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1000 results for “quantixed”
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O conselho técnico da #CBF debateu duas possíveis mudanças para o #Brasileirão:
⬇️⬆️Reduzir o número de rebaixados para três
🌍 Diminuir a quantidade de estrangeiros por equipe de nove para seis.
As medidas só valeriam a partir de 2027.
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Most of current cropping system models 🌱💻 partition soil carbon and nitrogen into conceptual pools that cannot be quantified, making calibration of pool sizes impossible.
Inès Tougma works on developing a measurable-pool-based model that solves this problems and applying it to optimize nitrogen management in agricultural landscapes. 🚜🌾
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Most of current cropping system models 🌱💻 partition soil carbon and nitrogen into conceptual pools that cannot be quantified, making calibration of pool sizes impossible.
Inès Tougma works on developing a measurable-pool-based model that solves this problems and applying it to optimize nitrogen management in agricultural landscapes. 🚜🌾
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Most of current cropping system models 🌱💻 partition soil carbon and nitrogen into conceptual pools that cannot be quantified, making calibration of pool sizes impossible.
Inès Tougma works on developing a measurable-pool-based model that solves this problems and applying it to optimize nitrogen management in agricultural landscapes. 🚜🌾
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Most of current cropping system models 🌱💻 partition soil carbon and nitrogen into conceptual pools that cannot be quantified, making calibration of pool sizes impossible.
Inès Tougma works on developing a measurable-pool-based model that solves this problems and applying it to optimize nitrogen management in agricultural landscapes. 🚜🌾
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Most of current cropping system models 🌱💻 partition soil carbon and nitrogen into conceptual pools that cannot be quantified, making calibration of pool sizes impossible.
Inès Tougma works on developing a measurable-pool-based model that solves this problems and applying it to optimize nitrogen management in agricultural landscapes. 🚜🌾
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A woman’s work is never done
Or should we say a woman’s work is never properly quantified? Putting aside the difficulty involved in differentiating (if indeed we should) between paid and unpaid work, the nineteenth century census returns are anything but consistent in their treatment of women’s occupations. However, if we take the descriptions in the census at face value, we find that in Cornwall (as in most other parts of the British Isles with the possible exception of textile districts) domestic service employed the greatest number of unmarried women between the ages of 15 and 69.
If the number of those described as domestic servants, house servants, general servants, housekeepers whose status was explicitly servant, ladies’ maids, child’s maids, parlourmaids, laundrymaids and similar are totted up, we find that 21 per cent of unmarried women were described as such. The map below suggests a clear pattern to this, with more servants in the north of Cornwall and fewer in the west. Meanwhile, towns were home to noticeably more domestics than their surrounding hinterlands.
So far so clear. But the boundary between servants and other occupations was permeable. For instance, do we count someone described as a grocer’s servant as a servant or as engaged in retail trade? (I’ve opted for the latter but this is a subjective decision). What about chambermaids in hotels or inns?
The servants of a shopkeeper in a middle class household at Redruth in the 1890sThe descriptor ‘farm servant’ presents the most difficulty. For the purposes of this classification exercise I distinguished between these and domestic servants on the grounds that some farm servants may have been heavily engaged in farm work such as feeding animals, tending poultry, collecting eggs, milking cows or even field labour, which would make their lot substantially different from that of a domestic servant in an urban middle-class household.
Moreover, enumerators were obviously also inconsistent in recording farm servants, no doubt including many as domestic, house or general servants. Wild fluctuations from parish to parish in the number of servants would seem to confirm this. For example, 24 per cent of unmarried women in St Gennys parish in the far north of Cornwall were described as farmers or farm servants or agricultural labourers, whereas in neighbouring Jacobstow that proportion was just four per cent. Such a gap seems too large to be credible.
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A woman’s work is never done
Or should we say a woman’s work is never properly quantified? Putting aside the difficulty involved in differentiating (if indeed we should) between paid and unpaid work, the nineteenth century census returns are anything but consistent in their treatment of women’s occupations. However, if we take the descriptions in the census at face value, we find that in Cornwall (as in most other parts of the British Isles with the possible exception of textile districts) domestic service employed the greatest number of unmarried women between the ages of 15 and 69.
If the number of those described as domestic servants, house servants, general servants, housekeepers whose status was explicitly servant, ladies’ maids, child’s maids, parlourmaids, laundrymaids and similar are totted up, we find that 21 per cent of unmarried women were described as such. The map below suggests a clear pattern to this, with more servants in the north of Cornwall and fewer in the west. Meanwhile, towns were home to noticeably more domestics than their surrounding hinterlands.
So far so clear. But the boundary between servants and other occupations was permeable. For instance, do we count someone described as a grocer’s servant as a servant or as engaged in retail trade? (I’ve opted for the latter but this is a subjective decision). What about chambermaids in hotels or inns?
The servants of a shopkeeper in a middle class household at Redruth in the 1890sThe descriptor ‘farm servant’ presents the most difficulty. For the purposes of this classification exercise I distinguished between these and domestic servants on the grounds that some farm servants may have been heavily engaged in farm work such as feeding animals, tending poultry, collecting eggs, milking cows or even field labour, which would make their lot substantially different from that of a domestic servant in an urban middle-class household.
Moreover, enumerators were obviously also inconsistent in recording farm servants, no doubt including many as domestic, house or general servants. Wild fluctuations from parish to parish in the number of servants would seem to confirm this. For example, 24 per cent of unmarried women in St Gennys parish in the far north of Cornwall were described as farmers or farm servants or agricultural labourers, whereas in neighbouring Jacobstow that proportion was just four per cent. Such a gap seems too large to be credible.
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A woman’s work is never done
Or should we say a woman’s work is never properly quantified? Putting aside the difficulty involved in differentiating (if indeed we should) between paid and unpaid work, the nineteenth century census returns are anything but consistent in their treatment of women’s occupations. However, if we take the descriptions in the census at face value, we find that in Cornwall (as in most other parts of the British Isles with the possible exception of textile districts) domestic service employed the greatest number of unmarried women between the ages of 15 and 69.
If the number of those described as domestic servants, house servants, general servants, housekeepers whose status was explicitly servant, ladies’ maids, child’s maids, parlourmaids, laundrymaids and similar are totted up, we find that 21 per cent of unmarried women were described as such. The map below suggests a clear pattern to this, with more servants in the north of Cornwall and fewer in the west. Meanwhile, towns were home to noticeably more domestics than their surrounding hinterlands.
So far so clear. But the boundary between servants and other occupations was permeable. For instance, do we count someone described as a grocer’s servant as a servant or as engaged in retail trade? (I’ve opted for the latter but this is a subjective decision). What about chambermaids in hotels or inns?
The servants of a shopkeeper in a middle class household at Redruth in the 1890sThe descriptor ‘farm servant’ presents the most difficulty. For the purposes of this classification exercise I distinguished between these and domestic servants on the grounds that some farm servants may have been heavily engaged in farm work such as feeding animals, tending poultry, collecting eggs, milking cows or even field labour, which would make their lot substantially different from that of a domestic servant in an urban middle-class household.
Moreover, enumerators were obviously also inconsistent in recording farm servants, no doubt including many as domestic, house or general servants. Wild fluctuations from parish to parish in the number of servants would seem to confirm this. For example, 24 per cent of unmarried women in St Gennys parish in the far north of Cornwall were described as farmers or farm servants or agricultural labourers, whereas in neighbouring Jacobstow that proportion was just four per cent. Such a gap seems too large to be credible.
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A woman’s work is never done
Or should we say a woman’s work is never properly quantified? Putting aside the difficulty involved in differentiating (if indeed we should) between paid and unpaid work, the nineteenth century census returns are anything but consistent in their treatment of women’s occupations. However, if we take the descriptions in the census at face value, we find that in Cornwall (as in most other parts of the British Isles with the possible exception of textile districts) domestic service employed the greatest number of unmarried women between the ages of 15 and 69.
If the number of those described as domestic servants, house servants, general servants, housekeepers whose status was explicitly servant, ladies’ maids, child’s maids, parlourmaids, laundrymaids and similar are totted up, we find that 21 per cent of unmarried women were described as such. The map below suggests a clear pattern to this, with more servants in the north of Cornwall and fewer in the west. Meanwhile, towns were home to noticeably more domestics than their surrounding hinterlands.
So far so clear. But the boundary between servants and other occupations was permeable. For instance, do we count someone described as a grocer’s servant as a servant or as engaged in retail trade? (I’ve opted for the latter but this is a subjective decision). What about chambermaids in hotels or inns?
The servants of a shopkeeper in a middle class household at Redruth in the 1890sThe descriptor ‘farm servant’ presents the most difficulty. For the purposes of this classification exercise I distinguished between these and domestic servants on the grounds that some farm servants may have been heavily engaged in farm work such as feeding animals, tending poultry, collecting eggs, milking cows or even field labour, which would make their lot substantially different from that of a domestic servant in an urban middle-class household.
Moreover, enumerators were obviously also inconsistent in recording farm servants, no doubt including many as domestic, house or general servants. Wild fluctuations from parish to parish in the number of servants would seem to confirm this. For example, 24 per cent of unmarried women in St Gennys parish in the far north of Cornwall were described as farmers or farm servants or agricultural labourers, whereas in neighbouring Jacobstow that proportion was just four per cent. Such a gap seems too large to be credible.
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A woman’s work is never done
Or should we say a woman’s work is never properly quantified? Putting aside the difficulty involved in differentiating (if indeed we should) between paid and unpaid work, the nineteenth century census returns are anything but consistent in their treatment of women’s occupations. However, if we take the descriptions in the census at face value, we find that in Cornwall (as in most other parts of the British Isles with the possible exception of textile districts) domestic service employed the greatest number of unmarried women between the ages of 15 and 69.
If the number of those described as domestic servants, house servants, general servants, housekeepers whose status was explicitly servant, ladies’ maids, child’s maids, parlourmaids, laundrymaids and similar are totted up, we find that 21 per cent of unmarried women were described as such. The map below suggests a clear pattern to this, with more servants in the north of Cornwall and fewer in the west. Meanwhile, towns were home to noticeably more domestics than their surrounding hinterlands.
So far so clear. But the boundary between servants and other occupations was permeable. For instance, do we count someone described as a grocer’s servant as a servant or as engaged in retail trade? (I’ve opted for the latter but this is a subjective decision). What about chambermaids in hotels or inns?
The servants of a shopkeeper in a middle class household at Redruth in the 1890sThe descriptor ‘farm servant’ presents the most difficulty. For the purposes of this classification exercise I distinguished between these and domestic servants on the grounds that some farm servants may have been heavily engaged in farm work such as feeding animals, tending poultry, collecting eggs, milking cows or even field labour, which would make their lot substantially different from that of a domestic servant in an urban middle-class household.
Moreover, enumerators were obviously also inconsistent in recording farm servants, no doubt including many as domestic, house or general servants. Wild fluctuations from parish to parish in the number of servants would seem to confirm this. For example, 24 per cent of unmarried women in St Gennys parish in the far north of Cornwall were described as farmers or farm servants or agricultural labourers, whereas in neighbouring Jacobstow that proportion was just four per cent. Such a gap seems too large to be credible.
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Yo la team célibataires, pas besoin de diviser les quantités dans les recettes de crêpes conçues pour des familles nombreuses ou communautés hippies, la recette Crêpes for One, de @Owi, est absolument adaptée à une personne. Et si on a très faim ou un·e invité·e, c’est facile on fait le double :owi:
https://owiowifouettemoi.com/2023/01/18/crepes-for-one-de-ottolenghi/
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‘Beyond: Two Souls’ Video Game Getting TV Series Adaptation By Elliot Page’s Pageboy
#News #BeyondTwoSouls #Development #ElliotPage #PageboyProductions #QuanticDream -
‘Beyond: Two Souls’ Video Game Getting TV Series Adaptation By Elliot Page’s Pageboy
#News #BeyondTwoSouls #Development #ElliotPage #PageboyProductions #QuanticDream -
‘Beyond: Two Souls’ Video Game Getting TV Series Adaptation By Elliot Page’s Pageboy
#News #BeyondTwoSouls #Development #ElliotPage #PageboyProductions #QuanticDream -
Nouvelle année, nouveau test de personnalité "Quel personnage de fiction êtes-vous". Cette année je suis plutôt Evan de Superbad ! Troisième podium consécutif pour Chidi Anagonye
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Nouvelle année, nouveau test de personnalité "Quel personnage de fiction êtes-vous". Cette année je suis plutôt Evan de Superbad ! Troisième podium consécutif pour Chidi Anagonye
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Nouvelle année, nouveau test de personnalité "Quel personnage de fiction êtes-vous". Cette année je suis plutôt Evan de Superbad ! Troisième podium consécutif pour Chidi Anagonye
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Nouvelle année, nouveau test de personnalité "Quel personnage de fiction êtes-vous". Cette année je suis plutôt Evan de Superbad ! Troisième podium consécutif pour Chidi Anagonye
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Porting Dragon’s Lair to the Game Boy Color Was a Technical Triumph https://hackaday.com/2024/12/28/porting-dragons-lair-to-the-game-boy-color-was-a-technical-triumph/ #SoftwareHacks #gameboycolor #quantizer #nintendo #Games #port
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Disclaimer : não estou procurando aprovação pra me auto-diagnosticar.
Dado que me identifico com uma grande quantidade de características que leio sobre pessoas com TDAH, se alguém que me lê por aqui puder esclarecer, agradeço :
Vocês também tem uma grande dificuldade de não fazer nada ?
O contexto : esse período de fim de ano, por exemplo, quando "estou trabalhando" (cumprindo escala), mas na prática não estou fazendo nada, me deixa extremamente ansioso (e eu já sou naturalmente muito ansioso).
Por que não estou fazendo nada ? Trabalhando com infraestrutura, tudo que tenho que fazer de alguma forma tem alguma possibilidade de impacto, mesmo que, na maioria das vezes, muito pequeno (quase inexistente).
E ninguém quer que você faça nada que de alguma forma possa afetar a estabilidade, porque isso significaria que todos teriam que interromper seu período de descanso pra atuar em um incidente.
Não sei se essa ansiedade é "normal" pra qualquer pessoa ou se é um traço comum de TDAH, por isso a dúvida.
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Fui colocar uma pitada de orégano no ovo mexido matinal mas errei a mão e derramou uma quantidade BEM acima do desejado!
Espero que o mantra do #PlanetHemp funcione: "Uma erva natural não pode te prejudicar"
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Devinez qui a eu l'idée de génie de se lancer dans des mendiants au chocolat en quantité industrielle alors qu'elle n'a jamais travaillé le chocolat avant ?
Ah oui, et avec 3 sortes de chocolat, sinon c'est pas assez compliqué 😅Je viens de passer une bonne heure à couper le chocolat en tout petit, il ne me reste plus qu'à le faire fondre, le tempérer (I have no idea what I'm doing), puis ajouter les noix/fruits secs/etc. :homer:
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Devinez qui a eu l'idée de génie de se lancer dans des mendiants au chocolat en quantité industrielle alors qu'elle n'a jamais travaillé le chocolat avant ?
Ah oui, et avec 3 sortes de chocolat, sinon c'est pas assez compliqué 😅Je viens de passer une bonne heure à couper le chocolat en tout petit, il ne me reste plus qu'à le faire fondre, le tempérer (I have no idea what I'm doing), puis ajouter les noix/fruits secs/etc. :homer:
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Devinez qui a eu l'idée de génie de se lancer dans des mendiants au chocolat en quantité industrielle alors qu'elle n'a jamais travaillé le chocolat avant ?
Ah oui, et avec 3 sortes de chocolat, sinon c'est pas assez compliqué 😅Je viens de passer une bonne heure à couper le chocolat en tout petit, il ne me reste plus qu'à le faire fondre, le tempérer (I have no idea what I'm doing), puis ajouter les noix/fruits secs/etc. :homer:
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Devinez qui a eu l'idée de génie de se lancer dans des mendiants au chocolat en quantité industrielle alors qu'elle n'a jamais travaillé le chocolat avant ?
Ah oui, et avec 3 sortes de chocolat, sinon c'est pas assez compliqué 😅Je viens de passer une bonne heure à couper le chocolat en tout petit, il ne me reste plus qu'à le faire fondre, le tempérer (I have no idea what I'm doing), puis ajouter les noix/fruits secs/etc. :homer:
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L’eau du robinet est polluée à Lille, elle contient des PFAS cancérigènes ou interdits en quantité importante
🗞️ La Voix du Nord - 🕐 19/09 07:58
À quel point l’eau du robinet est-elle polluée par les PFAS ? À date du 1er janvier 2026, ce sera obligatoire : les collectivités devront tester l’eau du robinet, histoire de vérifier la présence ou non de polluants éternels, connus aussi sous l’acro... [1521 chars]
🔗 https://www.lavoixdunord.fr/1503584/article/2024-09-19/l-eau-du-robinet-est-polluee-lille-elle-contient-des-pfas-cancerigenes-ou
#actu #news #presse #lavoixdunord -
Reading Time: 2 minutes
Yesterday I wore the Suunto Peak 5 alongside the Apple Watch SE rather than the Apple Watch SE and Garmin device as I usually would. The reason for this is that I want to continue playing with Suunto devices, and I'd like to wean myself off of the Apple Watch, for at least a week or two.
In the process of doing this I was reminded that although the Apple watch is pivotal within the iOS app ecosystem Garmin is very well connected with other services. I share Garmin data with 11 services. These services are Adidas Running, AllTrails, Asics runkeeper, Decathlon (added today), komoot, Nike, Ride with GPS, Strava, TrainAsOne, Walk the Distance and Zwift.
Although connected I use Zwift, TrainAsOne and other apps much less than I used to. The point is that we often think "I need to keep wearing the Apple watch because of all the apps that feed off it, which although true to some degree, is no less true about Garmin and the apps that it can feed with data.
Yesterday, by not wearing the Garmin watch 11 services got no data about my walks into and out of Geneva and Nyon yesterday. To some degree Garmin is more central to my fitness journey than the Apple watch.
Who Cares?
I wear an Apple watch, and I would like to stop wearing it. I don't because of all the connected services. At the same time, as I noticed yesterday and this morning, 11 servies get their data from my Garmin data, not the Apple watch. In light of this the Garmin device is more integral than the Apple watch.
And Finally
The Suunto Peak 5 currently thinks that my fitness age is 55 so I want to wear it when doing sports, to see my fitness age descend back down to 25, as it indicated a year or two ago. It's silly, but I feel this compulsion. For that to work I should go on an endurance bike ride for several hours but I don't want to tire myself ahead of friday's 5:30 run.
https://www.main-vision.com/richard/blog/garmin-and-other-services/
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Il faut imaginer Sisyphe recollant le crochet adhésif pour voilage tombé pour la énième fois malgré le recours à des quantités croissantes de colle dite forte.
#MythologieGrecque #Absurde #DésoléAlbertCamus #TartareBricolage #RéécrituresDeMythes #Tragédie -
Il faut imaginer Sisyphe recollant le crochet adhésif pour voilage tombé pour la énième fois malgré le recours à des quantités croissantes de colle dite forte.
#MythologieGrecque #Absurde #DésoléAlbertCamus #TartareBricolage #RéécrituresDeMythes #Tragédie