Georges Abdallah spoke in Beirut today during the launch of a national call for comprehensive resistance. His full statement is published below:

Our region is suffering from a comprehensive imperialist zionist attack. All of our nation’s entities are exposed to destruction. What happened in Syria and what will happen elsewhere lies in wait for us all.

Either we submit to the process of Somalization and accept its priorities or we confront it. Lebanon possesses all the qualities of steadfastness. Its fedayeen possess all the solid will and the necessary concepts for the success of the resistance process.

It is now time for our parties to rise to this level. This attack, which has failed miserably as is clearly evident before us. If we were to choose, we would have chosen no other than this resistance.

Let it be clear to everyone that the fundamental matter is if Iran were to lose today, history will sweep us all away. Either we stand on our feet and look to the future, and look toward Egypt restoring its position, and Turkey restoring its position, and Pakistan restoring its position side by side with Iran, and a comprehensive defeat for all imperialist allies mandates in our world, and consequently, we will create the new world.

source: Resistance News Network

L’affaire #Abdallah : 40 ans de scandale d’État

#GeorgesAbdallah a été incarcéré près de 41 ans en #France, affublé de l’étiquette « terroriste ». À tort. #PierreCarles remonte le fil de ce #scandale pour interroger, autant que la #justice, le rôle des journalistes et la constance d’un militant resté fidèle à ses combats. https://france.attac.org/nos-publications/a-lire-a-voir/article/a-voir-l-affaire-abdallah

#film

L’affaire #Abdallah : 40 ans de scandale d’État

#GeorgesAbdallah a été incarcéré près de 41 ans en #France, affublé de l’étiquette « terroriste ». À tort. #PierreCarles remonte le fil de ce #scandale pour interroger, autant que la #justice, le rôle des journalistes et la constance d’un militant resté fidèle à ses combats. https://france.attac.org/nos-publications/a-lire-a-voir/article/a-voir-l-affaire-abdallah

#film

« Après plus de quatre décennies de détention, le militant libanais pro-palestinien #GeorgesAbdallah a été libéré le 25 juillet 2025. Un #documentaire retrace l’histoire de cette détention hors norme, des mensonges qui l’ont entourée et des pressions exercées sur la #France. Entretien avec son réalisateur #PierreCarles. »

https://www.rfi.fr/fr/france/20260324-l-affaire-abdallah-un-mensonge-et-une-ing%C3%A9rence-am%C3%A9ricaine-en-france
#LAffaireAbdallah #polFr #justiceFr #Liban #Palestine #guerreDuLiban #cinéma #cinéastes #film #cinémaEngagé

#CinéClubTsedek
📍 Le Luxy
77 avenue Georges Gosnat, 94200 #Ivry-sur-Seine

À 15h : “Fievel et le nouveau monde” de Don Bluth
✨ Séance jeune public suivie d’une discussion et d’un goûter

À 17h : “L’Affaire Abdallah” de Pierre Carles
Le militant libanais Georges Abdallah a été incarcéré près de 41 ans en France. Ce résistant communiste pro-palestinien s’est vu accusé à tort.
🗣️ Projection suivie d’une rencontre avec le réalisateur et Salah Hamouri

🎟️ Tarif unique 3,50€

👀 De l’animation au documentaire, de Fievel à GIA, rendez-vous au cinéma ce dimanche pour parler de nos héritages et de nos luttes !

#GeorgesAbdallah #Palestine #Liban

Interview: From Argentina to Lebanon: “Together, only together will we win”

Georges Ibrahim Abdallah is a communist, anti-imperialist, anti-Zionist, and internationalist activist born in Lebanon in 1951. To this day, Georges remains a fedayeen (a fighter), a “sin” that the capitalist system has never forgiven. Despite spending 41 years imprisoned in France, tortured and isolated, released in July 2025 and deported to Lebanon, he continues to maintain that his identity is that of a revolutionary militant: “In reality, I was a militant within the prison. I was never a prisoner aspiring to become a militant; I am a militant, and as such I fight even under exceptional conditions…”

The life of Georges Ibrahim Abdallah is the story of a young Lebanese man who joined the ranks of the Palestinian and global revolution at a very early age. It expresses the history of the Palestinian revolution in Lebanon, the revolution that began after 1967, and which, unfortunately, was cut short by a treacherous and capitulating Palestinian political leadership; but which continued with new generations of Palestinians from Gaza, the West Bank, Jerusalem, Palestine of 1948, and the diaspora. George’s story didn’t begin with his arrest in 1984, but rather long before that. The 1960s and 70s were the decades in which George’s internationalist political identity was forged. The massive mobilizations against the Vietnam War, the student and social movements of ’68, Ernesto Che Guevara’s message at the Tricontinental Conference of ’67, the national liberation struggles, and much more, converged in the militant formation of an internationalist comrade who, to this day, holds the same convictions.

The world has changed, but George Abdallah’s ideals and strength have not. He still clings to the essence of the revolutionary project of Arab liberation, which sees Palestine as its center: “The liberation of Palestine has historical and strategic value: it is the historical lever of the Arab revolution process.”

On December 18, 2025, in the city of Beirut, Lebanon, along with comrades from Masar Badil (Palestinian Alternative Revolutionary Route Movement), we were able to speak with and interview Georges Ibrahim Abdallah.

Interviewer: For us, your trajectory is an example: forty-one years in prison without your ideals being broken. How did you manage to maintain them?

Georges: Actually, I was an activist within the prison. I was never a prisoner who aspired to become an activist; I am an activist, and as such, I fight even in exceptional conditions, such as those of captivity. The central issue for me has always been the struggle; my personal situation is secondary. To the extent that my situation allows me to strengthen the struggle, I feel I am in an appropriate position. That’s how it happened.

My convictions were sustained through daily practice, alongside comrades who consistently came to support me for 41 years. Solidarity with me was understood as a means of joining the struggle alongside the Palestinian people and their masses, and also as a way of expressing the position of the Palestinian masses within the struggle in France. When workers mobilized to demand improvements in their conditions or to express political positions, those who showed solidarity with me participated directly in the mobilizations of the CGT (referring to the General Confederation of Labor of France) and other trade union organizations. I regularly—approximately every month, or every 20 or 25 days—took part in these mobilizations. At the demonstrations, some comrades took on the task of giving speeches, and thus my words, as a Palestinian and imprisoned Arab activist, were read by one of them. In this way, time passed within the context of the struggle, not apart from it.

When I was released, the court decision was based on a fundamental legal argument: that my continued imprisonment harmed national security more than my freedom. My release was granted on that basis.

My presence in prison was, therefore, a militant one. I approached captivity from the perspective of the conditions and principles of the struggle, not as an end in itself. I was not in prison to demand personal improvements, nor to demand my release, nor to proclaim my innocence. That logic is unacceptable to me.

Before the courts, I answered the central question, concerning foreign operations in France and Europe. There is no evidence to incriminate me. What I am being criticized for is my political stance. I stated that these military operations were justified and should continue, not only in France, but throughout the world, especially in the regions that constitute the heart of the imperialist system, the same system that is waging war against our people. Not only today, but since the 1980s. Today, this reality is even more profound.

Interviewer: And what about contact while you were in prison? Political news, information… what was your connection with the outside world like?

Georges: As I mentioned in my first answer, inside the prison I was an activist. Those who came to visit me were all activists. Their main task was to convey my point of view to the outside world; the second was to reinforce my position as an activist. Therefore, they made sure I had all the necessary means of access to information: journalistic, cultural, and political information. To give a simple example: I didn’t lack time because I had too much of it, but because I didn’t have enough. I didn’t suffer from having too much free time; I suffered from not having enough time to read everything I should have read. And when I say this, it’s not a literary metaphor, it’s a concrete reality.

Every week, my comrades provided me with five dossiers, just on the journalistic front. Everything published in Arabic, French, or English in Lebanon, Palestine, and Egypt. Five times a week. Each dossier was about 90 pages long. That is, around 450 pages a week, just of news material related to the Palestinian cause, the situation in Lebanon, the resistance, and the protests in Egypt. In addition, I had access to all the French press: the party press and the bourgeois press, such as Le Monde, L’Humanité, and other publications, as well as all the publications of left-wing parties, particularly the smaller ones. In that sense, I had a comprehensive view of everything available culturally and informationally, even broader than that of many people outside the prison.

As for my political training, my time was strictly organized. If you ask me how my day began: I left my cell at 8:30 a.m. and returned at 10:45 a.m. During that time, I exercised to keep my body fit for combat, so to speak.

• From 10:45 to 11:00 a.m.: washing and showering.

• From 11:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m.: reading the mail. I needed a lot of time to read the letters and materials that arrived.

• From 4:00 to 7:00 p.m.: theoretical readings.

• In the evening: correspondence related to theoretical materials and what should or should not be done.

• I slept four hours, so I woke up at 4:00 a.m.

• From 4:00 to 7:00 a.m., I answered my personal emails to preserve my humanity. I wrote simple words to my family (daughter, brother), greetings, gestures that allowed me to remain a normal human being: someone who smiles at the sight of a child, who sees beauty in a flower, who appreciates the simple things of everyday life.

At seven in the morning, the guard arrived, and the prison day officially began. Thus, my day was completely filled.

Interviewer: The situation in Lebanon, the Palestinians in the refugee camps… how did you find the Palestinians in the camps, and what is your interpretation of the political situation within them and in Lebanon itself?

Georges: The Palestinians in Lebanon are part of the Arab component of Lebanese historical identity. There is a long history of Palestinian-Lebanese struggle in Lebanon. The shared bloodshed between Palestinians and Lebanese historically constitutes the fundamental basis of our identity as activists. My generation was shaped by the effects of the Palestinian revolution and the Palestinian resistance movement. As resistance parties, Lebanese and Palestinian, we maintain a deep historical connection.

What I found in the camps confirms that Palestine remains the historical driving force of the Arab revolution. As I was saying, I am Palestinian, I am Lebanese, and I am Arab, but I am also a communist, and I see all these dynamics as part of a process that awaits the end of general exploitation.

The liberation of Palestine has historical and strategic value: it is the historical driving force of the Arab revolution. You cannot separate the two.

The camp—speaking in anthropological terms—is the space where, through its own evolution, the most intimate Palestinian identity has been formed. All of Palestine is a collection of camps. What one sees in Palestine, and what has been seen in Gaza, is a sum of camps that have shaped this profound identity of the Palestinian people. One must live in a camp, sleep for a week in one of those so-called “houses,” to understand what life is like inside. What then can be said when that life extends for decades, since 1947 and before? This allows one to understand what the camp is and why there is such imperialist, Zionist, and reactionary Arab fury aimed at destroying it. To destroy the camp is to destroy Palestinian identity.

The camp remains, to this day, a fortress impossible to eradicate. A camp is destroyed here, and the Palestinians move there and build another. A new camp cannot be created outside the framework of the destruction of the previous one.

We don’t have camps because of desertification, hunger, or unemployment. We have camps because there is an entity that swallowed the land where these people lived; their villages were destroyed, and they were forced to take refuge in camps.

And these camps weren’t destroyed just once. There isn’t a single camp in Palestine that hasn’t been destroyed more than once. That’s why the camps in Lebanon—to answer your question—have become the main refuge for the country’s poor. In reality, they are no longer “Palestinian” camps in a strictly demographic sense. If you go, for example, to Shatila, you’ll find that around 20% are Palestinians; the rest are poor people from Lebanon: Syrians, Iraqis, and Lebanese. The camp is a focal point of this historical transformation, within the objective process of the revolution, because of its real contradiction with the imperialist and Zionist strategy.

I found a people who remained steadfast, despite all their contradictions. Like any people in the world, we are not homogeneous: there are social sectors that lean toward negotiation and capitulation. But there is a vast majority of resilient masses who rose up with joy upon seeing the Israeli soldier weep and march away defeated, while the Arab regimes and armies watched passively.

We have masses who seek leaders and demand that they take a revolutionary stance. Those leaders may not be there today, but in the end, these masses will find their effective leadership, they will make the revolution, and they will become the revolutionary nucleus that will shake the entire Arab world.

What is at stake today is that Lebanon is the only place in the Arab world where a revolutionary will exists and where there is a weapon that is not completely controlled by the balance of power. Therefore, we will be subjected to enormous pressure. The entire imperialist system, all the forces linked to Israel, and in particular the Arab reactionaries, will use their entire arsenal of hatred to force us into surrender. But our people will not surrender. We will retain this weapon and be the spark that ignites those official systems that oppress our people in Egypt, Jordan, and the so-called Gulf protectorates.

That is what I found in Lebanon: vibrant forces. I was received as militants are received, and I was deeply surprised by the warmth of that welcome. I am profoundly grateful to all the leaders who received me, and I feel very reassured by the enormous willingness of the masses to give without limits.

What our people have demonstrated at this stage is that the energy of the masses surpasses all expectations. When it comes to self-defense and the future, the masses of our Arab nation, and particularly in Palestine and Lebanon, are at one of their highest points. They will play their historic role by withstanding the pressure, just as the Palestinian people historically assumed the responsibility of confronting Zionist settlement throughout the Arab Mashreq (Arab East). For decades, that burden has rested primarily on the Palestinian people. Today it falls to the Lebanese and Palestinian masses to take on the demands of this stage so that the Arab situation explodes and we can free ourselves from these tyrants, from this layer of rulers whose interests are organically linked to global capital.

Interviewer: Today many people point out that the economic and social situation is worse than it was years ago, but at the same time, voices are emerging that say there’s no need to fight, that change should be limited to the institutional level, to democratic and parliamentary reforms, without revolution. This is heard in various countries, for example, in Argentina.

Georges: On a global scale, the situation is this: we are living through explosive conditions worldwide. The movement of capital, the capitalist system as a whole, is undergoing a profound crisis, a structural crisis. This crisis is pushing the bourgeoisies to confront each other. What we see with Trump, what we see in Europe, what we see in Russia, indicates that for the third time in less than a century we are on the brink of a world war as a direct consequence of the crisis of capital. It is the third time in less than one hundred years, and this is evident to anyone who observes reality. What can we expect in this context? The masses are increasingly facing a process of fascistization on a global scale. There is a clear dynamic of transformation toward fascism within the capitalist system itself, which is progressively abandoning what it called representative democracy. Today, more and more, the main parties and governments are expressing this drift: in Argentina, in Italy, and with similar processes advancing in France, Germany, and the United States. This dynamic leads to a growing impoverishment of the masses, and this impoverishment will only worsen. The central question is this: how will revolutionary vanguards capable of uniting forces to confront fascism be formed?

In other words, the composition of today’s working class is not the same as it was in the 20th century. What are called the precarious and marginalized sectors now constitute the majority of the world’s population, distributed globally. The crisis of the capitalist system is affecting them on every continent. The question is how these popular forces can organize themselves within political frameworks equipped with a program capable of confronting fascism in Argentina, Peru, France, and elsewhere.

Our answer is clear: there is a large social mass with a vested interest in change. This mass is composed of a combination of precarious sectors, workers, and other popular sectors. This popular force is built through concrete participation in everyday struggles. In its historical process—economic, social, political, and cultural—this mass is formed amidst contradictions, but under a clear slogan: together, and only together, will we win. Together, and only together, will we advance; together, everywhere, we will prevail.

In Argentina, as in Beirut, it is necessary to identify common ground and strengthen it to build a shared identity. Solidarity with Venezuela, with Palestine, with the Kanak people of New Caledonia, with the peoples of the Caribbean, is part of the same process. It is a solidarity that forges the historical identity of the masses in the face of a global capital that offers nothing but barbarism. We have seen this barbarism in Gaza, in the West Bank, in Argentina, and in the peripheries of poverty and misery; we see it in Africa and Southeast Asia. Capital has no other proposal: only barbarism.

To the extent that we act collectively around common objectives, we contribute to building the historical identity of these masses. The masses, the agents of change, are formed through struggle, not outside of it. In the process of struggle, the conciliatory bourgeois forces are differentiated, and a common understanding of the real interests of the masses is built. These masses will come to understand their own immediate and historical interests. They will be the ones who transform reality. The role of revolutionary militants is to contribute to the construction of this popular mass on a clear foundation: together, and only together, will we win; together we fight, together we are formed. The constitution of this popular mass allows it to understand its present interests, its historical interests, and, with them, the general movement of history. That is true liberation: a liberation that occurs within this process, not apart from it.

Interviewer: The October 7 operation, the Al-Aqsa Flood… How did you experience it? Did you expect an operation of this magnitude? What were your impressions at the time, and what are they now?

Georges: I am Arab, Palestinian, and Lebanese, and I approach this issue as something that concerns every human being in this great Arab homeland. Furthermore, I am a communist, and from that perspective, I analyze this operation not only in its local dimension but also in terms of its global effects and its relation to the dynamics of the Arab and international revolutionary struggle.

From a strictly military point of view, October 7 was a relatively limited operation; it was not a large-scale operation in historical terms. The Palestinian revolution is over forty years old. That groups of fighters—a thousand or so—would carry out an action of this kind is natural, even something that could have been repeated periodically. However, what happened produced a series of effects that went far beyond what was expected.

On the political and social level, at the level of the immediate popular reaction, the response was spontaneous. Like so many other sons of our Arab people, when we saw a fedayeen capture an Israeli soldier on top of a tank, we applauded and erupted with joy. That was a natural reaction, seeing the fighters acting as fighters should. Later, when analyzing the operation in detail, it is legitimate to say that some things could have been done differently. But, in its overall direction, it was a highly successful military operation.

Now, there were effects that not everyone perceived immediately. This operation revealed a reality that was not entirely visible. When Israel faced Palestinian violence, it responded barbarically, as was to be expected. But that response transformed the entire region into an unsafe zone for global capital, and this is the crux of the matter.

To understand this, one must understand what Israel is. Until the 1970s, Israel lacked large private financial institutions: banks, insurance systems, and key financial structures remained publicly owned. In the 1980s, with the arrival of nearly a million settlers from the Soviet Union, enormous amounts of capital also flowed in, often through channels illegal from the perspective of capitalism itself. Along with this capital came a highly skilled, scientifically trained workforce, which allowed Israel to take a qualitative leap and build what is known as its “Silicon Valley.” October 7th struck this strategic core. Not because it physically destroyed it, but because capital cannot remain where there is open armed conflict. No one anticipated this effect. And it is precisely this that places Israel in the final phase of its historical existence.

The project of so-called “Greater Israel” was viable as long as this Silicon Valley functioned. It was not a classic military occupation, but rather an economic and administrative domination of the entire region, similar to that exercised over the so-called Gulf States. On October 7, that project was canceled, even if those who carried it out weren’t necessarily aware of its strategic dimension.

Furthermore, on October 7, normalization between Saudi Arabia and Israel was prevented. We mustn’t forget that Gaza is a vast prison, and that the plans involved further expanding that confinement. October 7 was the explosion of that prison, and that explosion disrupted all regional projects.

The West responded by deploying its full arsenal of barbarity and criminality, but the Palestinian people stood firm, with their wounds and their children, refusing to surrender. They offered an example of resistance that humanity had not witnessed in either Dien Bien Phu or Stalingrad. Never before had a people fought in such a way in defense of their very existence.

On a global scale, the impact was immediate. For the first time in the history of Western capitalism, a war of extermination could be observed in real time, hour by hour. Argentinians, Bolivians, and Pakistanis could see the genocide unfolding before their eyes every day. This spurred broad sectors of the youth to rise up: first out of human solidarity, then out of a deeper political understanding. This mobilization began to take on a clear character of confrontation with the “fascistization of extermination.” In a global context marked by the crisis of capitalism and the real possibility of a third world war, the Palestinian cause became a banner against the advance of fascism in Europe and the world.

That is why, when the demonstrations began in Europe and the United States, governments tried to ban and criminalize them. Wearing a keffiyeh or carrying a Palestinian flag could lead to imprisonment or accusations of antisemitism. Today, however, there is no city in the world where the Palestinian flag and the keffiyeh are not raised as symbols not only of solidarity, but also of resistance to fascism within their own countries.

Netanyahu is a concrete expression of fascism. Israel, as an entity, is an organic extension of Western imperialism, which was historically formed through wars of extermination. The United States, Latin America, Australia: all these state projects were built on mass genocide. Israel is the latest expression of that logic.

The war of extermination against the Palestinian people did not begin in Gaza; it began at the end of the 19th century. In 1948, when the Palestinian population numbered fewer than a million, they resisted. Today, they number over fourteen million. Within historic Palestine, Palestinians now outnumber the settlers. This proves that the war of extermination has failed.

On October 7th, the world told this colonial project: you have reached your end. The violence unleashed today in Gaza and Lebanon is the expression of that final chapter. Israel can no longer present itself to the peoples of the world as a “democracy.” It has revealed itself for what it is: an absolute symbol of barbarism. Without the moral and political support of the imperialist West, Israel cannot survive. They can continue sending it weapons, but weapons do not change history. It is the people who make it. And the Palestinian people, with rudimentary means, have demonstrated a strength superior to the entire military arsenal.

For more than a century, the Palestinian people have resisted a war of extermination on behalf of the entire Arab Mashreq. The colonial project targeted not only Palestine, but the entire region. And it was the Palestinian people, the vanguard of this nation, who paid the price with the blood of their children and triumphed. Today, the world tells them: you have not only resisted, you have won. And not only as a Palestinian, but as a symbol of the fight against fascism, which is advancing everywhere.

These are the historical effects of October 7th.

Interviewer: With the so-called ceasefire, we’ve seen a certain demobilization on a global scale. How do you analyze this?

Georges: What is called a “ceasefire” is a stage within this conflict, an important stage. But we must analyze its real foundations. The main backdrop is the role of the Arab reactionaries in the attempt to disarm the resistance.

The central concern that is shaking imperialism is that the armed struggle in Palestine has produced a global effect they did not expect. The fedayeen has become the representative of true humanism, the one that transformed the keffiyeh into a universal symbol of freedom and opposition to fascism. That is why they are resorting to every possible means to put an end to this form of struggle. That is, in essence, what is at stake in the so-called ceasefire. They have divided this process into three or four phases.

The first phase consists of saying, “We will allow them to eat; we haven’t managed to exterminate them.”

Then they propose a second phase: that, under religious or regional cover, the Arab reactionaries enter Gaza. But for them to enter, they demand the presence of international forces intended to disarm the so-called “terrorists.”

We say clearly: these weapons will not be disarmed. These weapons are a symbol of humanity. It is these weapons that allowed thousands upon thousands of young people to take to the streets of the world, raising the banner of freedom represented by the Palestinian keffiyeh.

If these Arab reactionaries try to enter Gaza, we will crush them. And if the imperialist forces try to enter Gaza, we will confront them and destroy them in the fullest sense of the word.

The European and global bourgeoisies, under pressure from popular mobilizations in Europe, the United States, and worldwide, have begun to make certain concessions on a discursive level. Today they tell you: you can show solidarity with the “Palestinian victim,” with the Palestinian people who are starving, murdered, and bombed. That’s allowed. But you can’t show solidarity with those who are anti-imperialist.

You can show solidarity with the victim as a victim. But for that victim to become a historical subject, a political actor, that’s not allowed: then they become a “terrorist.” You can denounce that a people is being exterminated, you can affirm that they are victims. But you don’t have the right—according to them—to show solidarity with those who are fighting with weapons to defend that people.

The imperialist forces clearly state: the real problem is that anti-imperialism is now being presented as a legitimate political position, with a real presence in the struggle. That’s what keeps them up at night.

They tell you: “You can show humanitarian solidarity with the children, with the mothers… but be careful, very careful about saying that there is an anti-imperialist resistance and that you stand in solidarity with it. That is criminal.”

That is their position. We say the opposite. These historical conditions that have made the children of Gaza a universal symbol of freedom that would not exist without October 7th. They would not be a symbol of freedom if those fedayeen who carried a bomb and placed it on a tank did not exist. Only the fedayeen position truly embodies the essence of humanism. That “humanism” that many claim to defend today is nothing other than the practical expression of the sacrifice of those fighters who put their lives and bodies on the line against the military machine.

The imperialists, in all their variations, repeat: “Show solidarity with the victims, but be careful… be careful about showing solidarity with the anti-imperialist fedayeen.”

And we respond clearly: we are anti-imperialist because we are fedayeen. And we represent true humanism because we are fedayeen who practice armed struggle, in Palestine and beyond.

Interviewer: We want you to send a message to the peoples of the world and also to Latin America.

Georges: The message to the militants of Latin America is clear: we are in the same battle. Imperialism’s greatest fear is that the anti-imperialist struggle will cease to be an abstract slogan and become a concrete reality, legitimate and embraced by the masses. That is their true fear.

“Together, and only together, we will win.” We, together with the militants of Latin America and other parts of the world. Isolated, we cannot win anywhere. If we are fragmented, none of us will win. When the masses of Latin America mobilize for their own demands under the Palestinian banner, they do so as part of the struggle against fascism. In this way, they express the most concrete and effective form of solidarity with the prisoners of the Palestinian revolution and with every Palestinian who struggles.

This principle is not just a slogan. The Argentine, Palestinian, and Egyptian masses have common interests in the face of the barbarity of capital. When the social masses in Argentina mobilize against their own fascism, they are also defending Palestine. Every victory there is a victory here. Any triumph anywhere on the planet is a victory for all of us.

Every step forward anywhere in the world strengthens the entire revolutionary force. When the sons and daughters of the Argentine people advance in their struggles, that advance is also ours. And every victory in Palestine is a victory for the peoples of Argentina, Peru, and elsewhere.

The true leadership of the popular masses must understand that our struggles must be coordinated. We must learn how to do this. Every battle in Lebanon must be considered in relation to a battle in Argentina, in Europe, or anywhere else. We must relate to each other as capital does on a global scale, but without reproducing its contradictions. “Together, and only together, we will win.” That is our motto today, tomorrow, and the day after.

This is how we build the popular masses with a historical interest in change. These masses are built here and there, and through this solidarity, what we call the revolutionary international is forged. The defense of Venezuela, the defense of Argentina, the defense of the popular masses everywhere, is one and the same defense. Every victory in Cuba, in Venezuela, in Russia, or anywhere else in the world is a collective victory.

Revolutionary leaderships must keep this in mind when defining the priorities of the struggle. Our enemy is global capital; our allies are the popular masses. The popular masses are not built outside of coordination: they are built within it, and part of their identity is born from this process. The level of development of the popular struggle is reflected in the nature of its leadership. When reformist, reactionary, or surrendered leaderships predominate, this constitutes a defeat for other peoples as well. When there are revolutionary leaderships in Palestine, this is a victory for Argentina. When there are revolutionary fighters in Argentina, this is a victory for Palestine.

This interaction is what allows us to build a global popular mass capable of ending the capitalist system, a system in permanent crisis that can only be overcome through its overthrow by organized masses. But this is not achieved with abstract speeches. The popular mass is built through the daily practice of “together, and only together, we will win.” This is how it is built in Argentina and beyond. Confronting them is our duty: in Palestine and everywhere. Every step here is a step forward there. Every step there is a step forward here. “Together, and only together, we will win.”

Source: https://masarbadil.org/es/carta-nacional-palestina/

Interviews with Georges Ibrahim Abdallah

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=22318

#antiImperialism #georgesAbdallah #lebanon #resistancePalestine #solidarityPalestine #westAsia

Lebanon/Turkey: Georges Abdallah Supports the Hunger Strike of Revolutionary Prisoners

A former political prisoner in France, the Lebanese communist Georges Abdallah supported the hunger strike of several revolutionary prisoners against the so-called well-type prisons S, R and Y, which are known for their particularly inhumane conditions of incarceration. In particular, he stressed the importance of mobilizing for Serkan Onur Yılmaz and Ayberk Demirdöğen who have been fasting until death for 309 and 188 days respectively.

[…] Perhaps it would be necessary to affirm on this occasion that it is no longer just a question of expressing unwavering solidarity with the Comrades imprisoned in the Zionist jails or in the jails of fascism in Turkey or elsewhere around the world; that it is no longer just a question of supporting with all our strength their just demands and thereby saluting the ongoing mobilization around the “hunger strike at full speed” of our dear comrades. Perhaps it is time to affirm that with regard to our comrade prisoners who are the object of a policy of systematic destruction, any expression of solidarity has no real meaning from now on, except to the extent that it consists in implementing all the measures necessary for the practical expression of the firm determination to rescue our comrades from the clutches of their criminal jailers. Of course, Comrades, this is not a question of affirming loud and clear any moral duty towards our captive Comrades, it is simply a question of combining the capacities of the revolutionary forces (at the national, regional and even more so international levels) and of inscribing in the first place the liberation of our Comrades, in the global dynamic of the struggles really underway; in other words, on the basis of an internationalism without any concession with regard to the bourgeois strata operating within the “historical social bloc”. […]

Source: https://secoursrouge.org/liban-turquie-georges-abdallah-soutient-la-greve-de-la-faim-de-prisonniers-revolutionnaires/

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=21445

#georgesAbdallah #hungerStrike #lebanon #PoliticalPrisoners #turkey #westAsia

Un entretien avec Georges Ibrahim Abdallah : « Pas de paradis sans Gaza ! »
https://www.chroniquepalestine.com/un-entretien-avec-georges-ibrahim-abdallah-pas-de-paradis-sans-gaza/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=un-entretien-avec-georges-ibrahim-abdallah-pas-de-paradis-sans-gaza
Prisonnier politique de légende, récemment libéré après 41 ans de prison en France, Georges Abdallah propose un manifeste révolutionnaire dans lequel il parle de ses opinions inébranlables sur la Palestine, la résistance, la libération et
#Politique #Articles #NousRecommandons #Prisonniers #Slider #GeorgesAbdallah #Hezbollah #Liban #Resistance

Un entretien avec Georges Ibrahim Abdallah : « Pas de paradis sans Gaza ! »
https://www.chroniquepalestine.com/un-entretien-avec-georges-ibrahim-abdallah-pas-de-paradis-sans-gaza/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=un-entretien-avec-georges-ibrahim-abdallah-pas-de-paradis-sans-gaza
Prisonnier politique de légende, récemment libéré après 41 ans de prison en France, Georges Abdallah propose un manifeste révolutionnaire dans lequel il parle de ses opinions inébranlables sur la Palestine, la résistance, la libération et
#Politique #Articles #NousRecommandons #Prisonniers #Slider #GeorgesAbdallah #Hezbollah #Liban #Resistance

Thank You For Everything, Georges! — International Red Help

The release of Georges Abdallah was decided on July 17, after more than 40 years of detention. And even if we will only be truly relieved when Georges arrives in his native Lebanon, the event compels us to say a few words.

When the campaign for Georges Abdallah’s release was launched over 20 years ago, the various structures of the International Red Help could not have imagined the length of a struggle that would become formative for us, although it began with just a few modest actions aimed simply at making Georges and his cause known.

The mobilization campaign seemed to follow the usual pattern. First spreading within revolutionary circles, it eventually reached broader forces of the reformist and democratic left. This expansion, reflected in hundreds of demonstrations and thousands of initiatives, can be explained by three elements:

• Firstly, by the obviously political nature of Georges’s detention. We won’t revisit every episode in which the French justice system trampled on all the values, rules, and principles it claims to uphold—starting with the separation of powers—in order to prolong this detention as an expression of the French state’s support and complicity for Zionist and imperialist aggression.
• Secondly, by those very Zionist and imperialist aggressions, those endless massacres of which the ongoing genocide in Gaza is only the latest example. This string of tragedies constantly reminded us over the years of the legitimacy of the Palestinian resistance to which Georges belongs.
• Lastly, by Georges’s own resistance—by the way he rejected every form of blackmail for repentance, by the way he endured every hardship of an interminable detention, and by the way he kept alive the historical propositions of the Arab revolutionary left: a free, secular, and democratic Palestine from the river to the sea. Moreover, he has always defended the liberation of Palestine as an integral part of the struggle for a communist and internationalist perspective.

This courage and determination were not only an encouragement to the movement demanding his release. Georges has offered multiple generations of militants a tremendous example of resistance—an active, daily resistance that not only stood firm in its positions but also knew how to connect with the struggles that emerged after his arrest.

Throughout all these years, Georges has nourished and inspired our struggles. So for all of that, with all our heart, thank you Georges Abdallah, thank you and welcome home.

International Red Help
International Secretariat
July 17, 2025

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20910

#europe #georgesAbdallah #internationalRedHelp #lebanon #palestine #redHelpInternational

Greece: Revolutionary Prisoners Welcome the Liberation of George Abdallah

Following the release of Georges Abdallah and his arrival in Lebanon on July 25, several revolutionary prisoners held in Greece welcomed this announcement, which comes after more than 40 years of imprisonment in France. Anarchist prisoner Nikos Maziotis (left in the photo) wrote a statement on August 2 to celebrate the news.

[…] “Your release from prison is one of the greatest pieces of good news and has enormous meaning for all of us who are part of the international anti-capitalist, anti-state and anti-authoritarian movement. Because good news for one is good news for everyone, it is good for the movements, the peoples in struggle, the poor, the proletariat and the activists incarcerated in prisons, as is of course the opposite for bad news. And the fact that you came out of prison unshakeable, without any questioning of your struggle, is a huge political and moral victory for all of us. »

Similarly, former member of the November 17 Revolutionary Organization and Marxist prisoner Dimitris Koufontinas sent a message after the announcement of the Arab communist’s release.

[…] “Today is a day of immense joy. The beautiful news of your liberation has passed through our cells. I will not speak of liberation. You have always been free of mind, soul, heart, as are those who resist. Only now have they been forced to free your body, to join your brothers in the struggle for a standing Lebanon, and a liberated Palestine. The arch-terrorists, the murderers, the colonialists, the arch-despoilers of the peoples have not succeeded in slandering you by calling you a terrorist or a criminal. Your only crime was to be and always to be a revolutionary, not to have yielded, not to have deserted for a single moment your great responsibility. »

Source: https://secoursrouge.org/grece-des-prisonniers-revolutionnaires-saluent-la-liberation-de-georges-abdallah/

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20738

#AnarchistPrisoners #DimitrisKoufontinas #europe #georgesAbdallah #greece #nikosMaziotis #PoliticalPrisoners

Georges Abdallah : « La résistance a un rôle-clé dans la construction de l’État libanais »
https://www.chroniquepalestine.com/georges-abdallah-resistance-role-cle-dans-construction-etat-libanais/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=georges-abdallah-resistance-role-cle-dans-construction-etat-libanais
Dans sa première interview depuis sa libération après 41 ans d’incarcération, le combattant de la résistance libanaise Georges Abdallah s’est entretenu avec Al Mayadeen depuis sa ville natale de Qobayat, au Liban, revenant sur ses
#Politique #NousRecommandons #Slider #GeorgesAbdallah #Hezbollah #Liban #Vidéo

Georges Abdallah : « La résistance a un rôle-clé dans la construction de l’État libanais »
https://www.chroniquepalestine.com/georges-abdallah-resistance-role-cle-dans-construction-etat-libanais/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=georges-abdallah-resistance-role-cle-dans-construction-etat-libanais
Dans sa première interview depuis sa libération après 41 ans d’incarcération, le combattant de la résistance libanaise Georges Abdallah s’est entretenu avec Al Mayadeen depuis sa ville natale de Qobayat, au Liban, revenant sur ses
#Politique #NousRecommandons #Slider #GeorgesAbdallah #Hezbollah #Liban #Vidéo

Georges Abdallah: The Long Road Home from a Prison of Principle

On the morning of July 25, 2025, Beirut welcomed home one of its most steadfast sons. Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, a name long etched into the annals of revolutionary resistance, stepped foot on Lebanese soil for the first time in over four decades. Greeted by roaring crowds at Beirut International Airport and along the highway to his hometown of Qobayat, the 73-year-old former political prisoner was received not merely as a man returning from exile, but as a symbol of unbroken resistance and unwavering conviction.

Abdallah emerged from a French prison after 41 years of incarceration—most of which was served beyond his original sentence. In his first public address, delivered defiantly upon his return, Abdallah saluted the martyrs of the resistance and reaffirmed his belief in the justice of the cause he never abandoned. “My greetings to the resistance,” he declared to thousands gathered in solidarity. “To its martyrs, and its Dahiyeh.” With Gaza burning and regional powers paralyzed, Abdallah’s words were a sharp rebuke to Arab complacency and a reminder that resistance remains, in his eyes, both necessary and sacred.

“Resistance is freedom, and we must rally around it”. He affirmed to local TV channels while surrounded by throngs of his countrymen and women.

Now, after more than four decades behind bars, Georges Abdallah’s return does not mark the end of his political journey—it marks its renewal. In his eyes, the resistance lives, the struggle endures, and the martyrs speak louder than treaties or silence. For a generation witnessing a renewed era of confrontation—from Gaza to the refugee camps of Lebanon—his story is both an indictment and an invitation: to resist, to remember, and to remain unbroken.

Chained for Palestine

Born in 1951 in the northern Lebanese town of Qobayat, Georges Abdallah’s political journey began in the midst of Lebanon’s own civil strife and deepened through the Palestinian struggle against Israeli occupation. A committed Marxist and member of the Lebanese Armed Revolutionary Factions (LARF), he was arrested in Lyon in 1984 and later convicted for his alleged involvement in the assassinations of a U.S. military attaché and an Israeli diplomat in Paris—acts carried out in retaliation for the U.S.-Israeli role in Lebanon and Palestine.

Abdallah had previously fought alongside the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and later helped form LARF—an underground faction rooted in anti-imperialist ideology and solidarity with the Palestinian cause. Operating across borders during a period when Israeli invasions and American interventions had turned Lebanon into a regional battlefield, Abdallah’s work focused on building alliances between Arab and European militant movements. His vision of resistance extended beyond national borders; he viewed the struggle against Zionism, Western imperialism, and global capitalism as interconnected fronts of the same battle.

Under his guidance, LARF was not simply a military outfit but an ideological project. The group’s communiqués—ghostwritten in safehouses scattered between Beirut and Paris—spoke of the need for a united international front against colonial domination. Abdallah believed armed resistance, when directed against military and intelligence targets of occupying powers, was a necessary response to decades of Western-backed aggression in the Arab world. It was this worldview that would eventually land him in a French courtroom and cement his fate as one of the longest-held political prisoners in Europe.

Though the charges against him were based on contested evidence and a deeply politicized trial, the real threat Abdallah posed—at least in the eyes of Washington and Tel Aviv—was ideological. He represented a militant, organized form of Arab dignity that refused to separate justice from resistance or occupation from consequence. His sentencing became a statement, not only about France’s alignment with U.S. and Israeli policy, but about how far Western states were willing to go to criminalize solidarity with Palestine.

Though Abdallah became eligible for release as early as 1999, successive French governments—under U.S. and Israeli pressure—blocked every legal attempt at freedom. Judges ruled for his release multiple times, but those rulings were overruled or left unimplemented by political authorities. He became not only a prisoner of the French state, but of a global political order that demanded his silence and feared the message his liberty would send.

That fear was palpable even in his final moments in France. Authorities released him a day ahead of schedule and barred him from issuing any public statements before his deportation. Yet despite every attempt to quiet his voice, Georges Abdallah returned home to the thunder of chants, the waving of Palestinian and Lebanese flags, and a sea of faces welcoming not just a man, but a struggle made flesh.

Speaking to Al-Mayadeen, Ibrahim al-Halabi, a longtime member of the international campaign for Abdallah’s release, called the day “a great victory for freedoms—not only for George and Lebanon, but for everyone who has fought for justice.” Indeed, Abdallah’s cause has galvanized global support in recent years, from trade unions in Europe to resistance groups across the Middle East. His continued imprisonment had become a glaring contradiction in France’s professed commitment to human rights and judicial independence.

Forty-One Years of Iron and Silence

Georges Abdallah entered the French prison system in 1984 as a defiant revolutionary and emerged in 2025 with the same convictions intact. But those forty-one years behind bars were not without cost. Locked away in Lannemezan prison in southern France—a facility known for housing high-security inmates—Abdallah spent decades in near-total isolation, denied parole repeatedly despite fulfilling all legal conditions for release as early as 1999. The prison authorities imposed strict communication restrictions, curtailed visits, and often censored his political writings. Yet through it all, Abdallah refused any compromise, rejecting every conditional release that required renouncing his principles or expressing remorse.

He read voraciously. He wrote letters to comrades around the world. And year after year, he signed his statements from “within the belly of the beast,” reaffirming his solidarity with Palestine and the broader struggle against imperialism. In one of his rare public writings, he described the prison not as a grave, but as a “frontline of struggle” where dignity was a daily act of resistance. That posture, however, came at the cost of aging far from home, enduring solitary winters, and missing the lives of loved ones as time took its toll.

Back in Qobayat, his family bore the quiet weight of his absence. Georges’ mother died while he was still imprisoned; his brothers and nieces grew up attending marches and vigils instead of homecomings and celebrations. Their visits to France were rare and tightly monitored. And yet, they stood firm—his family becoming, over time, an extension of the resistance he embodied. In Lebanon, his small mountain town turned into a symbol of international defiance. His portrait hung from balconies, and every anniversary of his arrest sparked renewed calls for justice.

Outside prison walls, an unrelenting campaign for his release grew stronger with each passing year. What began as a modest effort by a few Lebanese and Palestinian activists gradually transformed into a transnational movement of unions, human rights defenders, student groups, and former political prisoners. In France, protesters rallied annually outside Lannemezan. Banners reading “Libérez Georges Abdallah” became fixtures of leftist marches from Paris to Marseille. Across the Mediterranean, murals of Abdallah adorned refugee camps in Lebanon, Gaza, and Tunisia. While the French state sought to bury him in obscurity, the global protest movement resurrected him in image and idea—making him not just a prisoner, but a living symbol of resistance unbent by time or steel.

The Return of a Revolutionary

When Georges Abdallah emerged from the airport terminal in Beirut, the crowd surged forward not to greet a man, but to embrace an idea. For many, his return was the homecoming of a revolutionary who had long ceased to belong to any one town or border. Qobayat’s son had become, through four decades of principled captivity, the embodiment of steadfastness in the face of imperial power. The chants that echoed from the airport road to the northern mountains were not simply of joy—they were declarations of continuity. That resistance does not retire. That dignity is not negotiable. That Lebanon still births men who choose prison over submission, silence, or shame.

In his first public words on Lebanese soil, Abdallah spoke not of vengeance or despair, but of fidelity. “Resistance is freedom,” he proclaimed to the people gathered under the July sun. “And we must rally around it.” He saluted the martyrs of the resistance, bowed to Gaza’s steadfastness, and reminded a region still shackled by fear and fragmentation that its future will not be written by normalization, but by struggle. At a time when Arab regimes race to court Tel Aviv and Western capitals escalate their war on the very notion of armed defiance, Abdallah’s words landed like a challenge to the prevailing order.

His return coincides with a renewed political assault on Lebanon’s resistance movements. International pressure mounts against Hezbollah and its weapons, while local elites echo calls for disarmament under the pretense of sovereignty. But sovereignty, Abdallah’s life reminds us, is not measured by rhetorical appeals to statehood—it is measured by the people’s right to defend themselves against occupation, aggression, and domination. For Abdallah, the rifle of the resistance was never an aberration of law, but an assertion of justice. The prison bars that confined him were not stronger than the principle they tried to contain.

In an age where resistance is slandered as terror, and loyalty is traded for favor in foreign halls of power, Georges Abdallah returned not only as a free man—but as a reminder that freedom begins where subjugation ends. His legacy is not merely behind him; it marches now beside him, on the shoulders of a generation still defying siege in Gaza, drones in Beirut, and sanctions in Damascus. His walk through the airport was not a retreat into old history—it was the entry of a revolutionary back into the world he never truly left.

Hussein Moghniyeh
source: Al Manar

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20628

#France #georgesAbdallah #lebanon #politicalPrisoner

🇵🇸 VIDEO : « Une victoire pour la #Palestine », Elsa Marcel sur #GeorgesAbdallah pour la télévision libanaise

L'avocate, interviewée par Al Mayadeen, s'est exprimée sur la libération du militant libanais, emprisonné pendant 41 dans les prisons françaises.

https://www.revolutionpermanente.fr/Une-victoire-pour-la-Palestine-Elsa-Marcel-sur-Georges-Abdallah-pour-la-television-libanaise

« Georges Ibrahim Abdallah a accordé un entretien exclusif à l’Humanité, dans son village de Kobayat, qu’il vient de retrouver. Il revient sur ces quarante ans de prison en France et réaffirme son engagement de militant révolutionnaire en faveur de la #Palestine. »

https://assawra.blogspot.com/2025/07/je-suis-reste-debout-georges-ibrahim.html

#GeorgesAbdallah #GeorgesAbdallahLibre #prisonniersPolitiques #justiceFr #polFr #Liban #ProcheOrient @lebanon @palestine @israel

The Trial Statement of Georges Ibrahim Abdallah

Madame, Monsieur,

That an Arab revolutionary should be tried by this Western “special” court is perfectly normal. That he be deemed a criminal and a delinquent is nothing new: the “bandits of the Aurès,” [1] the “terrorists” of Palestine, and the “vile zealots” in Ansar and Khiam [2] have already received such honorable epithets. They are stark reminders for all amnesiacs about the actual heritage of your so-called Western justice system and the legacy of your Judeo-Christian civilization. Yet, when the real criminal, the Yankee––exterminator of all the wretched of the earth––is also a representative of the alleged victims before you, this is reason enough to abstain from commenting on the nature of your court and the task to which it is assigned.

If, at first glance, representatives of the Zionist entity seem to be absent from the stage, it’s not, of course, because of your modesty and discretion. This entity is simply a Western outpost, an operational base for imperialist attack dogs, a prototype of the strategies of annihilation and balkanization that your rulers have in store for us. It goes without saying that this entity is well-represented before your court: if not by its Yankee ruler, then by its counterpart, the Attorney General.

That I am abstaining to comment on the nature of your court by no means implies that I am endorsing its illegitimacy or obscuring its absolute legality, a perfect illustration of the gulf that separates your legal world from our real world, an authentic representation of the “peace” your system institutes and maintains through the annihilation of millions of people in the peripheries. Despite the suffering of all people everywhere on earth, your rulers impose their criminal system’s peace and legality of which war comprises an integral part. You are profoundly mistaken if you hope that war will never again spread beyond the borders of the peripheries.

40 years after the liberation of Paris, we still see all of your rulers––through mystifications, tears, and bluster––continue to pay obligatory homage to the years of the Nazi occupation. On the one hand, this conceals the cowardice of everyone who didn’t give a damn about those who bore the yellow star, everyone who found their virility by supporting the swindlers who exploit the memories of Auschwitz and the other terrible crimes of your system. On the other hand, it also masks the legitimate reasons for why those “vile terrorists” in Affiche Rouge [3] and their comrades took illegal action to save your country’s honor by fighting heroically against the system of criminals and their stooges. Here in France they fought and elsewhere. Wherever they could, they attacked, trampling any legality underfoot that hindered their legitimate struggle. The four years of the occupation have brought to light the criminal legality of your imperialist system and have given honor to everyone who was committed to the legitimacy of fighting it.

Certainly, these “vile terrorists” were not very numerous, and generals like “Massu” [4] were not exactly exceptional in their movement, but this doesn’t stop us from hoping to witness the emergence of a new era of “vile terrorists” in much greater number and whose movement, untainted by the presence of anyone like “Massu,” remains committed to the same struggle as the “terrorists” in the Middle East, Asia, Africa, and Central America, a struggle to bring an end to the legality of your peace that is upheld by your rulers’ strategy of annihilation in our peripheries. Fortunately, the present doesn’t contradict our hopes.

Of course, you are not here to talk politics. This is clear. You are here simply to judge actions that have disturbed your system’s peace. To know the meaning of this “apolitical” peace, one only has to refer to the words of Mitterrand, one of your wise rulers and institutional guardians. On the eve of one of your aggressions against our people, did he not declare, “This peace is better defended by the war that we are waging than by letting the present state continue unchanged. Peace is better preserved by our action than by our inaction[?]”

This is the peace, Messieurs––the peace of the graveyards––that is threatened by the actions you presume to judge. What is threatened is only the continuation of the war of extermination perpetrated by Reagan, the leader of your system. What your court has undertaken to put on trial is the imperialist war itself.

No, Messieurs, your court is far from being apolitical. No, Messieurs, your trial is far from being legitimate. This trial is the legal emblem of the imperialist war that is being waged against our people, and thereby any of the “good intentions” of those who play their part as mediators for your rulers are automatically abjured, as are any of the illusions of those who hypocritically believe that a viper can change its nature simply by shedding its skin.

With what grace and independence do you presume to judge acts of war by isolating them from the general process of imperialist aggression that is being perpetrated against our people? To what extent are you yourselves, you representatives of French imperialism, involved in this war? And how cynical must the representative of that criminal Reagan be to present the US as a victim and a civil party to the French government at the same moment as the US Navy is preparing its attack [5] on Beirut and other Arab cities?

One must be related to Goebbels by blood in order to accept such a charade. Who else but the imperialist authorities themselves are entitled to this trash heap of history and its infamous progenitor?

Our people have been subjected to aggressions of all kinds for well more than 40 years. There’s no weapon lacking among the testing ground in which our people are the lab rats. From the start of this century until the present day, your rulers have spared us nothing, from the most nefarious conspiracies to the most heinous massacres. The strategies of annihilation and balkanization coincide under the emblem of Western human rights. Annihilation is currently being perpetrated in the cruelest way possible by the Americans and their Zionist attack dogs. As for balkanization, it is you, you Europeans, who are its architects, the guardian angels of its continuation.

Our lands, Messieurs, are occupied. Our people have been uprooted. The occupiers, the aggressors, are blond-haired, blue-eyed Westerners.

Our people are not propaganda slogans. They are disemboweled women and men in the flesh-and-blood. They are children decapitated by the hundreds. Every day they are dying. Every day war planes are bombing and murdering them, war ships are sowing death and destruction upon them. Every day your settlers are taking new hostages. Our people in the occupied territory are hostages. Our people everywhere else are merely potential hostages, potential victims.

Admittedly, there are no gas chambers in Ansar or Ashkelon. But there are vacuum bombs and other jewels of your war industry that carry on their legacy, and your settlers are perfectly satisfied with them, at least for now. It all depends on how many new settlers you can provide. But it also all depends on our people’s attachment to the legitimacy of fighting the system that is providing the settlers: your criminal system. Of course, the edifice of balkanization is still doing its job to your satisfaction, and as long as your pimps still hold the strings of their prostitutes, there they’ll remain, rest assured, in the short term.

Messieurs, I’m not here to draw your attention to the cruelty of the massacres that are being perpetrated against our people. After all, you’re not entirely unfamiliar with them. Nor am I here to solicit condemnations of the executioners. The highest international organizations have already given us enough condemnations. Yet, alas, they are simply paper, and in the face of the flagship weapons of your murderous war industry, they have been of little use to us, not in 1982, not before, and not after.

I am here, Messieurs, simply to ask that, before you presume to judge us, you wash your hands of our our blood and the blood of our mothers and children that stain them, because anyone who disgraces the blood of the 25,000 people who died during the imperialist-Zionist invasion of Lebanon can only be direct accomplices to Reagan and Begin in their war of extermination against our people. 25,000 people dead in just three months of your so-called “peace.” 45,000 people wounded in honor of your justice. 90 days of Beirut as a testing ground for American-Israeli weapons, and yet the Reagan administration is named as a victim and civil party in your trial! Of course, this is perfectly normal, despite the flimsy illusions of those who presume to depict imperialist France and its courts as impartial.

This is the fundamental basis of your court. This is the essence of this trial and the accusations I am charged with that, incidentally, are merely honors that I haven’t yet deserved. Even if our people haven’t granted me the honor of participating in the anti-imperialist actions that you have attributed to me, at least I have the honor of being accused of them by your court and of defending their legitimacy against the criminal legality of the executioners, and I proclaim loudly and clearly: “Let us trample over any obstacle to the legitimacy of our struggle. Let us trample over the peace of any system that manifests itself in our country under the slogan of ‘Peace for Galilee.’” [6]

I know very well that this is the position that is being criminalized. I know very well that your court is being called to order by the Reagan administration to fulfill this task. You have obeyed this call in all “independence” and “impartiality,” and in all solemnity I will speak out on behalf of what I represent here today: either there will be peace for our Arab people and all of the Arab world or there will be peace for no one anywhere.

Of course, the Yankee criminals and their French social-democrat counterparts will denounce the “terrorist zealots.” After all, they broke the laws of imperialist peace and the elementary rules of Western “tolerance,” orchestrated to the rhythm of shells falling from the New Jersey and F-16s when they weren’t falling from the Super-Étendard and Jaguar war planes.

Of course, “tolerant” and “democratic” souls have every reason to be indignant about the rise of “zealotry” and “international terrorism”: they never fail to display their “humanitarian solidarity” with the resistance against the occupier on the sole condition that the victims obey the executioner’s laws, as long as they can rest easy with the knowledge that war will never extend past the borders of the periphery, will never disturb their criminal peace.

Just as comprehensible are the concerns and the outrage of those “civilized” knights of Western “human rights” and “freedom” in the face of the “vile barbarians” in the Middle East. How could we fail to comprehend their worry and frustration? Though everywhere in the Arab world all the masterpieces of your civilization are displayed under the benevolent gaze of your “human rights” and your statues of “liberty”––whether in Maarakah or Zrarieh, in Bir el Abed [7] or Sabra and Chatila, [8] in Benghazi or in Tripoli, [9] not to mention other names of other cities––you are confronted with the same obstinacy among these Middle Eastern “barbarians,” the same disappointment your ancestors received when, on the same “civilizing” mission, they went to Damascus and came back with nothing.

The imperialist Judeo-Christian West that you represent, Messieurs, has no reason to complain that its values are “misunderstood” in our Muslim peripheries in the East––endlessly accused and criminalized, attacked and dominated. Admittedly, we still haven’t yet managed to design a statue of liberty on par with the New Jersey and its cannons or F-16s and their bombs, but we must recognize that we have received them as they deserve to be received! [10]

Admittedly, we haven’t yet built statuettes of liberty in our cities like the one built in Bir el Abed (for example) and signed by Reagan’s hand, constructed with the modest number of 80 charred and mangled corpses, but I assure you that in this regard we would be quite capable of imitating you.

Of course, your indignation at our oriental Arab and Muslim “intolerance” is perfectly clear. This must mean that we have clearly understood what your “tolerance” means, as it was ideally expressed by Sharon and his hordes in Sabra and in Ansar, by Begin and Shamir in Kfar Kassem and Deir Yassin. [11]

And yet the Yankee is a victim and a civil party to the French government! Or rather, this is precisely why the Yankee can present itself as a civil party in Paris rather than being charged with war crimes in Nuremberg.

Of course, there is no reason that the executioner should be accused or charged. Its victims are ultimately nothing more than Arabs, Africans, Asians, and Latin Americans. Their extermination is neither an offense nor a crime in the eyes of Western courts.

This is the spirit in which the investigating court has established its allegedly irrefutable charges against me.

It is already evident to your court that I have no intention whatsoever of commenting on these alleged charges. I will simply point out that, if these charges were applied universally as they’ve been presented to you by the investigating court, they would be irrefutable against any average person in France.

I would also like to point out the following fact to those of you who have the legal right and legitimacy to judge me: I am accused of murder and attempted murder just because I was present in France before or after the attacks. Can the same be said about Monsieur Jean-Christophe Mitterrand who was present in occupied Palestine in Kfar Hanassi when Zionist soldiers were committing the worst atrocities? Can the same be said about the one [12] who traveled to Beirut atop Sharon’s tanks in 1982 during the invasion of Lebanon in order to express his support to the vanguards of your “free” world? Can the same be said about those who sold and are still selling the jewels of their weapons arsenals––from Jericho 2 thermonuclear warheads to F-16s––to the aggressors of our people? Of course, these comparisons won’t make sense to you. After all, they’re just blond-haired, blue-eyed Westerners who are acting in service to imperialist peace. But must we remind you that your legal argumentation will only be used to indict them by those who have the right and legitimacy to judge them?

I know that the struggle of our people does not advance according to the length of the trial statements of its imprisoned fighters, so I will thank my captors for allowing me to express what I have to say despite the solitary confinement regime under which I am imposed. I will address myself to you (and to my father from whom I haven’t yet heard) and repeat the words of an African revolutionary: “Wotta Sitta,” which in French means, “le temps est juste,” or rather “c’est juste le temps de. . .” [“The time is right,” “Now is the time to. . . ”] Now I will withdraw from this court and leave you the pleasure of listening to the representative of the executioners and its defense spew their hatred against all the wretched of the earth.

Down with imperialism and its lackeys!

Victory and glory to all people in struggle!

Georges Ibrahim Abdallah

February 23, 1987

Paris

_______________________________________________________________________________________

1. A reference to the fighters in the FLN during the Algerian War, who were described as such in the French press at the time.
2. Ansar is an Israeli concentration camp. Khiam is a concentration and torture camp run by the Fascist Lebanese militia, South Lebanon Army, which was organized, armed, and financed by Israel.
3. A reference to a communist resistance group from the FTP-MOI (Francs-tireurs et partisans – main-d’œuvre immigrée) that comprised immigrant workers in France. Responsible for numerous attacks against the Nazis and their collaborators, they were arrested, tortured, and executed.
4. General Jacques Massu was a member of the Free French Force before distinguishing himself during the Algerian War at the head of the 10th Parachute Division, responsible for the counter-revolutionary torture and repression of the FLN during the Battle of Algiers.
5. At the time of the second trial of Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, the American Navy was bombing the outskirts of Beirut in the context of the conflict between the Lebanese resistance and the “International Peacekeeping Force” (The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon [UNIFIL]) deployed by the imperialist powers to Beirut after the Zionist’s withdrawal. US Navy fighter jets and Battleship New Jersey left dozens of victims. The French Navy’s Super-Étendard fighter jets also participated in these bombings.
6. “Operation Peace for Galilee” was the name of the Zionist entity’s military operation that began the 1982 invasion of Lebanon.
7. A suburb south of Beirut where in response to American bombings a US Marine Corp barracks was attacked leaving over 300 US and French military forces dead.
8. A Palestinian refugee camp where the fascist Lebanese Phalangists massacred hundreds of Lebanese and Palestinian civilians. Recall that the imperialists imposed Bachir Gemayel, leader of the Phalangists, as president of Lebanon in 1982.
9. The US Navy had just bombed these two Libyan cities at the time of the trial.
10. The “International Peacekeeping Force” (UNFIL) suffered a crushing defeat in Lebanon. Attacks had destroyed the headquarters of the American and French contingents, killing dozens of soldiers and provoking a retreat that amounted to a general routing of their forces.
11. Palestinian villages whose populations were massacred by the Zionists.
12. François Léotard, then France’s Minister of Defense.

print-imposed & read PDF’s: https://archive.org/details/georges-abdallah-trial-statement-imposed

original French: https://liberonsgeorges.samizdat.net/ses-declarations/declaration-de-george-ibrahim-abdallah-a-son-proces-en-1987/

Screen-reading:
https://ia601502.us.archive.org/11/items/georges-abdallah-trial-statement-imposed/georges-abdallah-trial-statement-read.pdf

Print-ready:
https://ia801502.us.archive.org/11/items/georges-abdallah-trial-statement-imposed/georges-abdallah-trial-statement-imposed.pdf

Received by email.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20592

#antiImperialism #europe #France #georgesAbdallah #lebanon #palestine #PoliticalPrisoners #westAsia #zionistEntity

The Many Triumphs of Georges Abdallah’s Liberation

It was a principled struggle years in the making.

Europe’s longest-held prisoner, Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, became an icon of unmitigated resistance when he returned to join the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, using his anti-colonial worldviews to align with the subjugated and send a clear message to US and Israeli conspirators: enough is enough.

Now, after France kept the resistance figure locked up for four decades without due process, his anticipated release makes some fundamental realities clear. First, it shows that Israeli and US designs to keep Abdallah out of public sight remain self-destructive, after the latter spent considerable diplomatic and intelligence capital to prevent his release, despite meeting all legal conditionalities for an early release over two decades ago. Second, his release makes it increasingly clear that resistance can trump repression. Third, it exposes the truth about France’s hypocrisy.

Abdallah’s liberation should be seen as a hole in the US efforts to wage war on resistance figures. This is a US regime that spared no effort to willingly obstruct the legal process of his case, deliberately skirting realities around a truly judicial process, and instead choosing to put political clothing on the process. It sends a powerful message to all the unlawfully detained resistance figures, from Lebanese heroes to scores of Palestinian fighters, that Abdallah refused to extend any form of compensation to secure his release.

This sentiment echoes principles of integrity, anti-colonial resistance, and genuine human dignity that are the lifeblood of perseverance. One of Washington and Tel Aviv’s fundamental objectives was to undercut momentum from international rights organizations and press for Abdallah’s retention behind bars through covert maneuvering. This has been demonstrated through their continued oversight of lax French judicial proceedings, including the reluctance of former French Interior Minister Manuel Valls to free Abdallah from prison. Abdallah, who enjoys considerable support from his base as part of the Lebanese Armed Revolutionary Factions, may view his long-sought break from prison as a measure of what solidarity can deliver.

As Jacques Attali, senior advisor to then-French President François Mitterrand, made clear, there was hardly any actionable evidence against Abdallah for his charges. For a figure to have resisted direct US influence in shaping French prospects on his parole, it is a heartening sight for Abdallah to embrace liberation on the back of grassroots pressure. Lebanese rights groups, for instance, were instrumental in establishing that Abdallah’s imprisonment was politically motivated as opposed to a true measure of legal justice. The pains of waiting through decades, despite significant reservations over the impartiality of French judicial conduct, send a powerful message on perseverance, revealing Paris’ hypocrisy on actual and fabricated offenses. As Abdallah’s lawyer at the time of his widely controversial ‘life sentence’ made certain, the move – and its condemnable political motivations – were tantamount to a “declaration of war.”

Grass-roots mobilization wasn’t simply a fact evident in parts of the Arab world. In France alone, Abdallah was celebrated as a symbol of freedom that is worthy of liberation. Look no further than the yearly demonstrations outside Lannemezan Prison in the south: such activism provided solid proof that Abdallah wasn’t only embedded within the Lebanese political discourse, courtesy of his resilience, dedication to the Palestinian cause, and other attributes of braving colonial influence. Instead, Abdallah was a recurring theme of resistance strength in the face of a lax diplomatic movement on his decades-old case in France. By refusing to own grassroots momentum on Abdallah’s rights and long overdue justice, France reveals its striking double standards on entertaining freedoms.

For all the talk about upholding a rules-based system where shared values strike at the core of stability, Abdallah’s status as Europe’s longest-serving political prisoner puts a blemish on those claims. Palestine’s undying determination to withstand criminal Zionist aggression is proof that the weight of genuine values, morality, and justice needs to focus on the repressed, not those who facilitate Zionist aggression.

Abdallah’s firm conviction for that cause marks a natural point of friction with Paris, which has endorsed “Israel’s” genocidal crimes, its so-called “right to defend itself,” and is, among other Western states, complicit in atrocities to this day. With French misconduct and Abdallah’s activism on two different sides of the pole, his release becomes all the more noteworthy. “We’re delighted. I didn’t expect the French judiciary to make such a decision nor for him to ever be freed, especially after so many failed requests for release,” said Robert Abdallah, his brother. “For once, the French authorities have freed themselves from Israeli and US pressures.”

Thus understood, Abdallah’s hard-fought liberation should be seen as a telling defeat of Zionist-US pressure campaigning and evidence that focused support for resistance figures can bear fruit. As “Israel’s” raging genocide in Gaza shows, efforts to take out political prisoners, or even silence them, cannot succeed.

Abdallah’s transition from repression to liberty, increasingly on the back of grassroots rights momentum, makes clear that those vying for freedom and rights advocacy need to take matters into their own hands.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20577

#europe #France #georgesAbdallah #lebanon #repression #westAsia

Georges Abdallah Returns Home, Hailed as Symbol of Unbroken Defiance

The release of Lebanese revolutionary   Georges Abdallah has been met with widespread celebration among Palestinian and Arab Resistance groups, who described his freedom as a symbolic victory over decades of Western and Zionist pressure.

Abdallah, now freed after 41 years in French prisons, was lauded for his unwavering support of the Palestinian cause, his principled stance in the face of pressure to renounce his beliefs, and his commitment to the Resistance.

The Popular Resistance Committees in Palestine extended congratulations to Abdallah, his family, and the Lebanese people, emphasizing that his steadfastness behind bars had served as an enduring symbol of Resistance. “Even from his cell, he defended the cause of Palestine and undertook hunger strikes in solidarity with Palestinian detainees,” the group stated.

“Georges Abdallah’s 41-year imprisonment is a stark and undeniable message: the collective powers of colonialism and Western arrogance are enemies of our people and our nation. His release must serve as both an inspiration and a call to action for all segments of our Ummah to unite, to reject submission and dependency on the global forces of hegemony, chief among them the Zionist entity, the head of terrorism and criminality, America, and the oppressive Western regimes,” the group added.

Abdallah’s release: Symbol of enduring resistance

The release of Lebanese revolutionary Georges Ibrahim Abdallah has drawn praise from Palestinian Resistance factions, with Hamas and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) framing the moment as a triumph of steadfast resistance and a renewed call for liberation across the region.

Hamas hails Abdallah’s return ‘crowned with dignity and honor’

Senior Hamas official Ali Barakeh extended congratulations to the “brotherly Lebanese people” on the occasion of the release of revolutionary activist Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, who arrived in Beirut today “crowned with dignity and honor” after spending 41 years in French prisons “injustice and aggression”, a price he paid for his unwavering support for the Palestinian Resistance.

Barakeh affirmed that Georges Abdallah, through his unwavering steadfastness over four decades in prison, embodied a living model of committed resistance and loyalty to Palestine. He described Abdallah’s struggle as a “true expression of the unity of liberation movements” among the free people of the Arab world and beyond, emphasizing that his stance reflects the centrality of the Palestinian cause in the conscience of all free peoples.

The Hamas official added that Abdallah’s release represents a historic achievement and serves to refocus attention on the complicity of Western administrations with “Israel” and their blatant bias against all those who resist oppression and hegemony. “This case,” Barakeh said, “will remain alive, a testament to the hypocrisy of those regimes.”

Abdallah a ‘symbol of revolutionary steadfastness and national dignity’: PFLP

Meanwhile, the PFLP issued a powerful open letter addressed directly to Abdallah, delivered in the name of the movement, its Secretary-General Ahmad Saadat, and its entire membership. Written by Deputy Secretary-General Jamil Mizher, the letter praised Abdallah as a “symbol of revolutionary steadfastness and national dignity.”

“You were not merely a Lebanese detainee, but a Palestinian detainee in the fullest political sense,” the letter read. “You were not imprisoned because you fought in Lebanon alone, but because you declared from the moment of your arrest: ‘Gaza runs in my blood, and resistance is the inalienable right of peoples.’”

The PFLP described Abdallah’s commitment to Palestine, the dignity of Arab peoples, and global liberation as unwavering despite four decades of imprisonment. The letter celebrated his principled stance, stating, “Though you are now free, you were never absent from the conscience of the world’s free people.”

“Today you are free, and tomorrow, surely, the sun of freedom will shine upon all those heroes whose voices you carried from behind bars,” the letter concluded, pledging eternal loyalty to Abdallah’s path and reaffirming the resistance’s commitment to the cause of Palestine.

Abdallah’s release rekindles hope for Palestinian detainees held in ‘Nazi-like’ conditions: PIJ

In a similar vein, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad Movement echoed the sentiment, hailing Abdallah as “a symbol of Palestinian and global resistance against Zionist and American tyranny.” The group said his release rekindles hope among thousands of Palestinian detainees held in “Nazi-like” conditions by the Israeli occupation.

Franjieh congratulates Abdallah

Sleiman Frangieh, leader of the Lebanese Marada Movement, marked the occasion in a brief post on X, writing, “Congratulations on your freedom after such a long journey of imprisonment and struggle.”

Abdallah ‘a mountain of dignity’: Al-Nasr Amal movement

The al-Nasr Amal movement described Abdallah as “a mountain of dignity” whose return reaffirms the path of resistance. “He never compromised, never faltered, and remained a free man,” their statement read.

“The banner of Resistance and Palestine shall not fall,” the movement stressed.

‘Palestine was always Abdallah’s unwavering compass’: DFLP

Ali Faisal, Deputy Secretary-General of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, underscored the political weight of Abdallah’s release. “He defied the will of the United States and Israel. Today is Georges Abdallah’s day. Tomorrow, freedom will come to Gaza and all Arab detainees.”

“Gaza stood by the struggle for the freedom of the great fighter Georges Ibrahim Abdallah. Palestine was always his unwavering compass,” Faisal emphasized.

Lebanese Popular Conference calls Abdallah’s continued imprisonment ‘scandal, shame’

The Lebanese Popular Conference noted that Abdallah’s continued imprisonment, despite completing his sentence in 1999, was a “scandal and a shame” orchestrated under American and Israeli pressure. It emphasized that Abdallah’s return marks a day of joy for all those resisting normalization and occupation, from Lebanon to Yemen.

As Georges Ibrahim Abdallah returns home, his release is being hailed by Resistance movements across the Arab world not merely as a personal homecoming, but as a landmark moment in the ongoing struggle for Palestine, one that underscores the enduring power and moral weight of principled resistance in the face of colonial oppression.

Who is Georges Abdallah?

Born in 1951 in Qoubaiyat, a town in northern Lebanon, Georges Abdallah came from a Maronite Christian family. He pursued higher education in France, where he studied philosophy at the University of Toulouse. It was during this period that he was first exposed to leftist and revolutionary thought, which would come to define his political identity.

Abdallah returned to Lebanon at the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War in the mid-1970s and joined the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC). Motivated by anti-colonial conviction and belief in the Palestinian cause, he embraced the path of armed struggle, which would later draw the attention of Western intelligence services.

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Abdallah was an active figure within leftist revolutionary circles in Lebanon and the wider Arab world. He was aligned with Arab nationalist and anti-imperialist movements and maintained close ties with several European leftist groups that shared his views on resistance and decolonization.

During this period, operations carried out by groups allegedly linked to Abdallah targeted Israeli and American diplomats in Paris. Although no direct evidence connected Abdallah to these actions, they placed him squarely in the crosshairs of Western and French security agencies.

Arrest and trial in France

Abdallah was arrested in Lyon, France, in 1984 on charges of carrying forged documents. Within a short time, the case escalated as French authorities accused him of participating in acts of terrorism, largely due to his political associations and prior membership in the PFLP-GC.

Despite the lack of solid evidence, his case became highly politicized, fueled by media campaigns in France and the US. From the beginning, human rights organizations and legal observers regarded him not as a criminal but as a political prisoner, which became the more prevalent view worldwide.

In 1987, Abdallah was sentenced to life imprisonment, which was said to have been the product of a political trial, not one grounded in law. As years passed, questions surrounding the fairness of his trial and the independence of the French judiciary intensified, especially after the release of declassified documents suggesting that US pressure had directly influenced France’s refusal to grant parole.

According to Jacques Attali, a senior advisor to then-President François Mitterrand, there was “no legal evidence” against Abdallah apart from his possession of a forged passport.

Blocked release despite legal eligibility

Abdallah became eligible for parole in 1999, having fulfilled all legal conditions for early release. However, successive French governments repeatedly refused to execute court decisions authorizing his release, citing “diplomatic pressure”, primarily from Washington.

At one point, the French government demanded guarantees from Beirut that Abdallah would be repatriated to Lebanon immediately upon release. But even these assurances failed to overcome the political blockade imposed on his case.

For over four decades, Georges Ibrahim Abdallah remained confined in a French prison cell, unrepentant and unwavering. Never once did he express regret for his beliefs, nor did he agree to any compromise in exchange for early release. Instead, he held firm to his revolutionary and political convictions, authoring letters and essays from behind bars that reflected a sharp political consciousness and steadfast commitment to the Palestinian cause and regional liberation struggles.

Abdallah consistently rejected conditional release offers that required him to renounce his ideological positions. This unyielding stance earned him widespread respect across Arab and international progressive movements.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20570

#europe #France #Freedom #georgesAbdallah #lebanon #palestine #politicalPrisoner #repression #westAsia

✊
Le militant libanais Georges Abdallah acclamé par la foule à son arrivée à l'aéroport de Beyrouth
#GeorgesAbdallah
https://www.rfi.fr/fr/moyen-orient/20250725-le-militant-libanais-georges-abdallah-acclam%C3%A9-par-la-foule-%C3%A0-son-arriv%C3%A9e-%C3%A0-l-a%C3%A9roport-de-beyrouth

Voici notre article sur la #libération de #GeorgesAbdallah avec un montage vidéo pour YouTube et un relais du Journal des Luttes de @lemediatv qui a utilisé les images de notre correspondantà #Lannemezan. Car la #coopération n'est pas un vain mot au Média
https://sociosengages.fr/2025/07/25/liberation-de-georges-abdallah/

Enfin libre, Georges Ibrahim Abdallah restera un modèle de constance et de détermination
https://www.chroniquepalestine.com/enfin-libre-georges-ibrahim-abdallah-restera-modele-constance-et-determination/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=enfin-libre-georges-ibrahim-abdallah-restera-modele-constance-et-determination
Face aux agissements des plus répréhensibles de la France, l’engagement indéfectible d’Abdallah et sa libération sont d’autant plus remarquables. Il s’agissait d’une lutte de principe qui durait depuis des années. Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, le prisonnier
#Politique #NousRecommandons #Prisonniers #Slider #Fplp #France #GeorgesAbdallah #Vidéo

Enfin libre, Georges Ibrahim Abdallah restera un modèle de constance et de détermination
https://www.chroniquepalestine.com/enfin-libre-georges-ibrahim-abdallah-restera-modele-constance-et-determination/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=enfin-libre-georges-ibrahim-abdallah-restera-modele-constance-et-determination
Face aux agissements des plus répréhensibles de la France, l’engagement indéfectible d’Abdallah et sa libération sont d’autant plus remarquables. Il s’agissait d’une lutte de principe qui durait depuis des années. Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, le prisonnier
#Politique #NousRecommandons #Prisonniers #Slider #Fplp #France #GeorgesAbdallah #Vidéo

Georges Abdallah Calls for Arab Mobilization Ahead of Expected Release

Lebanese political prisoner Georges Ibrahim Abdallah has conveyed a message of resilience and defiance through Al Mayadeen, just ahead of his anticipated release from French detention.

“Calm, reassured, and a fighter until my last breath,” Abdallah said, emphasizing his continued belief in the path of resistance.

The message was conveyed by Abdallah’s lawyer, where the Lebanese activist rejected the notion of fear, affirming, “I feel no threat—my condition is that of any other fighter in our homeland.”

His words were accompanied by a clear call to the Arab street, urging people across the region to unite in conscious and determined mobilization.

‘When the Arab street moves, we will witness a resistance uprising’

In his message to the Arab world, Abdallah underscored the need for unified popular action: “When the Arab street moves, we will witness a resistance uprising.

He expressed frustration with current levels of public engagement, stating that “the Arab people are not rising up sufficiently” and must “gather in the streets to act.”

The remarks reflect his broader revolutionary ideology rooted in grassroots struggle, framed by decades of unwavering commitment to Palestine and to confronting imperialism and Zionism in the region.

‘Salute to everyone who stood by me’

Abdallah extended his gratitude to all those who supported him throughout his incarceration. “Salute to everyone who stood by me, supported my struggle, and gave me strength for the future,” he said.

The veteran Resistance fighter stressed: “Capitalism is in decline; that’s why it manufactures wars,” casting global conflict as a result of systemic collapse in the Western-led order.

Lawyer: Abdallah maintains full awareness and energy for the future

Speaking to Al Mayadeen, Abdallah’s lawyer emphasized his readiness to resume political activity. “We must rally behind the struggle of Georges,” she said, describing him as “fully aware of current events” and possessing “great momentum and vitality.”

She called on the public to embrace his cause as a symbol of long-term resistance and liberation.

Decades-long deliberate detention of Abdallah

Abdallah, a former member of the Lebanese Armed Revolutionary Factions (LARF), was arrested in Lyon in 1984 and sentenced to life imprisonment in 1987 for alleged involvement in the assassinations of US and Israeli diplomats.

Though legally eligible for release since 1999, he has remained imprisoned due to repeated political obstruction, particularly by US and Israeli pressure on French authorities. French courts have approved multiple parole requests over the years, each overturned by executive decisions citing diplomatic considerations.

Widespread international campaigns have long called for the release of the symbol of anti-imperialist resistance. On July 11, a French court once again approved his release and deportation to Lebanon, set for July 25, pending final administrative procedures.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20537

#europe #France #gaza #georgesAbdallah #palestine #repression

#Rassemblement en cours devant le centre pénitentiaire de #Lanemezan, la veille de la libération de #GeorgesAbdallah…
Images de notre correspondant Benjamin-Florian.

Fedayin, le combat de Georges Abdallah (Collectif Vacarme[s]) retrace le parcours d’un infatigable communiste arabe et combattant pour la Palestine. Le film est proposé sur cinemutins.com en VOD à 1 €. Merci au collectif qui a fait ce film… et qui soutient aussi CinéMutins. Solidarité à tous les niveaux, c’est class !
👉https://www.cinemutins.com/films/904-fedayin-le-combat-de-georges-abdallah

#GeorgesAbdallah #Libération #Justice #Fedayin #Palestine #CinéMutins #Vacarmes #PierreCarles #Assange #Solidarité

PFLP Congratulates Georges Abdallah on his Release, Considers his Steadfastness a Victory

July 17, 2025

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20413

#France #georgesAbdallah #guerrilla #lebanon #palestine #pflp #resistance #westAsia

Georges Abdallah Will be Free; Palestine Will be Free!

On 25 July 2025, after 40 years in prison and an entire life in struggle, Georges Abdallah will be free! 

Today, Thursday, July 17, 2025, the Paris Court of Appeal has ordered the release of our comrade, Lebanese communist and resistance fighter in the Palestinian liberation struggle, Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, who has been imprisoned for over 40 years.

After more than four decades of relentless political and judicial persecution and imprisonment by the French authorities and successive governments, after a life of struggle and steadfast resistance, after decades of mobilization by his supporters to liberate Georges Abdallah from French colonial and imperialist prisons, our comrade is finally set to be released from French custody on July 25.

Our immense joy at the announcement of this decision cannot be complete, however, until he has arrived in Lebanon—on his land, surrounded by comrades, loved ones, and family—he, whose flame of resistance has never been extinguished despite the efforts of France and its allies. Throughout these more than 40 years of imprisonment, Georges Ibrahim Abdallah has stood as a symbol of struggle and determination for entire generations of activists, who have come of age in political engagement with his name in their hearts and have mobilized to demand his release. Even today, from his prison cell, Georges Abdallah remains a living symbol of the resistance of peoples against imperialism, colonialism, and Zionism—an uncompromising resistance that refuses to yield in the face of its enemies. His example has proven vital for the movement in support of the Palestinian people and their resistance over the past decades.

The political responsibility taken on by Georges Abdallah from his prison cell over the past 40 years exemplifies the unique role and mission borne by all revolutionary prisoners— including and particularly the more than 10,800 Palestinian prisoners, and especially the imprisoned leaders of the Palestinian resistance. Those who confront the repressive, colonial, and imperialist prison systems, by virtue of their role before and during their incarceration, embody the advanced front of their people’s resistance to oppression.

As we celebrate the upcoming liberation of our comrade, our hearts and minds remain torn, and our thoughts turn to the more than 10,800 Palestinian prisoners enduring starvation, illness, isolation, violence, sexual assault, and targeted killings in Zionist prisons. We extend our deepest solidarity to the imprisoned leadership of the resistance—those sentenced to dozens, hundreds, even thousands of years, accumulating life sentences, yet whose certainty of being freed through the struggle of their comrades remains unshaken. We think of the fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, loved ones and comrades, in the hands of the enemy, far from those they love, far from the warmth of their communities—yet who, through resistance and struggle, have built a school of struggle and a community of resistance within the Zionist prisons. Our thoughts are with the 73 prisoners who have been martyred in Zionist prisons since October 7, and with the families of the martyrs held in the morgues and “cemeteries of numbers” of the Zionist regime, where over 700 bodies of Palestinian martyrs are being held, stolen from their families, denied a dignified burial—leaving behind a gaping wound no amount of love from their people can fill. We think of all prisoners of the Palestinian cause and all revolutionary prisoners torn from their comrades and loved ones, in Zionist, imperialist, and reactionary prisons around the world. The upcoming liberation of our comrade Georges Ibrahim Abdallah will be their victory, and we will continue to mobilize until we can celebrate theirs as well.

As our comrade Georges Ibrahim Abdallah receives the news of his imminent release in his cramped cell in Lannemezan, and shares it with his fellow detainees, our hearts bleed in the face of the current situation in Gaza and the region more broadly, in the face of the genocide the Palestinian people have endured for over 21 months now. Every liberation of prisoners torn from imperialist and Zionist prisons—especially those who, like Georges, have refused any compromise or betrayal despite decades of incarceration—is a promise of future victory, of better days ahead, and of justice for the lives and futures torn apart by colonial violence.

We extend our most heartfelt and sincere greetings and thanks to the successive generations of comrades who have fought this battle with determination—to those who passed away before seeing this moment, to all those whose hearts beat in unison with our comrade, to the organizations and individuals who dedicated years of their lives, sleepless nights, and months of mobilization to build events and demonstrations; to those who chanted our comrade’s name in the streets, on university campuses, and wherever their steps led them. This is a collective victory—a victory for an entire movement—which must serve as a foundation to continue the struggle and win further victories, until the liberation of Palestine, from the River to the Sea.

Let’s continue mobilizing until July 25 and the arrival of our comrade in Lebanon!
Freedom for all our prisoners!
Glory to the Palestinian resistance!
From the River to the Sea: Palestine will Win

source: Samidoun

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20409

#France #georgesAbdallah #lebanon #palestine #repression #resistance #samidoun

Notre article sur le #rassemblement devant la prison de #lannemezan après l'annonce de la #libération de #GeorgesAbdallah, avec l'extrait du #JournaldesLuttes de @lemediatv qui a repris les images de notre correspondant Benjamin-Florian.
#coopération

https://sociosengages.fr/2025/07/18/liberation-de-georges-ibrahim-abdallah/

Fedayeen, the fight of #GeorgesAbdallah retraces the journey of a Lebanese, committed to the Palestinian struggle in the midst of the Lebanese civil war.

From the Nakba (1948) to Black September (1970) in Jordan, then the Israeli occupation of Lebanon (1982), from the Palestinian refugee camps that forged his conscience, to the international mobilization for his release, we go to discover the man who became the oldest political prisoners in Europe.

We follow his involvement in the Palestinian resistance during the Lebanon war and then in Europe within the FARL (Lebanese Revolutionary Armed Fractions). Then we find him again in France where he was arrested in 1984 and convicted for complicity in the political executions of representatives of the #USA and #'Israel.

#PFPL #PoliticalPrisoners #Lebanon #Palestine #Mossad

https://video.liberta.vip/w/nXBhqEPfix7CnnZnW8Ktjx

Fedayeen, the fight of #GeorgesAbdallah retraces the journey of a Lebanese, committed to the Palestinian struggle in the midst of the Lebanese civil war.

From the Nakba (1948) to Black September (1970) in Jordan, then the Israeli occupation of Lebanon (1982), from the Palestinian refugee camps that forged his conscience, to the international mobilization for his release, we go to discover the man who became the oldest political prisoners in Europe.

We follow his involvement in the Palestinian resistance during the Lebanon war and then in Europe within the FARL (Lebanese Revolutionary Armed Fractions). Then we find him again in France where he was arrested in 1984 and convicted for complicity in the political executions of representatives of the #USA and #'Israel.

#PFPL #PoliticalPrisoners #Lebanon #Palestine #Mossad

https://video.liberta.vip/w/nXBhqEPfix7CnnZnW8Ktjx

Fedayin, le combat de #GeorgesAbdallah retrace le parcours d’un Libanais, engagé auprès de la lutte palestinienne en plein cœur de la guerre civile libanaise.

De la Nakba (1948) à Septembre Noir (1970) en Jordanie, puis l’occupation israélienne du Liban (1982), des camps de réfugié(e)s palestinien(ne)s qui ont forgé sa conscience, à la mobilisation internationale pour sa libération, nous allons à la découverte de celui qui est devenu le plus anciens prisonniers politiques d’Europe.

Nous suivons son engagement dans la résistance palestinienne pendant la guerre du Liban puis en Europe au sein des FARL (Fractions Armées Révolutionnaires Libanaises). Puis nous le retrouvons en France où il sera arrêté en 1984 et condamné pour complicité dans des exécutions politiques de représentants des #USA et d #’Israël.

#FPLP #Liban #Palestine

https://video.liberta.vip/w/nXBhqEPfix7CnnZnW8Ktjx

Fedayin, le combat de #GeorgesAbdallah retrace le parcours d’un Libanais, engagé auprès de la lutte palestinienne en plein cœur de la guerre civile libanaise.

De la Nakba (1948) à Septembre Noir (1970) en Jordanie, puis l’occupation israélienne du Liban (1982), des camps de réfugié(e)s palestinien(ne)s qui ont forgé sa conscience, à la mobilisation internationale pour sa libération, nous allons à la découverte de celui qui est devenu le plus anciens prisonniers politiques d’Europe.

Nous suivons son engagement dans la résistance palestinienne pendant la guerre du Liban puis en Europe au sein des FARL (Fractions Armées Révolutionnaires Libanaises). Puis nous le retrouvons en France où il sera arrêté en 1984 et condamné pour complicité dans des exécutions politiques de représentants des #USA et d #’Israël.

#FPLP #Liban #Palestine

https://video.liberta.vip/w/nXBhqEPfix7CnnZnW8Ktjx

@la_voix
"Interpellé en 1984 puis condamné à la réclusion criminelle à perpétuité en 1987 [...] #GeorgesAbdallah s’est toujours dit innocent de ces deux attentats. Mais il en a aussi toujours assumé leur responsabilité politique, les qualifiant d’« actes de #résistance » contre « l’oppression israélienne et américaine ». [...]
À la surprise générale, les juges du tribunal d’application des peines avaient estimé, dans une décision longuement motivée, le 15 novembre 2024, que la durée de détention de #GeorgesIbrahimAbdallah était «disproportionnée» par rapport aux crimes commis [...] ne présentait plus de risque de «trouble à l’ordre public». Au contraire, notait le jugement, c’est son maintien en détention qui constituait un trouble à l’ordre public en raison des nombreuses et régulières manifestations en sa faveur [...] le procès [initial] avait été entaché de plusieurs irrégularités − son premier avocat travaillait pour les services de renseignement –, avait notamment pâti de la vague d’attentats de 1985-1986 en #France, qui avait été attribuée par les autorités françaises aux #FARL, qui auraient ainsi voulu le faire libérer. Il s’est avéré plus tard que ces attentats avaient été commandités par l’#Iran pour un tout autre motif.
#Palestine #Liban #Israel #USA #communisme #impérialisme

@la_voix
"Interpellé en 1984 puis condamné à la réclusion criminelle à perpétuité en 1987 [...] #GeorgesAbdallah s’est toujours dit innocent de ces deux attentats. Mais il en a aussi toujours assumé leur responsabilité politique, les qualifiant d’« actes de #résistance » contre « l’oppression israélienne et américaine ». [...]
À la surprise générale, les juges du tribunal d’application des peines avaient estimé, dans une décision longuement motivée, le 15 novembre 2024, que la durée de détention de #GeorgesIbrahimAbdallah était «disproportionnée» par rapport aux crimes commis [...] ne présentait plus de risque de «trouble à l’ordre public». Au contraire, notait le jugement, c’est son maintien en détention qui constituait un trouble à l’ordre public en raison des nombreuses et régulières manifestations en sa faveur [...] le procès [initial] avait été entaché de plusieurs irrégularités − son premier avocat travaillait pour les services de renseignement –, avait notamment pâti de la vague d’attentats de 1985-1986 en #France, qui avait été attribuée par les autorités françaises aux #FARL, qui auraient ainsi voulu le faire libérer. Il s’est avéré plus tard que ces attentats avaient été commandités par l’#Iran pour un tout autre motif.
#Palestine #Liban #Israel #USA #communisme #impérialisme

Georges Abdallah salue la «mobilisation» qui a conduit à la décision de le libérer. https://mastodon.social/@la_voix/114867381890710280

Georges Abdallah, dont la libération a été ordonnée jeudi par la justice française, a salué la "mobilisation" de ses soutiens, déterminante à ses yeux, lors d'un entretien dans sa cellule. https://www.lorientlejour.com/article/1469822/georges-abdallah-salue-la-mobilisation-qui-a-conduit-a-la-decision-de-le-liberer-afp.html

#israel «regrette» la décision judiciaire française de libérer Georges Abdallah https://www.leparisien.fr/international/liberation-de-georges-abdallah-le-liban-extremement-satisfait-israel-regrette-la-decision-judiciaire-francaise-17-07-2025-PMLCIL343NESRJTEFXYWWVXWZM.php

#GeorgesAbdallah

Georges Abdallah salue la «mobilisation» qui a conduit à la décision de le libérer. https://mastodon.social/@la_voix/114867381890710280

Georges Abdallah, dont la libération a été ordonnée jeudi par la justice française, a salué la "mobilisation" de ses soutiens, déterminante à ses yeux, lors d'un entretien dans sa cellule. https://www.lorientlejour.com/article/1469822/georges-abdallah-salue-la-mobilisation-qui-a-conduit-a-la-decision-de-le-liberer-afp.html

#israel «regrette» la décision judiciaire française de libérer Georges Abdallah https://www.leparisien.fr/international/liberation-de-georges-abdallah-le-liban-extremement-satisfait-israel-regrette-la-decision-judiciaire-francaise-17-07-2025-PMLCIL343NESRJTEFXYWWVXWZM.php

#GeorgesAbdallah

Georges Abdallah sera libéré après 41 ans de résistance derrière les barreaux
https://www.chroniquepalestine.com/georges-abdallah-sera-libere-apres-41-ans-de-resistance-derriere-les-barreaux/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=georges-abdallah-sera-libere-apres-41-ans-de-resistance-derriere-les-barreaux
Georges Abdallah, symbole de la résistance libanaise, sera libéré après avoir passé 41 ans derrière les barreaux dans des prisons françaises, à la suite de décennies d’obstruction politique américaine. La justice française a officiellement approuvé
#Politique #NousRecommandons #Prisonniers #Slider #France #GeorgesAbdallah #Liban #Resistance #Vidéo

Georges Abdallah sera libéré après 41 ans de résistance derrière les barreaux
https://www.chroniquepalestine.com/georges-abdallah-sera-libere-apres-41-ans-de-resistance-derriere-les-barreaux/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=georges-abdallah-sera-libere-apres-41-ans-de-resistance-derriere-les-barreaux
Georges Abdallah, symbole de la résistance libanaise, sera libéré après avoir passé 41 ans derrière les barreaux dans des prisons françaises, à la suite de décennies d’obstruction politique américaine. La justice française a officiellement approuvé
#Politique #NousRecommandons #Prisonniers #Slider #France #GeorgesAbdallah #Liban #Resistance #Vidéo

Communiqué de la Campagne unitaire pour la libération de Georges Ibrahim Abdallah

« Ce 17 juillet 2025 sera, à tout jamais, marqué d’une pierre rouge, d’un triangle rouge, comme jour historique d’une décision de libération historique : celle du militant, du combattant, du résistant #GeorgesAbdallah qui sera libre le 25 juillet !

Après plus de 40 années de prison, la cour d’appel de Paris a ce jour ordonné la libération de notre camarade Georges Abdallah.

« Que mille initiatives solidaires fleurissent en faveur de la Palestine et de son héroïque résistance! Ensemble, camarades, c’est seulement ensemble que nous vaincrons ! »

https://liberonsgeorges.samizdat.net/combats-solidaires/victoire-georges-abdallah-va-etre-libere/

Victoire ! Georges Abdallah va être libéré !
https://liberonsgeorges.samizdat.net/combats-solidaires/victoire-georges-abdallah-va-etre-libere/

#GeorgesAbdallah #liberezgeorgesabdallah

Revolut°Permanente🚩 Victoire : Georges Abdallah va être libéré le 25 juillet, après 41 ans de prison ! 🚩RP #Victoire #GeorgesAbdallah #Libération #Palestine #Solidarité

Victoire : Georges Abdallah va...

Revolut°Permanente🚩 Victoire : Georges Abdallah va être libéré le 25 juillet, après 41 ans de prison ! 🚩RP #Victoire #GeorgesAbdallah #Libération #Palestine #Solidarité

Victoire : Georges Abdallah va...

ENFIN LA LIBERTÉ ! Le Libanais Georges Abdallah doit être libéré le 25 juillet.

Georges Abdallah https://mastodon.social/@la_voix/114867192039509265 le plus ancien détenu de #france va être libéré après 40 ans derrière les barreaux. https://www.liberation.fr/societe/police-justice/liberation-de-georges-abdallah-detenu-depuis-quarante-ans-20250717_5Q6Q5AE76NFRPNDIGFTOZYV5QQ/

#justice #GeorgesAbdallah

ENFIN LA LIBERTÉ ! Le Libanais Georges Abdallah doit être libéré le 25 juillet.

Georges Abdallah https://mastodon.social/@la_voix/114867192039509265 le plus ancien détenu de #france va être libéré après 40 ans derrière les barreaux. https://www.liberation.fr/societe/police-justice/liberation-de-georges-abdallah-detenu-depuis-quarante-ans-20250717_5Q6Q5AE76NFRPNDIGFTOZYV5QQ/

La fin d’un scandale d’État https://www.politis.fr/articles/2025/07/justice-liberation-de-georges-ibrahim-abdallah-la-fin-dun-scandale-detat/

Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, 40 ans de trop en prison https://orientxxi.info/magazine/georges-ibrahim-abdallah-40-ans-de-trop-en-prison,7737

#justice #GeorgesAbdallah

Le Libanais Georges Abdallah https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georges_Ibrahim_Abdallah va-t-il sortir de #prison après 40 ans ? La justice française se prononce aujourd'hui.

La cour d'appel de #Paris rendra sa décision à 09H00, en audience non publique et en l'absence de Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, détenu à la prison de Lannemezan (Hautes-Pyrénées). https://www.france24.com/fr/info-en-continu/20250717-le-libanais-georges-abdallah-va-t-il-sortir-de-prison-apr%C3%A8s-40-ans-la-justice-fran%C3%A7aise-se-prononce-jeudi

#GeorgesAbdallah #justice

Le Libanais Georges Abdallah https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georges_Ibrahim_Abdallah va-t-il sortir de #prison après 40 ans ? La justice française se prononce aujourd'hui.

La cour d'appel de #Paris rendra sa décision à 09H00, en audience non publique et en l'absence de Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, détenu à la prison de Lannemezan (Hautes-Pyrénées). https://www.france24.com/fr/info-en-continu/20250717-le-libanais-georges-abdallah-va-t-il-sortir-de-prison-apr%C3%A8s-40-ans-la-justice-fran%C3%A7aise-se-prononce-jeudi

#GeorgesAbdallah #justice

The Endless Trial Georges Abdallah

“Gentlemen, I stand before you simply to ask that you wash your hands, stained with our blood and the blood of our children, before claiming the right to judge us. Whoever tramples on the blood of 25,000 martyrs, killed during the imperialist-Zionist invasion of Lebanon in 1982, is nothing less than a direct accomplice of Reagan and Begin in their war to annihilate our people. Twenty-five thousand martyrs in three months, all for your so-called peace. Forty-five thousand wounded, all for your idea of justice. For ninety days, Beirut became a testing ground for U.S.-Israeli weapons. And yet, in your eyes, Reagan’s administration is the victim and the plaintiff. None of this is surprising, except, perhaps, to those still deluded enough to believe there’s a difference between imperial France and its notion of justice.”

— Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, Paris, February 23, 1987

In Discipline and Punish, Michel Foucault begins with the 1757 execution of Robert-François Damiens as a starting point for tracing the transformation of punishment from public physical torture to disciplinary surveillance. Damiens’ body was torn apart with red-hot pincers, his wounds filled with molten lead and sulfur before he was dismembered and burned. This was not merely a criminal punishment; it was a political ritual meant to reaffirm the king’s authority by instilling terror in the collective body.

Yet Foucault overlooks the colonial dimension of these disciplinary systems. While France transitioned to “reforming” modern prisons at home, it deployed the same techniques with even greater brutality in its colonies. In the detention centers of Algeria and Guiana, and the prisons of Vietnam, Syria, and Lebanon. The case of Georges Ibrahim Abdallah most starkly reveals this continuity, where the colonized body becomes a site of disciplinary and racial experimentation.

On June 19, 2025, the French Court of Appeals is scheduled to review the release request of Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, who has been held hostage in French prisons for 41 years without a fair trial or legal justification. Abdallah has been imprisoned since October 1984, despite a court ruling granting his release. His struggle has now stretched across four decades. From a public school teacher in the northern Lebanese village of Akroum, he became a global symbol of struggle. His journey began during the 1978 Israeli invasion of Lebanon, where he was wounded in battle. He soon after joined the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and the Lebanese Communist Party. Driven by PFLP’s slogan “Behind the enemy everywhere,” he chose to take the struggle into the heart of the empire backing the Zionist entity.

To fully understand Georges Abdallah’s case as the longest-held political prisoner in Europe, one must go beyond his 1984 arrest. Defined by his legendary resilience in the face of imperialist violence in its most brutal forms inside prisons, Abdallah’s defiance also manifests through his unwavering solidarity with the Palestinian prisoners’ movement. Over the years, he has launched several hunger strikes in support of their collective actions: in February 2012, August 2016, April 2017, and most recently, October 2022. He has also sent numerous solidarity letters, most notably to Ahmad Saadat, Secretary-General of the PFLP, and to the martyred commander Walid Daqqa, whose death struck Abdallah deeply, despite the geographic distance and the absence of any organized prisoner movement inside Lannemezan Prison in southwest France.

In his letters, Georges Abdallah addresses a wide range of grassroots and protest movements, feeding them with intellectual and moral support. During the Arab uprisings, he voiced solidarity with protesters across the region, most notably in a message to the Lebanese people during the October 2019 revolution. To him, the uprising was a revolt against impoverishment and corruption, a rejection of the banking system’s dictates and the IMF’s prescriptions, and a stand against the violence of imperialist economic policies. During the ongoing al-Aqsa Flood battle, Abdallah issued multiple messages to the people of Gaza, the West Bank, and Lebanon. To follow his case as a symbol of political steadfastness now requires a timeline, not for simplification, but to begin to grasp the depth and continuity of his journey.

Following in the footsteps of Wadie Haddad

Wadie Haddad, the historical leader of external operations in the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), can be seen as the foundational figure behind the theoretical and practical framework that Georges Abdallah would later adopt. In 1968, Haddad established the External Operations branch, known for its high-profile international operations; the creation of the Revolution Airport in Jordan; drawing in revolutionaries from global movements, among them, the Japanese Red Army, Nicaraguan fighter Patrick Arguello, and Venezuelan militant Carlos.

At the core of Haddad’s doctrine was a rejection of transforming the Palestinian armed revolution into conventional urban warfare, as happened in Amman. Instead, he favored the establishment of training centers in Yemen and Iraq and emphasized the importance of international operations. The defeat of this doctrine was not solely due to Zionist attacks and assassinations, but also due to internal Palestinian rifts and the failure to further develop the model. It was instead replaced with an exclusive focus on guerrilla warfare tactics and the formation of urban militias.

This article cannot fully explore the complexities of revolutionary combat theory, but the brutal assaults on guerrilla bases in Lebanon, Gaza, and the West Bank, and the geopolitical constraints during al-Aqsa Flood, highlight the cost of abandoning transnational revolutionary movements capable of striking imperial powers in their own capitals. Throughout the current war, even as the US, UK, and Germany have launched direct military operations against resistance forces in Lebanon, Gaza, and Yemen, resistance beyond the region has remained sporadic and individual, such as the operation carried out by Elias Rodríguez in May.

Regarding the continued imprisonment of Georges Abdallah as a political prisoner, journalist Ghassan Charbel notes in Secrets of the Black Box that no definitive link has ever been established between Abdallah and the Lebanese Revolutionary Armed Factions, which he was accused of leading as part of the External Operations unit. Charbel emphasizes that, despite the chaos of the Lebanese Civil War and the complexities of the European environment in which the group operated, it remained notably resistant to infiltration.

Anis al-Naqqash adds that his own case was grouped with Abdallah’s, even though no concrete connection existed between the two. He recalls meeting Georges Abdallah during their shared time at Moulin Prison in France, where they engaged in extensive political and ideological discussions about Lebanon and the resistance movement. Al-Naqqash insists that Abdallah’s life sentence was deeply unjust, not only because the assassinations he was accused of were never conclusively linked to him, but also because a prior agreement between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Algeria with France to cease operations by the Lebanese Revolutionary Armed Factions had already been reached before Abdallah’s arrest. This strongly suggests that the ongoing imprisonment is less about legal grounds and more a result of political pressure and a punitive response to his unwavering ideological convictions.

“Knowing that you’ve gathered today, just beyond the barbed wire and watchtowers, only meters from my cell, fills me with strength and warms my heart.”

— Georges Abdallah, October 2024

The case of Lebanese prisoner Georges Ibrahim Abdallah stands as an extension of France’s colonial legacy, where punishment is weaponized as a tool of domination. Refusing to release him while turning his 41-year imprisonment into a slow execution embodies the shift from public bodily torture to contemporary methods of annihilation. Through the use of time, imprisonment becomes a systematic dismantling of the human self, depriving both body and consciousness of freedom.

France’s refusal to implement the 2013 release order issued by its own Court of Cassation under US and Israeli pressure—reveals how colonial hegemony operates as a panoptic system, reproducing control and violence under the guise of legality. Through legal and media discourse, labeling the prisoner a “terrorist” strips him of rights and personhood, echoing the very logic of colonial domination.

source: Al Akhbar

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=19832

#France #georgesAbdallah #lebanon #palestine #repression #resistance

Revolut°Permanente🚩 « Vous le condamnez à mort » : le parquet prêt à tout pour empêcher la libération de Georges Abdallah 🚩RP #Justice #Liberté #Palestine #PrisonniersPolitiques #GeorgesAbdallah

« Vous le condamnez à mort » :...