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#psychopolitics — Public Fediverse posts

Live and recent posts from across the Fediverse tagged #psychopolitics, aggregated by home.social.

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  1. From Psychopolitics, by Byung-Chul Han:

    « It is impossible to subordinate human personhood to the dictates of positivity entirely.

    Without negativity, life degrades into ‘something dead’. Indeed, negativity is what keeps life alive. Pain is constitutive for experience (Erfahrung). Life that consists wholly of positive emotions and the sensation of ‘flow’ is not human at all.

    The human soul owes its defining tauntness and depth precisely to negativity. »

    #psychology #politics #negativity #positivity #quote #byungchulhan #psychopolitics

  2. A quote from Byung-Chul Han's book 𝘗𝘴𝘺𝘤𝘩𝘰𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘴.

    When the statistical method was discovered in the seventeenth century, it captivated scientists, gamblers, poets, and philosophers alike. Enthusiastically, they embraced statistical probability.

    There can be no doubt that such euphoria admits comparison with the fortunes of Big Data today.

    For instance, an eighteenth-century treatise by John Arbuthnot was called 𝘈𝘯 𝘈𝘳𝘨𝘶𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵 𝘧𝘰𝘳 𝘋𝘪𝘷𝘪𝘯𝘦 𝘗𝘳𝘰𝘷𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘯𝘤𝘦, 𝘵𝘢𝘬𝘦𝘯 𝘧𝘳𝘰𝘮 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘙𝘦𝘨𝘶𝘭𝘢𝘳𝘪𝘵𝘺 𝘰𝘣𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘷'𝘥 𝘪𝘯 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘉𝘳𝘪𝘵𝘪𝘴𝘩 𝘉𝘪𝘳𝘵𝘩𝘴 𝘰𝘧 𝘣𝘰𝘵𝘩 𝘚𝘦𝘹𝘦𝘴. On the basis of the statistically determined predominance of male infants relative to female ones, philosophers saw the hand of God at work - and found further reason to justify war.

    #politics #philosophy #data #psychopolitics #byungchulhan

  3. CW: GloPol (psychometric research into the Conservative Syndrome)

    If this checks out, it'll be quite an interesting pattern of #psychopolitics:

    Country-Level Conservative Syndrome

    It has become increasingly common in cross-cultural psychology to treat countries as units of analysis. Thus, for each measure, scores of all individuals from the same country are averaged. These countries’ arithmetic mean scores are then used in the analyses, which, for most part, are similar to those carried out with the individuals. A typical finding is that, for the same variables, the correlations among the countries are higher than among the individuals. Consequently, at the country-level, a strong social Conservatism factor tends to appear implying that instead of being unrelated, Morality and Nastiness, together with Religiosity, define the same Conservative Syndrome (see Stankov & Lee, 2016b).

    Conservative, Liberal, and In-Betweens Countries

    We have applied latent profile analyses to countries using three different selections of variables from our pool. Thus, Stankov and Lee (2016b) employed three factor scores from the analyses of social attitudes, Stankov (2016b) used factor scores from broader factors of Religiosity, Nastiness/ Social Dominance, and Social Awareness/Morality, and Stankov (2016a) used 12 factor scores measuring social axioms, social norms, and social attitudes. In all three analyses, the same clas- sification of 33 countries did appear and we use the term psychological continents to label these groups. The following groupings of 33 countries have been reported:

    • Liberal continent (mostly Europe): Ireland, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Germany, Spain, Greece, Turkey, Canada, and Australia (ConQ = 91.87);
    • In-between countries: Russia, Poland, Ukraine, the United States, Brazil, Mexico, Egypt, Morocco, Singapore, China, Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan (ConQ = 98.30);
    • Conservative continent (mostly Southern hemisphere): Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, Nepal, India, Bangladesh, Tanzania, Kenya, Ethiopia, Argentina, and Peru (ConQ = 105.73).

    To estimate magnitude of the differences on the Conservative Syndrome, individuals’ conser- vatism scores were calculated and transformed into a scale with mean = 100 and SD = 15—that is, an IQ-like score that can be called Conservative Quotient or ConQ. Stankov (2016a, Table 4) reported mean ConQ scores for each country. The averages for the countries belonging to the same continent are in the parentheses within the above bullet points. The overall difference between the Liberal and the Conservative continents is 13.86 ConQ points or slightly less than 1 standard deviation and corresponding to what is considered to be a large effect size of .924 (13.86 / 15). Needless to say, the difference between the top- and the bottom-level countries is much more pronounced.

    Somewhat riskily, the authors then dabble in the concept of country-level cognitive performance, which has been much wraught with "race science" abuse over the past century. I'm happy to see, at least, that they're using PISA scores as a major metric, which avoid a number of the issues with "IQ testing" by, not least of the stinking pile, openly presenting as a collective metric of education rather than a mystical individual and immutable brain property, but I haven't yet had time to analyse their methods in depth, so, here's a 🏮 lampshade, just in case.

    Countries’ Conservative Syndrome and Cognitive Performance

    At the countries’ level, the correlations between Conservative Syndrome and cognitive perfor- mance are also negative. Thus, fluid intelligence (Gf, measured with the Number Series test) correlated −.39 and Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) mathematics achievement scores correlated −.47 with Conservatism. It is necessary to point out that, due to a small number of countries with scores on both measures, these correlations are significant at .05 but not at .01 level. Also, they are significant for Religiosity component of Conservatism only; Nastiness and Morality are not related to cognitive ability at the country level.

    Poor and Less Democratic Countries Tend to Score High on Conservative Syndrome

    Stankov and Lee (2016b) reported that the average gross domestic product (GDP) of countries from the liberal continent is about 7 times bigger than the GDP of the conservative continent. Our findings also indicate that GDP and UN’s human development index have significant negative correlations (−.64 and −.73, respectively) with conservatism. Finally, the same size of correlations obtains for measures of political stability, rule of law, government effectiveness, control of corruption, democracy index, and happiness. Clearly, when faced with uncertainty that may be associated with the change of status quo, people from poor and less democratic countries tend to opt for security that is associated with their current situation.

    Conservatism and Major Dimensions of Cross-Cultural Differences

    Although our measures of Conservative Syndrome contained social norms scales proposed by the GLOBE project (House et al., 2004), we also calculated country-level correlations with several other measures employed by the researchers in cross-cultural psychology. Among the best known is the work of Hofstede (2001). Two Hofstede’s dimensions showed correlations signifi- cant at the .01 level with Conservative Syndrome: Individualism/Collectivism (−.63) and Power Distance (.58). These are meaningful correlations, indicating that people living in conservative countries tend to be more collectivistic and they tend to be more accepting of larger differences between powerful and powerless members of their societies (Stankov, under review). Furthermore, Stankov et al. (2014) pointed out that Conservative Syndrome can be understood as a diagonal of the Inglehart and Welzel (2005) two-dimensional model that orders countries with respect to (a) Traditional values versus Secular-Rational values and (b) Survival values versus Self-Expression values. In this schema, conservative countries score high on Traditional and Survival values. Therefore, countries high on Conservative Syndrome endorse Traditional/Survival values and those that are low on Conservative Syndrome endorse Secular-Rational and Self-Expression values.

    The next caveatous section heading happens to serve as a convenient teaser:

    Differences Between Individuals Are Larger Than Differences Between Countries

    Source: annas-archive.gl/md5/0d44e2915. Yes, I, too, am worried that the author, one L. Stankov, cites a certain L. Stankov so extensively. Sometimes, this can indicate problems. But sometimes, it genuinely indicates a narrow specialty, and, indeed, Bob Altemeyer had to cite his own earlier works quite a bit in his later research, because of the relative smolness of the collective of researchers advancing understanding of Right-Wing Authoritarianism at the time.

  4. "The emergence of personal AI agents represents a form of cognitive control that moves beyond blunt instruments of cookie tracking and behavioral advertising toward a more subtle form of power: the manipulation of perspective itself. Power no longer needs to wield its authority with a visible hand that controls information flows; it exerts itself through imperceptible mechanisms of algorithmic assistance, molding reality to fit the desires of each individual. It’s about shaping the contours of the reality we inhabit.

    This influence over minds is a psychopolitical regime: It directs the environments where our ideas are born, developed, and expressed. Its power lies in its intimacy—it infiltrates the core of our subjectivity, bending our internal landscape without us realizing it, all while maintaining the illusion of choice and freedom. After all, we are the ones asking AI to summarize that article or produce that image. We may have the power of the prompt, but the real action lies elsewhere: the design of the system itself. And the more personalized the content, the more effectively a system can predetermine the outcomes."

    wired.com/story/ai-agents-pers

    #AI #GenerativeAI #AIAgents #Algorithms #AlgorithmicGovernance #PsychoPolitics #AIEthics #Manipulation

  5. ... It is not voiced by engaged citizens so much as by passive onlookers. Participation now amounts to grievance and complaint. With that, the society of transparency, inhabited by onlookers and consumers, has given rise to a *spectator democracy*." (/fin)

    #neoliberalism #politics #democracy #consumerism #psychopolitics

  6. ... The *transparency* demanded of politicians today is anything but a *political* demand. Transparency is not called for in *poltical* decision-making processes; no consumer is interested in that. Instead, and above all, the imperative of transparency serves to expose or unmask politicians, to make them an item of scandal. The call for transparency presupposes occupying the position of a shocked spectator. (3/)

    #neoliberalism #politics #democracy #consumerism #psychopolitics

  7. ... *They react only passively* to politics: grumbling and complaining, as consumers do about a commodity or service they do not like. Politicians and parties follow this logic of consumption too. They have to 'deliver'. In the process. they become nothing more than suppliers; their task is to satisfy voters who are consumers or customers. (2/)

    #neoliberalism #politics #democracy #consumerism #psychopolitics

  8. This from "Psychopolitics - Neoliberalism and New Technologies of Power" by Byung-Chul Han:

    "Neoliberalism makes citizens into consumers. The freedom of the citizen yields to the passivity of the consumer. As consumers, today's voters have no real interest in politics -- in actively shaping the community. They possess neither the will nor the ability to participate in communal, political action (1/)
    #neoliberalism #politics #democracy #consumerism #psychopolitics

  9. People who fail in the neoliberal achievement-society see themselves as responsible for their lot and feel shame instead of questioning society or the system.

    #reading #psychopolitics

  10. Being free means nothing other than self-realization with others.

    For Marx, individual freedom represents a ruse – a trick of capital.

    #reading #psychopolitics

  11. The neoliberal subject has no capacity for relationships with others that might be *free of purpose*.

    Nor do entrepreneurs know what purpose-free friendship would even look like.

    #reading #psychopolitics

  12. The I is now subjugating itself to internal limitations and self-constraints, which are taking the form of compulsive achievement and optimization.

    #reading #psychopolitics

  13. Today, we do not deem ourselves subjugated *subjects*, but rather *projects*: always refashioning and reinventing ourselves.

    #reading #psychopolitics