#criminalcode — Public Fediverse posts

Netflix Unveils First Brazilian Medical Drama ‘MED’ Amid Slate Of New Originals
#News #Brazil #CriminalCode #MED #Netflix #Rio2c

https://deadline.com/2026/05/netflix-first-brazilian-medical-and-legal-drama-originals-1236920772/

https://www.europesays.com/africa/200820/ Alleged Coup: One defendant arrives in court for arraignment, five others still expected #AfricanCharterOnHumanAndPeoples'Rights #arraignment #court #CriminalCode; #efcc #FirstBank #JaizBankPlc #MoneyLaundering #Nigeria #sss #Terrorism #TimipreSilva #Tinubu #ZenithBank

Terminally ill MP Emma Vulin calls for review of ban on telehealth for voluntary assisted dying consultations

A Labor politician with a terminal illness has made a personal appeal to the attorney-general to revise federal…
#NewsBeep #News #Australia #AU #CriminalCode #EmmaVulin #Healthpolicy #MichelleRowland #MotorNeuronDisease #Telehealth #VAD #voluntaryassisteddying
https://www.newsbeep.com/au/605215/

Terminally ill MP Emma Vulin calls for review of ban on telehealth for voluntary assisted dying consultations

A Labor politician with a terminal illness has made a personal appeal to the attorney-general to revise federal…
#NewsBeep #News #Australia #AU #CriminalCode #EmmaVulin #Healthpolicy #MichelleRowland #MotorNeuronDisease #Telehealth #VAD #voluntaryassisteddying
https://www.newsbeep.com/au/605215/

Mark Carney is looking to eliminate personal #privacy from #Canada. The government will be able to demand anyone that provides electronic services (which includes anyone who has an email address) develop such tracking capabilities as the government may order and then demand that information with reasonable grounds to suspect any federal offence: https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/45-1/bill/C-22/first-reading

#cdnpoli #canpoli #Carney #CriminalCode #C22 #BillC22 #LawfulAccess

Mark Carney is looking to eliminate personal #privacy from #Canada. The government will be able to demand anyone that provides electronic services (which includes anyone who has an email address) develop such tracking capabilities as the government may order and then demand that information with reasonable grounds to suspect any federal offence: https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/45-1/bill/C-22/first-reading

#cdnpoli #canpoli #Carney #CriminalCode #C22 #BillC22 #LawfulAccess

Mark Carney is looking to eliminate personal #privacy from #Canada. The government will be able to demand anyone that provides electronic services (which includes anyone who has an email address) develop such tracking capabilities as the government may order and then demand that information with reasonable grounds to suspect any federal offence: https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/45-1/bill/C-22/first-reading

#cdnpoli #canpoli #Carney #CriminalCode #C22 #BillC22 #LawfulAccess

Mark Carney is looking to eliminate personal #privacy from #Canada. The government will be able to demand anyone that provides electronic services (which includes anyone who has an email address) develop such tracking capabilities as the government may order and then demand that information with reasonable grounds to suspect any federal offence: https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/45-1/bill/C-22/first-reading

#cdnpoli #canpoli #Carney #CriminalCode #C22 #BillC22 #LawfulAccess

Mark Carney is looking to eliminate personal #privacy from #Canada. The government will be able to demand anyone that provides electronic services (which includes anyone who has an email address) develop such tracking capabilities as the government may order and then demand that information with reasonable grounds to suspect any federal offence: https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/45-1/bill/C-22/first-reading

#cdnpoli #canpoli #Carney #CriminalCode #C22 #BillC22 #LawfulAccess

Businesses in Kosovo at risk from counterfeiting, consumers pay the price of counterfeit brands https://www.byteseu.com/1884780/ #CommercialCourt #CriminalCode #forgeries #Kosovo

·· azkenak airean - last broadcast ··

criminal code
raskatripas
bgk
hung like hanratty

Entzun / Listen (streaming):
https://punkirratia.net:8443/punk

#criminalcode #raskatripas #bgk #hunglikehanratty #FediRadio #punk #streaming #NowPlaying #music #musica #musique #musika #MastoRadio

·· azkenak airean - last broadcast ··

criminal code
raskatripas
bgk
hung like hanratty

Entzun / Listen (streaming):
https://punkirratia.net:8443/punk

#criminalcode #raskatripas #bgk #hunglikehanratty #FediRadio #punk #streaming #NowPlaying #music #musica #musique #musika #MastoRadio

·· azkenak airean - last broadcast ··

criminal code
raskatripas
bgk
hung like hanratty

Entzun / Listen (streaming):
https://punkirratia.net:8443/punk

#criminalcode #raskatripas #bgk #hunglikehanratty #FediRadio #punk #streaming #NowPlaying #music #musica #musique #musika #MastoRadio

·· azkenak airean - last broadcast ··

criminal code
raskatripas
bgk
hung like hanratty

Entzun / Listen (streaming):
https://punkirratia.net:8443/punk

#criminalcode #raskatripas #bgk #hunglikehanratty #FediRadio #punk #streaming #NowPlaying #music #musica #musique #musika #MastoRadio

·· azkenak airean - last broadcast ··

criminal code
raskatripas
bgk
hung like hanratty

Entzun / Listen (streaming):
https://punkirratia.net:8443/punk

#criminalcode #raskatripas #bgk #hunglikehanratty #FediRadio #punk #streaming #NowPlaying #music #musica #musique #musika #MastoRadio

EUGENICS, REPACKAGED AS BIOLOGICAL FREEDOM

In the industrial heart of Kitchener, Ontario, A.R. Kaufman, a wealthy factory owner and staunch capitalist, helped pioneer the birth control movement in Canada. But his motivations were far from progressive. Kaufman’s advocacy for contraception and sterilization was not rooted in a desire to empower women or alleviate poverty. Instead, it stemmed from a fervent belief in eugenics: the idea that society should rid itself of its undesirable elements. 

The 1892 Criminal Code criminalized the sale and distribution of contraceptive products and the dissemination of information about them. Despite these barriers, the birth control movement gained momentum. In 1932, Elizabeth Bagshaw, one of Canada’s first female physicians, became the medical director of Canada’s first birth control clinic in Hamilton. It operated illegally but with quiet support from sympathetic doctors. Around the same time, A.R. Kaufman launched his Parents’ Information Bureau (PIB) in Kitchener, Ontario.  

The PIB distributed contraceptive materials—including spermicidal jelly, diaphragms and informational pamphlets—by mail and arranged referrals to doctors willing to perform sterilizations. Kaufman’s program quickly expanded, serving tens of thousands of clients annually and playing a significant role in shaping public discourse around birth control in Canada. 

Kaufman’s efforts began close to home. When faced with the reality that many of his employees at the Kaufman Rubber Company could not afford to support their families, rather than increase their wages, Kaufman launched a birth control program targeting his workers. Over 1,000 employees were sterilized under this initiative.  

Kaufman’s belief in eugenics, coupled with his desire to maintain social control, are on stark display in a letter to American journalist, H.L. Mencken. 

“I have said, and still think, we must choose between birth control and revolution…Many of these people are not willing to work but I do not criticize them harshly for their lack of ambition when they are the offspring of people no better than themselves,” Kaufman wrote. 

Kaufman made no bones about the lengths to which he was willing to go to rid society of undesirables.    

“I agree it might be more merciful and cheaper to ‘have at them [the poor] with machine guns,’ but the law has an inconvenient way of insisting on prolonging people’s agony,” he wrote.  

He went on to describe his sterilization efforts as the “next best” solution.  His hope, he said, was that public authorities would eventually take over the work. 

“If you manage to sterilize a few thousand liabilities the work may eventually get public recognition,” he wrote. 

Kaufman’s influence extended far beyond Kitchener. He lobbied governments across Canada to adopt birth control and sterilization programs, particularly targeting Indigenous communities and the working poor. His efforts were part of a broader eugenics movement that gained traction in Canada in the early twentieth century, fueled by fears of overpopulation, economic instability and racial mixing. While many eugenicists distanced themselves from the ideology after World War II, Kaufman remained a vocal proponent, simply rebranding his campaign as “responsible parenthood”. 

This strategic shift in language coincided with the lead-up to the 1969 decriminalization of birth control in Canada. By then, Kaufman had positioned himself as a public health advocate, masking his eugenic goals behind the veneer of social responsibility. But the underlying ideology remained unchanged.  

As Karen Stote, assistant professor in the Women and Gender Program at Wilfrid Laurier University, notes, Kaufman’s work was never about reproductive freedom—it was about population control. His programs disproportionately targeted Indigenous women, and his legacy continues to echo in ongoing debates about reproductive justice and medical consent. 

Kaufman’s capitalist background also played a key role in shaping his views. He was fiercely anti-union and saw birth control as a way to manage labor rather than empower it. Rather than addressing systemic inequality, he sought to eliminate the poor altogether.  

“My first reaction when I took an interest in the deplorable state of affairs of some people was ‘to dump them in the lake,’” he wrote. “Since my idea was also impractical from a legal standpoint, I decided to do the next best.” 

Kaufman’s influence also reached into the legal realm through his support of Dorothea Palmer, a birth control advocate who was arrested in 1936 during the Eastview birth control trial in Ontario. Palmer was charged under the Criminal Code for distributing birth control information, but Kaufman funded her legal defense, arguing that her actions were in the public interest.  

The case became a landmark moment in Canadian reproductive rights history, and Palmer was ultimately acquitted. Kaufman’s backing of Palmer further illustrates his strategic efforts to normalize birth control, even as his motivations remained rooted in eugenics.  

For the Waterloo Region community, this legacy is especially poignant. Today, the legacy of A.R. Kaufman is deeply contested. While some credit him with helping to normalize birth control in Canada, others point to the coercive and discriminatory nature of his programs.  

His name has been removed from schools, and scholars like Stote continue to uncover the extent of his influence on policies that harmed marginalized communities.  

Kaufman’s programs and ideology were not abstract policies but lived realities for local families, many of whom were directly impacted by his sterilization initiatives and anti-union practices. His name, once emblazoned on local institutions, now prompts reflection on how communities remember and reconcile complex histories. 

The birth control movement in Canada did eventually lead to greater reproductive autonomy for many women. But its origins are steeped in a history of control, not liberation. Kaufman’s story is a reminder that social progress can emerge from deeply flawed beginnings—and that we must confront those origins honestly if we hope to build a more just future. 

#aRKaufman #angusMclaren #birthControl #CriminalCode #FionaMcAlister #hLMencken #karenStote #moreThanJustBootsTheEugenicAndCommercialConcernsOfARKaufmanSBirthControllingActivities #wilfridLaurierUniversity #womenAndGenderProgram

EUGENICS, REPACKAGED AS BIOLOGICAL FREEDOM

In the industrial heart of Kitchener, Ontario, A.R. Kaufman, a wealthy factory owner and staunch capitalist, helped pioneer the birth control movement in Canada. But his motivations were far from progressive. Kaufman’s advocacy for contraception and sterilization was not rooted in a desire to empower women or alleviate poverty. Instead, it stemmed from a fervent belief in eugenics: the idea that society should rid itself of its undesirable elements. 

The 1892 Criminal Code criminalized the sale and distribution of contraceptive products and the dissemination of information about them. Despite these barriers, the birth control movement gained momentum. In 1932, Elizabeth Bagshaw, one of Canada’s first female physicians, became the medical director of Canada’s first birth control clinic in Hamilton. It operated illegally but with quiet support from sympathetic doctors. Around the same time, A.R. Kaufman launched his Parents’ Information Bureau (PIB) in Kitchener, Ontario.  

The PIB distributed contraceptive materials—including spermicidal jelly, diaphragms and informational pamphlets—by mail and arranged referrals to doctors willing to perform sterilizations. Kaufman’s program quickly expanded, serving tens of thousands of clients annually and playing a significant role in shaping public discourse around birth control in Canada. 

Kaufman’s efforts began close to home. When faced with the reality that many of his employees at the Kaufman Rubber Company could not afford to support their families, rather than increase their wages, Kaufman launched a birth control program targeting his workers. Over 1,000 employees were sterilized under this initiative.  

Kaufman’s belief in eugenics, coupled with his desire to maintain social control, are on stark display in a letter to American journalist, H.L. Mencken. 

“I have said, and still think, we must choose between birth control and revolution…Many of these people are not willing to work but I do not criticize them harshly for their lack of ambition when they are the offspring of people no better than themselves,” Kaufman wrote. 

Kaufman made no bones about the lengths to which he was willing to go to rid society of undesirables.    

“I agree it might be more merciful and cheaper to ‘have at them [the poor] with machine guns,’ but the law has an inconvenient way of insisting on prolonging people’s agony,” he wrote.  

He went on to describe his sterilization efforts as the “next best” solution.  His hope, he said, was that public authorities would eventually take over the work. 

“If you manage to sterilize a few thousand liabilities the work may eventually get public recognition,” he wrote. 

Kaufman’s influence extended far beyond Kitchener. He lobbied governments across Canada to adopt birth control and sterilization programs, particularly targeting Indigenous communities and the working poor. His efforts were part of a broader eugenics movement that gained traction in Canada in the early twentieth century, fueled by fears of overpopulation, economic instability and racial mixing. While many eugenicists distanced themselves from the ideology after World War II, Kaufman remained a vocal proponent, simply rebranding his campaign as “responsible parenthood”. 

This strategic shift in language coincided with the lead-up to the 1969 decriminalization of birth control in Canada. By then, Kaufman had positioned himself as a public health advocate, masking his eugenic goals behind the veneer of social responsibility. But the underlying ideology remained unchanged.  

As Karen Stote, assistant professor in the Women and Gender Program at Wilfrid Laurier University, notes, Kaufman’s work was never about reproductive freedom—it was about population control. His programs disproportionately targeted Indigenous women, and his legacy continues to echo in ongoing debates about reproductive justice and medical consent. 

Kaufman’s capitalist background also played a key role in shaping his views. He was fiercely anti-union and saw birth control as a way to manage labor rather than empower it. Rather than addressing systemic inequality, he sought to eliminate the poor altogether.  

“My first reaction when I took an interest in the deplorable state of affairs of some people was ‘to dump them in the lake,’” he wrote. “Since my idea was also impractical from a legal standpoint, I decided to do the next best.” 

Kaufman’s influence also reached into the legal realm through his support of Dorothea Palmer, a birth control advocate who was arrested in 1936 during the Eastview birth control trial in Ontario. Palmer was charged under the Criminal Code for distributing birth control information, but Kaufman funded her legal defense, arguing that her actions were in the public interest.  

The case became a landmark moment in Canadian reproductive rights history, and Palmer was ultimately acquitted. Kaufman’s backing of Palmer further illustrates his strategic efforts to normalize birth control, even as his motivations remained rooted in eugenics.  

For the Waterloo Region community, this legacy is especially poignant. Today, the legacy of A.R. Kaufman is deeply contested. While some credit him with helping to normalize birth control in Canada, others point to the coercive and discriminatory nature of his programs.  

His name has been removed from schools, and scholars like Stote continue to uncover the extent of his influence on policies that harmed marginalized communities.  

Kaufman’s programs and ideology were not abstract policies but lived realities for local families, many of whom were directly impacted by his sterilization initiatives and anti-union practices. His name, once emblazoned on local institutions, now prompts reflection on how communities remember and reconcile complex histories. 

The birth control movement in Canada did eventually lead to greater reproductive autonomy for many women. But its origins are steeped in a history of control, not liberation. Kaufman’s story is a reminder that social progress can emerge from deeply flawed beginnings—and that we must confront those origins honestly if we hope to build a more just future. 

#aRKaufman #angusMclaren #birthControl #CriminalCode #FionaMcAlister #hLMencken #karenStote #moreThanJustBootsTheEugenicAndCommercialConcernsOfARKaufmanSBirthControllingActivities #wilfridLaurierUniversity #womenAndGenderProgram

EUGENICS, REPACKAGED AS BIOLOGICAL FREEDOM

In the industrial heart of Kitchener, Ontario, A.R. Kaufman, a wealthy factory owner and staunch capitalist, helped pioneer the birth control movement in Canada. But his motivations were far from progressive. Kaufman’s advocacy for contraception and sterilization was not rooted in a desire to empower women or alleviate poverty. Instead, it stemmed from a fervent belief in eugenics: the idea that society should rid itself of its undesirable elements. 

The 1892 Criminal Code criminalized the sale and distribution of contraceptive products and the dissemination of information about them. Despite these barriers, the birth control movement gained momentum. In 1932, Elizabeth Bagshaw, one of Canada’s first female physicians, became the medical director of Canada’s first birth control clinic in Hamilton. It operated illegally but with quiet support from sympathetic doctors. Around the same time, A.R. Kaufman launched his Parents’ Information Bureau (PIB) in Kitchener, Ontario.  

The PIB distributed contraceptive materials—including spermicidal jelly, diaphragms and informational pamphlets—by mail and arranged referrals to doctors willing to perform sterilizations. Kaufman’s program quickly expanded, serving tens of thousands of clients annually and playing a significant role in shaping public discourse around birth control in Canada. 

Kaufman’s efforts began close to home. When faced with the reality that many of his employees at the Kaufman Rubber Company could not afford to support their families, rather than increase their wages, Kaufman launched a birth control program targeting his workers. Over 1,000 employees were sterilized under this initiative.  

Kaufman’s belief in eugenics, coupled with his desire to maintain social control, are on stark display in a letter to American journalist, H.L. Mencken. 

“I have said, and still think, we must choose between birth control and revolution…Many of these people are not willing to work but I do not criticize them harshly for their lack of ambition when they are the offspring of people no better than themselves,” Kaufman wrote. 

Kaufman made no bones about the lengths to which he was willing to go to rid society of undesirables.    

“I agree it might be more merciful and cheaper to ‘have at them [the poor] with machine guns,’ but the law has an inconvenient way of insisting on prolonging people’s agony,” he wrote.  

He went on to describe his sterilization efforts as the “next best” solution.  His hope, he said, was that public authorities would eventually take over the work. 

“If you manage to sterilize a few thousand liabilities the work may eventually get public recognition,” he wrote. 

Kaufman’s influence extended far beyond Kitchener. He lobbied governments across Canada to adopt birth control and sterilization programs, particularly targeting Indigenous communities and the working poor. His efforts were part of a broader eugenics movement that gained traction in Canada in the early twentieth century, fueled by fears of overpopulation, economic instability and racial mixing. While many eugenicists distanced themselves from the ideology after World War II, Kaufman remained a vocal proponent, simply rebranding his campaign as “responsible parenthood”. 

This strategic shift in language coincided with the lead-up to the 1969 decriminalization of birth control in Canada. By then, Kaufman had positioned himself as a public health advocate, masking his eugenic goals behind the veneer of social responsibility. But the underlying ideology remained unchanged.  

As Karen Stote, assistant professor in the Women and Gender Program at Wilfrid Laurier University, notes, Kaufman’s work was never about reproductive freedom—it was about population control. His programs disproportionately targeted Indigenous women, and his legacy continues to echo in ongoing debates about reproductive justice and medical consent. 

Kaufman’s capitalist background also played a key role in shaping his views. He was fiercely anti-union and saw birth control as a way to manage labor rather than empower it. Rather than addressing systemic inequality, he sought to eliminate the poor altogether.  

“My first reaction when I took an interest in the deplorable state of affairs of some people was ‘to dump them in the lake,’” he wrote. “Since my idea was also impractical from a legal standpoint, I decided to do the next best.” 

Kaufman’s influence also reached into the legal realm through his support of Dorothea Palmer, a birth control advocate who was arrested in 1936 during the Eastview birth control trial in Ontario. Palmer was charged under the Criminal Code for distributing birth control information, but Kaufman funded her legal defense, arguing that her actions were in the public interest.  

The case became a landmark moment in Canadian reproductive rights history, and Palmer was ultimately acquitted. Kaufman’s backing of Palmer further illustrates his strategic efforts to normalize birth control, even as his motivations remained rooted in eugenics.  

For the Waterloo Region community, this legacy is especially poignant. Today, the legacy of A.R. Kaufman is deeply contested. While some credit him with helping to normalize birth control in Canada, others point to the coercive and discriminatory nature of his programs.  

His name has been removed from schools, and scholars like Stote continue to uncover the extent of his influence on policies that harmed marginalized communities.  

Kaufman’s programs and ideology were not abstract policies but lived realities for local families, many of whom were directly impacted by his sterilization initiatives and anti-union practices. His name, once emblazoned on local institutions, now prompts reflection on how communities remember and reconcile complex histories. 

The birth control movement in Canada did eventually lead to greater reproductive autonomy for many women. But its origins are steeped in a history of control, not liberation. Kaufman’s story is a reminder that social progress can emerge from deeply flawed beginnings—and that we must confront those origins honestly if we hope to build a more just future. 

#aRKaufman #angusMclaren #birthControl #CriminalCode #FionaMcAlister #hLMencken #karenStote #moreThanJustBootsTheEugenicAndCommercialConcernsOfARKaufmanSBirthControllingActivities #wilfridLaurierUniversity #womenAndGenderProgram

EUGENICS, REPACKAGED AS BIOLOGICAL FREEDOM

In the industrial heart of Kitchener, Ontario, A.R. Kaufman, a wealthy factory owner and staunch capitalist, helped pioneer the birth control movement in Canada. But his motivations were far from progressive. Kaufman’s advocacy for contraception and sterilization was not rooted in a desire to empower women or alleviate poverty. Instead, it stemmed from a fervent belief in eugenics: the idea that society should rid itself of its undesirable elements. 

The 1892 Criminal Code criminalized the sale and distribution of contraceptive products and the dissemination of information about them. Despite these barriers, the birth control movement gained momentum. In 1932, Elizabeth Bagshaw, one of Canada’s first female physicians, became the medical director of Canada’s first birth control clinic in Hamilton. It operated illegally but with quiet support from sympathetic doctors. Around the same time, A.R. Kaufman launched his Parents’ Information Bureau (PIB) in Kitchener, Ontario.  

The PIB distributed contraceptive materials—including spermicidal jelly, diaphragms and informational pamphlets—by mail and arranged referrals to doctors willing to perform sterilizations. Kaufman’s program quickly expanded, serving tens of thousands of clients annually and playing a significant role in shaping public discourse around birth control in Canada. 

Kaufman’s efforts began close to home. When faced with the reality that many of his employees at the Kaufman Rubber Company could not afford to support their families, rather than increase their wages, Kaufman launched a birth control program targeting his workers. Over 1,000 employees were sterilized under this initiative.  

Kaufman’s belief in eugenics, coupled with his desire to maintain social control, are on stark display in a letter to American journalist, H.L. Mencken. 

“I have said, and still think, we must choose between birth control and revolution…Many of these people are not willing to work but I do not criticize them harshly for their lack of ambition when they are the offspring of people no better than themselves,” Kaufman wrote. 

Kaufman made no bones about the lengths to which he was willing to go to rid society of undesirables.    

“I agree it might be more merciful and cheaper to ‘have at them [the poor] with machine guns,’ but the law has an inconvenient way of insisting on prolonging people’s agony,” he wrote.  

He went on to describe his sterilization efforts as the “next best” solution.  His hope, he said, was that public authorities would eventually take over the work. 

“If you manage to sterilize a few thousand liabilities the work may eventually get public recognition,” he wrote. 

Kaufman’s influence extended far beyond Kitchener. He lobbied governments across Canada to adopt birth control and sterilization programs, particularly targeting Indigenous communities and the working poor. His efforts were part of a broader eugenics movement that gained traction in Canada in the early twentieth century, fueled by fears of overpopulation, economic instability and racial mixing. While many eugenicists distanced themselves from the ideology after World War II, Kaufman remained a vocal proponent, simply rebranding his campaign as “responsible parenthood”. 

This strategic shift in language coincided with the lead-up to the 1969 decriminalization of birth control in Canada. By then, Kaufman had positioned himself as a public health advocate, masking his eugenic goals behind the veneer of social responsibility. But the underlying ideology remained unchanged.  

As Karen Stote, assistant professor in the Women and Gender Program at Wilfrid Laurier University, notes, Kaufman’s work was never about reproductive freedom—it was about population control. His programs disproportionately targeted Indigenous women, and his legacy continues to echo in ongoing debates about reproductive justice and medical consent. 

Kaufman’s capitalist background also played a key role in shaping his views. He was fiercely anti-union and saw birth control as a way to manage labor rather than empower it. Rather than addressing systemic inequality, he sought to eliminate the poor altogether.  

“My first reaction when I took an interest in the deplorable state of affairs of some people was ‘to dump them in the lake,’” he wrote. “Since my idea was also impractical from a legal standpoint, I decided to do the next best.” 

Kaufman’s influence also reached into the legal realm through his support of Dorothea Palmer, a birth control advocate who was arrested in 1936 during the Eastview birth control trial in Ontario. Palmer was charged under the Criminal Code for distributing birth control information, but Kaufman funded her legal defense, arguing that her actions were in the public interest.  

The case became a landmark moment in Canadian reproductive rights history, and Palmer was ultimately acquitted. Kaufman’s backing of Palmer further illustrates his strategic efforts to normalize birth control, even as his motivations remained rooted in eugenics.  

For the Waterloo Region community, this legacy is especially poignant. Today, the legacy of A.R. Kaufman is deeply contested. While some credit him with helping to normalize birth control in Canada, others point to the coercive and discriminatory nature of his programs.  

His name has been removed from schools, and scholars like Stote continue to uncover the extent of his influence on policies that harmed marginalized communities.  

Kaufman’s programs and ideology were not abstract policies but lived realities for local families, many of whom were directly impacted by his sterilization initiatives and anti-union practices. His name, once emblazoned on local institutions, now prompts reflection on how communities remember and reconcile complex histories. 

The birth control movement in Canada did eventually lead to greater reproductive autonomy for many women. But its origins are steeped in a history of control, not liberation. Kaufman’s story is a reminder that social progress can emerge from deeply flawed beginnings—and that we must confront those origins honestly if we hope to build a more just future. 

#aRKaufman #angusMclaren #birthControl #CriminalCode #FionaMcAlister #hLMencken #karenStote #moreThanJustBootsTheEugenicAndCommercialConcernsOfARKaufmanSBirthControllingActivities #wilfridLaurierUniversity #womenAndGenderProgram

EUGENICS, REPACKAGED AS BIOLOGICAL FREEDOM

In the industrial heart of Kitchener, Ontario, A.R. Kaufman, a wealthy factory owner and staunch capitalist, helped pioneer the birth control movement in Canada. But his motivations were far from progressive. Kaufman’s advocacy for contraception and sterilization was not rooted in a desire to empower women or alleviate poverty. Instead, it stemmed from a fervent belief in eugenics: the idea that society should rid itself of its undesirable elements. 

The 1892 Criminal Code criminalized the sale and distribution of contraceptive products and the dissemination of information about them. Despite these barriers, the birth control movement gained momentum. In 1932, Elizabeth Bagshaw, one of Canada’s first female physicians, became the medical director of Canada’s first birth control clinic in Hamilton. It operated illegally but with quiet support from sympathetic doctors. Around the same time, A.R. Kaufman launched his Parents’ Information Bureau (PIB) in Kitchener, Ontario.  

The PIB distributed contraceptive materials—including spermicidal jelly, diaphragms and informational pamphlets—by mail and arranged referrals to doctors willing to perform sterilizations. Kaufman’s program quickly expanded, serving tens of thousands of clients annually and playing a significant role in shaping public discourse around birth control in Canada. 

Kaufman’s efforts began close to home. When faced with the reality that many of his employees at the Kaufman Rubber Company could not afford to support their families, rather than increase their wages, Kaufman launched a birth control program targeting his workers. Over 1,000 employees were sterilized under this initiative.  

Kaufman’s belief in eugenics, coupled with his desire to maintain social control, are on stark display in a letter to American journalist, H.L. Mencken. 

“I have said, and still think, we must choose between birth control and revolution…Many of these people are not willing to work but I do not criticize them harshly for their lack of ambition when they are the offspring of people no better than themselves,” Kaufman wrote. 

Kaufman made no bones about the lengths to which he was willing to go to rid society of undesirables.    

“I agree it might be more merciful and cheaper to ‘have at them [the poor] with machine guns,’ but the law has an inconvenient way of insisting on prolonging people’s agony,” he wrote.  

He went on to describe his sterilization efforts as the “next best” solution.  His hope, he said, was that public authorities would eventually take over the work. 

“If you manage to sterilize a few thousand liabilities the work may eventually get public recognition,” he wrote. 

Kaufman’s influence extended far beyond Kitchener. He lobbied governments across Canada to adopt birth control and sterilization programs, particularly targeting Indigenous communities and the working poor. His efforts were part of a broader eugenics movement that gained traction in Canada in the early twentieth century, fueled by fears of overpopulation, economic instability and racial mixing. While many eugenicists distanced themselves from the ideology after World War II, Kaufman remained a vocal proponent, simply rebranding his campaign as “responsible parenthood”. 

This strategic shift in language coincided with the lead-up to the 1969 decriminalization of birth control in Canada. By then, Kaufman had positioned himself as a public health advocate, masking his eugenic goals behind the veneer of social responsibility. But the underlying ideology remained unchanged.  

As Karen Stote, assistant professor in the Women and Gender Program at Wilfrid Laurier University, notes, Kaufman’s work was never about reproductive freedom—it was about population control. His programs disproportionately targeted Indigenous women, and his legacy continues to echo in ongoing debates about reproductive justice and medical consent. 

Kaufman’s capitalist background also played a key role in shaping his views. He was fiercely anti-union and saw birth control as a way to manage labor rather than empower it. Rather than addressing systemic inequality, he sought to eliminate the poor altogether.  

“My first reaction when I took an interest in the deplorable state of affairs of some people was ‘to dump them in the lake,’” he wrote. “Since my idea was also impractical from a legal standpoint, I decided to do the next best.” 

Kaufman’s influence also reached into the legal realm through his support of Dorothea Palmer, a birth control advocate who was arrested in 1936 during the Eastview birth control trial in Ontario. Palmer was charged under the Criminal Code for distributing birth control information, but Kaufman funded her legal defense, arguing that her actions were in the public interest.  

The case became a landmark moment in Canadian reproductive rights history, and Palmer was ultimately acquitted. Kaufman’s backing of Palmer further illustrates his strategic efforts to normalize birth control, even as his motivations remained rooted in eugenics.  

For the Waterloo Region community, this legacy is especially poignant. Today, the legacy of A.R. Kaufman is deeply contested. While some credit him with helping to normalize birth control in Canada, others point to the coercive and discriminatory nature of his programs.  

His name has been removed from schools, and scholars like Stote continue to uncover the extent of his influence on policies that harmed marginalized communities.  

Kaufman’s programs and ideology were not abstract policies but lived realities for local families, many of whom were directly impacted by his sterilization initiatives and anti-union practices. His name, once emblazoned on local institutions, now prompts reflection on how communities remember and reconcile complex histories. 

The birth control movement in Canada did eventually lead to greater reproductive autonomy for many women. But its origins are steeped in a history of control, not liberation. Kaufman’s story is a reminder that social progress can emerge from deeply flawed beginnings—and that we must confront those origins honestly if we hope to build a more just future. 

#aRKaufman #angusMclaren #birthControl #CriminalCode #FionaMcAlister #hLMencken #karenStote #moreThanJustBootsTheEugenicAndCommercialConcernsOfARKaufmanSBirthControllingActivities #wilfridLaurierUniversity #womenAndGenderProgram

No amendments to Estonian Criminal Code; Interior Minister changes position

Less than a week after the ministry vehemently defended a plan to amend the Criminal Code and impose…
#Estonia #EE #Europe #Europa #EU #criminalcode #Eesti #estonia #Featured #IgorTaro #terrorismpropaganda #Uudised
https://www.europesays.com/2413878/

No amendments to Estonian Criminal Code; Interior Minister changes position https://www.byteseu.com/1381006/ #CriminalCode #Estonia #Featured #IgorTaro #TerrorismPropaganda

Estonia plans to introduce penalties for spreading terrorist propaganda https://www.byteseu.com/1378476/ #CriminalCode #Estonia #Featured #Terrorism #TerrorismPropaganda

Netflix Renews Brazilian Crime Hit ‘Criminal Code’ For Season 3
#News #CriminalCode #HeitorDhalia #Netflix

https://deadline.com/2025/07/netflix-criminal-code-season-three-renewal-1236448711/

Netflix Renews Brazilian Crime Hit ‘Criminal Code’ For Season 3
#News #CriminalCode #HeitorDhalia #Netflix

https://deadline.com/2025/07/netflix-criminal-code-season-three-renewal-1236448711/

Netflix Renews Brazilian Crime Hit ‘Criminal Code’ For Season 3
#News #CriminalCode #HeitorDhalia #Netflix

https://deadline.com/2025/07/netflix-criminal-code-season-three-renewal-1236448711/

Netflix Renews Brazilian Crime Hit ‘Criminal Code’ For Season 3
#News #CriminalCode #HeitorDhalia #Netflix

https://deadline.com/2025/07/netflix-criminal-code-season-three-renewal-1236448711/

The Criminal Code: Season 2 Trailer is HERE, and it’s a wild ride! Join the hunt for the Phantom Gang in this explosive Brazilian crime drama, dropping June 4 on Netflix.

Watch the trailer now and share your predictions right here: https://www.theomenmedia.com/post/unpacking-the-explosive-criminal-code-season-2-trailer-what-s-next-for-the-phantom-gang

Support The Omen Media for free by checking out our advertiser’s video: https://bit.ly/SupportTheOmenMedia

#CriminalCode #NetflixSeries #TrueCrime #Season2 #BrazilianDrama #CrimeDrama #Netflix2025 #PhantomGang #TVSeries #ActionThriller

The Criminal Code: Season 2 Trailer is HERE, and it’s a wild ride! Join the hunt for the Phantom Gang in this explosive Brazilian crime drama, dropping June 4 on Netflix.

Watch the trailer now and share your predictions right here: https://www.theomenmedia.com/post/unpacking-the-explosive-criminal-code-season-2-trailer-what-s-next-for-the-phantom-gang

Support The Omen Media for free by checking out our advertiser’s video: https://bit.ly/SupportTheOmenMedia

#CriminalCode #NetflixSeries #TrueCrime #Season2 #BrazilianDrama #CrimeDrama #Netflix2025 #PhantomGang #TVSeries #ActionThriller

The Criminal Code: Season 2 Trailer is HERE, and it’s a wild ride! Join the hunt for the Phantom Gang in this explosive Brazilian crime drama, dropping June 4 on Netflix.

Watch the trailer now and share your predictions right here: https://www.theomenmedia.com/post/unpacking-the-explosive-criminal-code-season-2-trailer-what-s-next-for-the-phantom-gang

Support The Omen Media for free by checking out our advertiser’s video: https://bit.ly/SupportTheOmenMedia

#CriminalCode #NetflixSeries #TrueCrime #Season2 #BrazilianDrama #CrimeDrama #Netflix2025 #PhantomGang #TVSeries #ActionThriller

Tajikistan Abolishes Criminal Prosecution for Social Media ‘Likes’

https://fed.brid.gy/r/https://timesca.com/tajikistan-abolishes-criminal-prosecution-for-social-media-likes/

‘Criminal Code’ Season 2: Heitor Dhalia On Making Netflix’s Breakout Brazilian Crime Drama
#News #Brazil #CriminalCode #HeitorDhalia #Netflix

https://deadline.com/2025/04/criminal-code-season-2-heitor-dhalia-netflix-brazil-drama-1236364213/

‘Criminal Code’ Season 2: Heitor Dhalia On Making Netflix’s Breakout Brazilian Crime Drama
#News #Brazil #CriminalCode #HeitorDhalia #Netflix

https://deadline.com/2025/04/criminal-code-season-2-heitor-dhalia-netflix-brazil-drama-1236364213/

‘Criminal Code’ Season 2: Heitor Dhalia On Making Netflix’s Breakout Brazilian Crime Drama
#News #Brazil #CriminalCode #HeitorDhalia #Netflix

https://deadline.com/2025/04/criminal-code-season-2-heitor-dhalia-netflix-brazil-drama-1236364213/

‘Criminal Code’ Season 2: Heitor Dhalia On Making Netflix’s Breakout Brazilian Crime Drama
#News #Brazil #CriminalCode #HeitorDhalia #Netflix

https://deadline.com/2025/04/criminal-code-season-2-heitor-dhalia-netflix-brazil-drama-1236364213/

5/11 • #article353 #antiwargraffiti #codes #activistcodes #CriminalCode #notowar #MW ☮

5/11 • #article353 #antiwargraffiti #codes #activistcodes #CriminalCode #notowar #MW ☮

5/11 • #article353 #antiwargraffiti #codes #activistcodes #CriminalCode #notowar #MW ☮

5/11 • #article353 #antiwargraffiti #codes #activistcodes #CriminalCode #notowar #MW ☮

Lawyer Pushes Back Against Accusations that Critics of Bill C-63 are “Rage Farming”

A lawyer has spoken out against the personal attacks pushed by the government. She explains that there are valid criticisms towards Bill C-63.

https://www.freezenet.ca/lawyer-pushes-back-against-accusations-that-critics-of-bill-c-63-are-rage-farming/

#Censorship #News #CriminalCode #lawyer #OnlineHarmsBill

Lawyer Pushes Back Against Accusations that Critics of Bill C-63 are “Rage Farming”

A lawyer has spoken out against the personal attacks pushed by the government. She explains that there are valid criticisms towards Bill C-63.

https://www.freezenet.ca/lawyer-pushes-back-against-accusations-that-critics-of-bill-c-63-are-rage-farming/

#Censorship #News #CriminalCode #lawyer #OnlineHarmsBill

Lawyer Pushes Back Against Accusations that Critics of Bill C-63 are “Rage Farming”

A lawyer has spoken out against the personal attacks pushed by the government. She explains that there are valid criticisms towards Bill C-63.

https://www.freezenet.ca/lawyer-pushes-back-against-accusations-that-critics-of-bill-c-63-are-rage-farming/

#Censorship #News #CriminalCode #lawyer #OnlineHarmsBill

Lawyer Pushes Back Against Accusations that Critics of Bill C-63 are “Rage Farming”

A lawyer has spoken out against the personal attacks pushed by the government. She explains that there are valid criticisms towards Bill C-63.

https://www.freezenet.ca/lawyer-pushes-back-against-accusations-that-critics-of-bill-c-63-are-rage-farming/

#Censorship #News #CriminalCode #lawyer #OnlineHarmsBill

Lawyer Pushes Back Against Accusations that Critics of Bill C-63 are “Rage Farming”

A lawyer has spoken out against the personal attacks pushed by the government. She explains that there are valid criticisms towards Bill C-63.

https://www.freezenet.ca/lawyer-pushes-back-against-accusations-that-critics-of-bill-c-63-are-rage-farming/

#Censorship #News #CriminalCode #lawyer #OnlineHarmsBill

Why the Criminal Code and Human Rights Act Provisions Should Be Removed from the Online Harms Act - Michael Geist https://ap236.com/0do7V7 #OnlineHarmsAct #HumanRightsCode #CriminalCode #cdnpoli @canadiangreens @cdnpoli

Why the Criminal Code and Human Rights Act Provisions Should Be Removed from the Online Harms Act - Michael Geist https://ap236.com/0do7V7 #OnlineHarmsAct #HumanRightsCode #CriminalCode #cdnpoli @canadiangreens @cdnpoli

Why the Criminal Code and Human Rights Act Provisions Should Be Removed from the Online Harms Act - Michael Geist https://ap236.com/0do7V7 #OnlineHarmsAct #HumanRightsCode #CriminalCode #cdnpoli @canadiangreens @cdnpoli

Why the Criminal Code and Human Rights Act Provisions Should Be Removed from the Online Harms Act - Michael Geist https://ap236.com/0do7V7 #OnlineHarmsAct #HumanRightsCode #CriminalCode #cdnpoli @canadiangreens @cdnpoli

Why the Criminal Code and Human Rights Act Provisions Should Be Removed from the Online Harms Act - Michael Geist https://ap236.com/0do7V7 #OnlineHarmsAct #HumanRightsCode #CriminalCode #cdnpoli @canadiangreens @cdnpoli

The head of the colony where Navalny was killed has been accused of abusing his power with serious consequences. Vadim Kalinin, who headed the torture prison after a business where he constantly violated the rights of employees, was charged under a grave article of the Criminal Code.

MO has learnt details of the biography of the head of the colony 'Polar Wolf', where Alexei Navalny was actually killed. Despite this, he somehow became the head of one of the main torture prisons in Russia.

In 1999, Kalinin was prosecuted for abuse of power with grave consequences under Part 3 of Article 286 of the Criminal Code. The leak from Interior Ministry databases suggested that the offence was related to some 'strategic materials'. However, the leak did not specify Kalinin's sentence. Another leak suggests that he was amnestied.

Before working in the FSIN, Kalinin raised cows and grew vegetables. In 2014, he was appointed as the general director of Salekhardagro, a company that produced dairy products. The company regularly received state orders and supplied milk to Salekhard hospitals, local administrations, kindergartens, and schools. He left the business in 2018. In 2016, he founded the company 'Arktikagro', which traded in potatoes, fruit, and nuts. However, the firm was liquidated in the same year, 2018. Three years later, Kalinin became the head of the Polar Wolf colony.

As the general director of the dairy company, Kalinin frequently violated the rights of his employees. According to the decisions of local courts (https://labytnangsky--ynao.sudrf.ru/modules.php?name=sud_delo&srv_num=1&name_op=doc&number=14241988&delo_id=1540005&new=0&text_number=1) (https://labytnangsky--ynao.sudrf.ru/modules.php?name=sud_delo&srv_num=1&name_op=doc&number=14242861&delo_id=1540005&new=0&text_number=1) (https://oblsud--ynao.sudrf.ru/modules.php?name=sud_delo&srv_num=1&name_op=doc&number=1168701&delo_id=5&new=5&text_number=1), 'Salekhardagro' did not enter into labour contracts with its employees, who were actually working off the books. The courts have repeatedly ruled that Kalinin must enter into official labour contracts.

Kalinin is registered in a small flat in the settlement of Kharp, not far from the Polar Wolf colony. According to leaked data from the Federal Tax Service, he earned more than 2 million rubles in 2021. We reached out to Kalinin for comments, but he did not respond to our messages. He also deleted his pages on VK and Odnoklassniki.

#NavalnyCase #AbuseOfPower #CriminalCode #PolarWolfColony #VadimKalinin #HumanRightsViolations #FSIN #Salekhardagro #Arktikagro #Biography #TorturePrison #Russia #InteriorMinistry #StateOrders #DairyProducts #LabourContracts #CourtDecisions #KharpSettlement #Income2021 #FederalTaxService #Investigation #Injustice #Corruption #Accountability

*** Translated with www.DeepL.com/Translator (free version) ***