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307 results for “MOUZOU”
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Domaine de Castries à #Castries (#Hérault) De l'ancien édifice médiéval rasé en 1622, subsistent les vooûtes d'ogives de deux pièces du rez-de-chaussée de l'aile nord. Dans son état actuel, le château remonte à...
Suite 👉 https://monumentum.fr/monument-historique/pa00103410/castries-domaine-de-castries
#Patrimoine #MonumentHistorique
Photo CC-BY-SA 4.0 : Moumousse13 -
Domaine de Castries à #Castries (#Hérault) De l'ancien édifice médiéval rasé en 1622, subsistent les vooûtes d'ogives de deux pièces du rez-de-chaussée de l'aile nord. Dans son état actuel, le château remonte à...
Suite 👉 https://monumentum.fr/monument-historique/pa00103410/castries-domaine-de-castries
#Patrimoine #MonumentHistorique
Photo CC-BY-SA 4.0 : Moumousse13 -
Domaine de Castries à #Castries (#Hérault) De l'ancien édifice médiéval rasé en 1622, subsistent les vooûtes d'ogives de deux pièces du rez-de-chaussée de l'aile nord. Dans son état actuel, le château remonte à...
Suite 👉 https://monumentum.fr/monument-historique/pa00103410/castries-domaine-de-castries
#Patrimoine #MonumentHistorique
Photo CC-BY-SA 4.0 : Moumousse13 -
Domaine de Castries à #Castries (#Hérault) De l'ancien édifice médiéval rasé en 1622, subsistent les vooûtes d'ogives de deux pièces du rez-de-chaussée de l'aile nord. Dans son état actuel, le château remonte à...
Suite 👉 https://monumentum.fr/monument-historique/pa00103410/castries-domaine-de-castries
#Patrimoine #MonumentHistorique
Photo CC-BY-SA 4.0 : Moumousse13 -
„Nejvyšší státní zástupce Igor Stříž se vzdal funkce, skončí 31. března. V pondělí předal rezignaci ministru spravedlnosti Pavlu Blažkovi (ODS). Důvody rezignace označil za ryze osobní a rodinné.“
No vidíte, odvolání Stříže měl být první slib, který splní. Tak teď je hotovo a můžou začít plnit další.
(Poslal bych vám odkaz, ale #bojimsezaloby.)
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„Nejvyšší státní zástupce Igor Stříž se vzdal funkce, skončí 31. března. V pondělí předal rezignaci ministru spravedlnosti Pavlu Blažkovi (ODS). Důvody rezignace označil za ryze osobní a rodinné.“
No vidíte, odvolání Stříže měl být první slib, který splní. Tak teď je hotovo a můžou začít plnit další.
(Poslal bych vám odkaz, ale #bojimsezaloby.)
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„Nejvyšší státní zástupce Igor Stříž se vzdal funkce, skončí 31. března. V pondělí předal rezignaci ministru spravedlnosti Pavlu Blažkovi (ODS). Důvody rezignace označil za ryze osobní a rodinné.“
No vidíte, odvolání Stříže měl být první slib, který splní. Tak teď je hotovo a můžou začít plnit další.
(Poslal bych vám odkaz, ale #bojimsezaloby.)
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„Nejvyšší státní zástupce Igor Stříž se vzdal funkce, skončí 31. března. V pondělí předal rezignaci ministru spravedlnosti Pavlu Blažkovi (ODS). Důvody rezignace označil za ryze osobní a rodinné.“
No vidíte, odvolání Stříže měl být první slib, který splní. Tak teď je hotovo a můžou začít plnit další.
(Poslal bych vám odkaz, ale #bojimsezaloby.)
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USS Laurel Hill, May 26, 1862 (Baldwin Lithograph, Collection of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, Hyde Park, New York, 1936, U.S. Naval Heritage Command, public domain).
Barely out of sight of the city of Alexandria, in Rapides Parish Louisiana, when it ran into the enemy during its retreat south in mid-May 1864, the Union’s Army of the Gulf easily defeated the Confederate States Army troops it encountered and continued its trek toward the village of Marksville in Avoyelles Parish. Members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, which was positioned farther back in the Union column, were aware of, but not involved in, that short engagement. According to C Company Musician Henry D. Wharton:
After marching a few miles skirmishing commenced in front between the cavalry and the enemy in riflepits [sic] on the bank of the river, but they were easily driven away. When we came up we discovered their pits and places where there had been batteries planted. At this point the John Warren, an unarmed transport, on which were sick soldiers and women, was fired into and sunk, killing many and those that were not drowned taken prisoners. A tin-clad gunboat was destroyed at the same place, by which we lost a large mail. Many letters and directed envelopes were found on the bank – thrown there after the contents had been read by the unprincipled scoundrels. The inhumanity of Guerrilla bands in this department is beyond belief, and if one did not know the truth of it or saw some of their barbarities, he would write it down as the story of a ‘reliable gentleman’ or as told by an ‘intelligent contraband.’ Not satisfied with his murderous intent on unarmed transports he fires into the Hospital steamer Laurel Hill, with four hundred sick on board. This boat had the usual hospital signal floating fore and aft, yet, notwithstanding all this, and the customs of war, they fired on them, proving by this act that they are more hardened than the Indians on the frontier.
* Note: The USS Laurel Hill survived the attack and, in a few short weeks, became the final home for ailing 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, including Corporal William Schweitzer and Privates Amandus Bellis and Nicholas Hoffman (Company A) and Private John Witz (Company E).
Map of key 1864 Red River Campaign locations, showing the battle sites of Sabine Cross Roads, Pleasant Hill and Mansura in relation to the Union’s occupation sites at Alexandria, Grand Ecore, Morganza, and New Orleans (excerpt from Dickinson College/U.S. Library of Congress map, public domain; click to enlarge).
Resuming their trek south with the retreating Army of the Gulf, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers engaged in yet another long march, trudging more than thirty miles as the month of May 1864 wore on. According to the expedition’s commanding officer, Union Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks:
The fleet passed below Alexandria on the 13th of May. The army on its march from Alexandria did not encounter the enemy in force until near the town of Mansura. He was driven through the town in the evening of the 14th of May, and at daybreak next morning our advance encountered his cavalry on the prairie east of the town.
According to Henry Wharton, “On Sunday, May 15, we left the river road and took a short route through the woods, saving considerable distance.”
The windings of Red river are so numerous that it resembles the tape-worm railroad wherewith the politicians frightened the dear people during the administration of Ritner and Stevens. – We stopped several hours in the woods to leave cavalry pass, when we moved forward and by four o’clock emerged into a large open plain where we formed in line of battle, expecting a regular engagement. The enemy, however, retired and we advanced ‘till dark, when the forces halted for the night, with orders to rest on their arms. – ‘Twas here that Banks rode through our regiment, amidst the cheers of the boys, and gave the pleasant news that Grant had defeated Lee.
“Sleeping on Their Arms” by Winslow Homer (Harper’s Weekly, May 21, 1864).
Positioned just outside of the town of Marksville, under orders to “rest on their arms” for the night, the 47th Pennsylvanians half-dozed with their rifles within a finger’s length—but without the benefit of tents for cover. It was the eve of the Battle of Mansura, which unfolded on May 16, 1864 as follows, according to Wharton:
Early next morning we marched through Marksville into a prairie nine miles long and six wide where every preparation was made for a fight. The whole of our force was formed in line, in support of artillery in front, who commenced operations on the enemy driving him gradually from the prairie into the woods. As the enemy retreated before the heavy fire of our artillery, the infantry advanced in line until they reached Mousoula [sic, Mansura], where they formed in column, taking the whole field in an attempt to flank the enemy, but their running qualities were so good that we were foiled. The maneuvring [sic, maneuvering] of the troops was handsomely done, and the movements was [sic, were] one of the finest things of the war. The fight of artillery was a steady one of five miles. The enemy merely stood that they might cover the retreat of their infantry and train under cover of their artillery.
Per Major-General Banks, the Confederate troops “fell back, with steady and sharp skirmishing across the prairie, to a belt of woods, which he occupied.”
The enemy’s position covered three roads diverging from Mansura to the Atchafalaya. He manifested a determination here to obstinately resist our passage. The engagement, which lasted several hours, was confined chiefly to the artillery until our troops got possession of the edge of the woods – first upon our left by General Emory; subsequently on our right by General Smith, when he was driven from the field, after a sharp and decisive fight, with considerable loss.
According to military historian Steven E. Clay, “As the Army of the Gulf marched from Alexandria to Simmesport, it followed the River Road. As it moved, Taylor’s cavalry harassed the column from all sides.”
Steele’s men resumed the pressure on A. J. Smith’s rearguard. Annoying Emory and the cavalry advanced guard was Major and Bagby’s commands. The troops also attempted to slow the Federal march by cutting trees and placing other obstacles in the way. Parson’s men skirmished with Gooding’s troopers on the right flank. None of the rebel cavalry’s efforts, however, appreciably slowed the Union column.
On 14 May, the army’s van arrived at Bayour Choctaw. Emory called the pontoon train forward, and within a short time, the pontonniers had the stream bridged and the army was crossing…. That evening the troops of the XIX Corps [including the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers] bivouacked beside the wrecks of the John Warner, Signal, and Covington. Strewn upon the ground were the letters many of the men had mailed to their loved ones earlier and had been placed on the Warner bound for New Orleans. The rebel soldiers had opened the letters, read them for entertainment, and simply tossed them aside. The idea did not sit well with the Federals, but neither did the wanton destruction and plunder of civilian homes with the Confederates.
On 15 May the column slowly crossed the Bayou Choctaw Swamp and entered the Avoyelles … Prairie. There, Major’s cavalry, later along with Bagby’s troops, attacked the lead elements several times. The fighting became so hot at moments that Emory deployed his artillery to help drive the bothersome rebel troopers away…. By nightfall … the XIX Corps had reached Marksville with the rest of the army strung out behind.
Late on 15 May, Banks learned that Taylor had massed his forces six miles ahead at the town of Mansura, evidently with the intention of blocking further Federal movement on the road to Simmesport…. On learning of the concentration of rebel forces, Banks sent orders to Emory directing him to move no later than 0300 [3 a.m.] on 16 May and to attack the enemy at daybreak. Further, Smith advanced on Emory’s right to attack into Taylor’s left flank. The XIII Corps [13th Corps], now under Lawler since 9 May … was to remain in front of Marksville as the reserve. The trains [Union wagon trains] were held behind that town….
As ordered, the Army of the Gulf moved south before sunrise. As morning dawned, the Federal army began its deployment on the wide open plain of the Avoyelles Prairie. The US troops advanced with Emory’s XIX [including the 47th Pennsylvania] in the lead with Grover’s 1st Division on the Federal left near the Grand River and McMillan’s 2nd Division [including the 47th Pennsylvania] on the right. The XIX Corps was followed by A. J. Smith’s XVI Corps [16th Corps] in column; Mower’s division was followed by that of Kilby Smith. As the Federal brigades deployed on the field they could see the Confederate battle line in the distance. Virtually in the center of the battlefield was the tiny village of Mansura.
According to Clay, Confederate Major-General Richard Taylor (a plantation owner and son of former U.S. President Zachary Taylor) “had placed eight dismounted cavalry regiments from Major’s and Bagby’s commands to the east of the hamlet” of Mansura. “At least 19 cannon with the batteries interspersed among the brigades supported these troops.” Confederate Brigadier-General Camille Armand Jules Marie, the Prince de Polignac, a prince of France who fought with the Confederate Army during America’s Civil War and whom the 47th Pennsylvanian Volunteers had previously faced in combat during the Battle of Sabine Cross Roads near Mansfield, Louisiana, “posted his two small infantry brigades and two dismounted regiments of cavalry on the left, west of town, and thirteen more guns supported Polignac’s force.”
New York Tribune headline announcing the U.S. Army of the Gulf’s May 1864 victory near Marksville, Louisiana (New York Tribune, June 3, 1864, public domain).
Standing “on a flat, green savanna,” according to Clay, the troops under Brigadier-General Emory’s command, including the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, were the first to march into the battle’s fray, followed by A. J. Smith’s “divisions to the right of the line.” It quickly became obvious to all who were watching the scene unfold that Taylor had woefully misjudged his opponents; his six thousand Confederates were greeted with the spectacle of the eighteen-thousand strong Army of the Gulf arrayed before them.
According to Clay, “The battle began sometime after 0600 [6 a.m.] with a mutual artillery bombardment.”
As the fusillade opened, commanders on both sides ordered their men to lie down in order to reduce casualties during the artillery duel. The tactic was effective. The barrage lasted about four hours, but few men were struck by the many rounds fired. As the Union battle line rose and moved forward on occasion, Taylor’s skirmish line responded by slowly giving ground…. Finally, at about 1000 (1 p.m.), as the XVI Corps pressed forward on the Confederate left to flank Taylor’s position as planned, the rebel line quickly sidestepped the move and fell back toward their trains which were located southwest in the village of Evergreen.
Unlike the sanguinary opening battles of the Red River Campaign, the Battle of Mansura was far less brutal. Per Wharton:
Our loss was slight. Of the rebels we could not ascertain correctly, but learned from citizens who had secreted themselves during the fight, that they had many killed and wounded, who threw them into wagons, promiscuously, and drove them off so that we could not learn their casualties.
Afterward, the victorious Army of the Gulf resumed its march south. According Major-General Banks:
The 16th of May we reached Simmsport [sic, Simmesport], on the Atchafalaya. Being entirely destitute of any ordinary bridge material for the passage of this river – about six hundred yards wide – a bridge was constructed of the steamers, under direction of Lieutenant Colonel Bailey. This work was not of the same magnitude, but was as important to the army as the dam at Alexandria was to the navy. It had the merit of being an entirely novel construction, no bridge of such magnitude having been constructed of similar materials. The bridge was completed at one o’clock on the 19th of May. The wagon train passed in the afternoon, and the troops the next morning, in better spirit and condition, as able and eager to meet the enemy as at any period of the campaign.
Union Major-General Nathaniel Banks subsequently reported that, during the Army of the Gulf’s final engagement with Confederates, the “command of General A. J. Smith, which covered the rear of the army during the construction of the bridge and the passage of the army, had a severe engagement with the enemy, under Polignac, on the afternoon of the 19th, at Yellow Bayou, which lasted several hours.”
Our loss was about one hundred and fifty in killed and wounded; that of the enemy much greater, besides many prisoners who were taken by our troops. Major General E. R. S. Canby arrived at Simmsport [sic, Simmesport] on the 19th of May, and the next day assumed command of the troops as a portion of the forces of the military division of the West Mississippi, to the command of which he had been assigned.
The 47th Pennsylvania, however, was not involved in that battle at Yellow Bayou; according to Wharton:
This fight was the last one of the expedition. The whole of the force is safe on the Mississippi, gunboats, transports and trains. The 16th and 17th have gone to their old commands.
It is amusing to read the statements of correspondents to papers North, concerning our movements and the losses of our army. I have it from the best source that the Federal loss from Franklin to Mansfield, and from their [sic] to this point does not exceed thirty-five hundred in killed, wounded and missing, while that of the rebels is over eight thousand.
Union Army base at Morganza Bend, Louisiana, circa 1863-1865 (U.S. Library of Congress, public domain).
After that final battle, the surviving members of the 47th made their way through Simmesport and into the Atchafalaya Basin, and then moved on to the village of Morganza, where they made camp again. According to Wharton, the members of Company C were sent on a special mission which took them on an intense journey of one hundred and twenty miles:
Company C, on last Saturday was detailed by the General in command of the Division to take one hundred and eighty-seven prisoners (rebs) to New Orleans. This they done [sic] satisfactorily and returned yesterday to their regiment, ready for duty. While in the City some of the boys made Captain Gobin quite a handsome present, to show their appreciation of him as an officer gentleman.
By May 28, 1864, the men from Company C had returned from New Orleans and were once again encamped at Morganza with the full 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, prompting Henry Wharton to write:
The boys are well. James Kennedy who was wounded at Pleasant Hill, died at New Orleans hospital a few days ago. His friends in the company were pleased to learn that Dr. Dodge of Sunbury, now of the U.S. Steamer Octorora, was with him in his last moments, and ministered to his wants. The Doctor was one of the Surgeons from the Navy who volunteered when our wounded was [sic, were] sent to New Orleans.
Their long trek through Louisiana was over, but their fight to preserve America’s Union was not.
Sources:
- Banks, Nathaniel P. “Report of the Red River Campaign,” in “Annual Report of the Secretary of War,” in Message of the President of the United States, and Accompanying Documents, to the Two Houses of Congress, at the Commencement of the First Session of the Thirty-Ninth Congress. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1866.
- Bates, Samuel P. History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-5, vol. 1. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1869.
- “Battle of Pleasant Hill, April 9, 1864, Walker’s Texas Division Campaign Map, Detail,” in “House Divided.” Carlisle, Pennsylvania: History Department, Dickinson College, November 21, 2009 (cropped from the original public domain map available on the website of the U.S. Library of Congress).
- Clay, Steven E. The Staff Ride Handbook for the Red River Campaign, 7 March-19 May 1864. Fort Leavenworth, Kansas: Combat Studies Institute Press, U.S. Army Combined Arms Centers, 2023.
- Prisoner of War Records, Camp Ford and Camp Groce (47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry). Tyler Texas: Smith County Historical Society, 2010.
- “Report of Maj. Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks, U. S. Army, Commanding Expedition and Department of the Gulf” (to Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War), in Annual Report of the Secretary of War, in Message of the President of the United States, and Accompanying Documents, to the Two Houses of Congress, at the Commencement of the First Session of the Thirty-Ninth Congress. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1866.
- Schmidt, Lewis G. A Civil War History of the 47th Regiment of Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers. Allentown, Pennsylvania: Self-published, 1986.
- “The History of the Forty-Seventh Regt. P. V.” Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Lehigh Register, July 20, 1870.
- Wharton, Henry D. Letters from the Sunbury Guards, 1861-1868. Sunbury, Pennsylvania: Sunbury American.
#003366 #1864 #47thPennsylvaniaInfantry #47thPennsylvaniaVolunteers #Alexandria #America #AmericanCivilWar #AmericanHistory #Army #ArmyOfTheGulf #Atchafalaya #AvoyellesParish #BattleOfMansura #CivilWar #CommonwealthOfPennsylvania #Emory #History #Infantry #LaurelHill #Louisiana #Mansura #Marksville #Morganza #NathanielPBanks #PennsylvaniaHistory #PennsylvaniaInTheCivilWar #RapidesParish #RedRiver #RedRiverCampaign #Simmesport #Slavery #TheUnionArmy #USMilitaryAndTheUnionArmy #USSLaurelHill #WilliamHEmory #XIXCorps
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USS Laurel Hill, May 26, 1862 (Baldwin Lithograph, Collection of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, Hyde Park, New York, 1936, U.S. Naval Heritage Command, public domain).
Barely out of sight of the city of Alexandria, in Rapides Parish Louisiana, when it ran into the enemy during its retreat south in mid-May 1864, the Union’s Army of the Gulf easily defeated the Confederate States Army troops it encountered and continued its trek toward the village of Marksville in Avoyelles Parish. Members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, which was positioned farther back in the Union column, were aware of, but not involved in, that short engagement. According to C Company Musician Henry D. Wharton:
After marching a few miles skirmishing commenced in front between the cavalry and the enemy in riflepits [sic] on the bank of the river, but they were easily driven away. When we came up we discovered their pits and places where there had been batteries planted. At this point the John Warren, an unarmed transport, on which were sick soldiers and women, was fired into and sunk, killing many and those that were not drowned taken prisoners. A tin-clad gunboat was destroyed at the same place, by which we lost a large mail. Many letters and directed envelopes were found on the bank – thrown there after the contents had been read by the unprincipled scoundrels. The inhumanity of Guerrilla bands in this department is beyond belief, and if one did not know the truth of it or saw some of their barbarities, he would write it down as the story of a ‘reliable gentleman’ or as told by an ‘intelligent contraband.’ Not satisfied with his murderous intent on unarmed transports he fires into the Hospital steamer Laurel Hill, with four hundred sick on board. This boat had the usual hospital signal floating fore and aft, yet, notwithstanding all this, and the customs of war, they fired on them, proving by this act that they are more hardened than the Indians on the frontier.
* Note: The USS Laurel Hill survived the attack and, in a few short weeks, became the final home for ailing 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, including Corporal William Schweitzer and Privates Amandus Bellis and Nicholas Hoffman (Company A) and Private John Witz (Company E).
Map of key 1864 Red River Campaign locations, showing the battle sites of Sabine Cross Roads, Pleasant Hill and Mansura in relation to the Union’s occupation sites at Alexandria, Grand Ecore, Morganza, and New Orleans (excerpt from Dickinson College/U.S. Library of Congress map, public domain; click to enlarge).
Resuming their trek south with the retreating Army of the Gulf, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers engaged in yet another long march, trudging more than thirty miles as the month of May 1864 wore on. According to the expedition’s commanding officer, Union Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks:
The fleet passed below Alexandria on the 13th of May. The army on its march from Alexandria did not encounter the enemy in force until near the town of Mansura. He was driven through the town in the evening of the 14th of May, and at daybreak next morning our advance encountered his cavalry on the prairie east of the town.
According to Henry Wharton, “On Sunday, May 15, we left the river road and took a short route through the woods, saving considerable distance.”
The windings of Red river are so numerous that it resembles the tape-worm railroad wherewith the politicians frightened the dear people during the administration of Ritner and Stevens. – We stopped several hours in the woods to leave cavalry pass, when we moved forward and by four o’clock emerged into a large open plain where we formed in line of battle, expecting a regular engagement. The enemy, however, retired and we advanced ‘till dark, when the forces halted for the night, with orders to rest on their arms. – ‘Twas here that Banks rode through our regiment, amidst the cheers of the boys, and gave the pleasant news that Grant had defeated Lee.
“Sleeping on Their Arms” by Winslow Homer (Harper’s Weekly, May 21, 1864).
Positioned just outside of the town of Marksville, under orders to “rest on their arms” for the night, the 47th Pennsylvanians half-dozed with their rifles within a finger’s length—but without the benefit of tents for cover. It was the eve of the Battle of Mansura, which unfolded on May 16, 1864 as follows, according to Wharton:
Early next morning we marched through Marksville into a prairie nine miles long and six wide where every preparation was made for a fight. The whole of our force was formed in line, in support of artillery in front, who commenced operations on the enemy driving him gradually from the prairie into the woods. As the enemy retreated before the heavy fire of our artillery, the infantry advanced in line until they reached Mousoula [sic, Mansura], where they formed in column, taking the whole field in an attempt to flank the enemy, but their running qualities were so good that we were foiled. The maneuvring [sic, maneuvering] of the troops was handsomely done, and the movements was [sic, were] one of the finest things of the war. The fight of artillery was a steady one of five miles. The enemy merely stood that they might cover the retreat of their infantry and train under cover of their artillery.
Per Major-General Banks, the Confederate troops “fell back, with steady and sharp skirmishing across the prairie, to a belt of woods, which he occupied.”
The enemy’s position covered three roads diverging from Mansura to the Atchafalaya. He manifested a determination here to obstinately resist our passage. The engagement, which lasted several hours, was confined chiefly to the artillery until our troops got possession of the edge of the woods – first upon our left by General Emory; subsequently on our right by General Smith, when he was driven from the field, after a sharp and decisive fight, with considerable loss.
According to military historian Steven E. Clay, “As the Army of the Gulf marched from Alexandria to Simmesport, it followed the River Road. As it moved, Taylor’s cavalry harassed the column from all sides.”
Steele’s men resumed the pressure on A. J. Smith’s rearguard. Annoying Emory and the cavalry advanced guard was Major and Bagby’s commands. The troops also attempted to slow the Federal march by cutting trees and placing other obstacles in the way. Parson’s men skirmished with Gooding’s troopers on the right flank. None of the rebel cavalry’s efforts, however, appreciably slowed the Union column.
On 14 May, the army’s van arrived at Bayour Choctaw. Emory called the pontoon train forward, and within a short time, the pontonniers had the stream bridged and the army was crossing…. That evening the troops of the XIX Corps [including the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers] bivouacked beside the wrecks of the John Warner, Signal, and Covington. Strewn upon the ground were the letters many of the men had mailed to their loved ones earlier and had been placed on the Warner bound for New Orleans. The rebel soldiers had opened the letters, read them for entertainment, and simply tossed them aside. The idea did not sit well with the Federals, but neither did the wanton destruction and plunder of civilian homes with the Confederates.
On 15 May the column slowly crossed the Bayou Choctaw Swamp and entered the Avoyelles … Prairie. There, Major’s cavalry, later along with Bagby’s troops, attacked the lead elements several times. The fighting became so hot at moments that Emory deployed his artillery to help drive the bothersome rebel troopers away…. By nightfall … the XIX Corps had reached Marksville with the rest of the army strung out behind.
Late on 15 May, Banks learned that Taylor had massed his forces six miles ahead at the town of Mansura, evidently with the intention of blocking further Federal movement on the road to Simmesport…. On learning of the concentration of rebel forces, Banks sent orders to Emory directing him to move no later than 0300 [3 a.m.] on 16 May and to attack the enemy at daybreak. Further, Smith advanced on Emory’s right to attack into Taylor’s left flank. The XIII Corps [13th Corps], now under Lawler since 9 May … was to remain in front of Marksville as the reserve. The trains [Union wagon trains] were held behind that town….
As ordered, the Army of the Gulf moved south before sunrise. As morning dawned, the Federal army began its deployment on the wide open plain of the Avoyelles Prairie. The US troops advanced with Emory’s XIX [including the 47th Pennsylvania] in the lead with Grover’s 1st Division on the Federal left near the Grand River and McMillan’s 2nd Division [including the 47th Pennsylvania] on the right. The XIX Corps was followed by A. J. Smith’s XVI Corps [16th Corps] in column; Mower’s division was followed by that of Kilby Smith. As the Federal brigades deployed on the field they could see the Confederate battle line in the distance. Virtually in the center of the battlefield was the tiny village of Mansura.
According to Clay, Confederate Major-General Richard Taylor (a plantation owner and son of former U.S. President Zachary Taylor) “had placed eight dismounted cavalry regiments from Major’s and Bagby’s commands to the east of the hamlet” of Mansura. “At least 19 cannon with the batteries interspersed among the brigades supported these troops.” Confederate Brigadier-General Camille Armand Jules Marie, the Prince de Polignac, a prince of France who fought with the Confederate Army during America’s Civil War and whom the 47th Pennsylvanian Volunteers had previously faced in combat during the Battle of Sabine Cross Roads near Mansfield, Louisiana, “posted his two small infantry brigades and two dismounted regiments of cavalry on the left, west of town, and thirteen more guns supported Polignac’s force.”
New York Tribune headline announcing the U.S. Army of the Gulf’s May 1864 victory near Marksville, Louisiana (New York Tribune, June 3, 1864, public domain).
Standing “on a flat, green savanna,” according to Clay, the troops under Brigadier-General Emory’s command, including the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, were the first to march into the battle’s fray, followed by A. J. Smith’s “divisions to the right of the line.” It quickly became obvious to all who were watching the scene unfold that Taylor had woefully misjudged his opponents; his six thousand Confederates were greeted with the spectacle of the eighteen-thousand strong Army of the Gulf arrayed before them.
According to Clay, “The battle began sometime after 0600 [6 a.m.] with a mutual artillery bombardment.”
As the fusillade opened, commanders on both sides ordered their men to lie down in order to reduce casualties during the artillery duel. The tactic was effective. The barrage lasted about four hours, but few men were struck by the many rounds fired. As the Union battle line rose and moved forward on occasion, Taylor’s skirmish line responded by slowly giving ground…. Finally, at about 1000 (1 p.m.), as the XVI Corps pressed forward on the Confederate left to flank Taylor’s position as planned, the rebel line quickly sidestepped the move and fell back toward their trains which were located southwest in the village of Evergreen.
Unlike the sanguinary opening battles of the Red River Campaign, the Battle of Mansura was far less brutal. Per Wharton:
Our loss was slight. Of the rebels we could not ascertain correctly, but learned from citizens who had secreted themselves during the fight, that they had many killed and wounded, who threw them into wagons, promiscuously, and drove them off so that we could not learn their casualties.
Afterward, the victorious Army of the Gulf resumed its march south. According Major-General Banks:
The 16th of May we reached Simmsport [sic, Simmesport], on the Atchafalaya. Being entirely destitute of any ordinary bridge material for the passage of this river – about six hundred yards wide – a bridge was constructed of the steamers, under direction of Lieutenant Colonel Bailey. This work was not of the same magnitude, but was as important to the army as the dam at Alexandria was to the navy. It had the merit of being an entirely novel construction, no bridge of such magnitude having been constructed of similar materials. The bridge was completed at one o’clock on the 19th of May. The wagon train passed in the afternoon, and the troops the next morning, in better spirit and condition, as able and eager to meet the enemy as at any period of the campaign.
Union Major-General Nathaniel Banks subsequently reported that, during the Army of the Gulf’s final engagement with Confederates, the “command of General A. J. Smith, which covered the rear of the army during the construction of the bridge and the passage of the army, had a severe engagement with the enemy, under Polignac, on the afternoon of the 19th, at Yellow Bayou, which lasted several hours.”
Our loss was about one hundred and fifty in killed and wounded; that of the enemy much greater, besides many prisoners who were taken by our troops. Major General E. R. S. Canby arrived at Simmsport [sic, Simmesport] on the 19th of May, and the next day assumed command of the troops as a portion of the forces of the military division of the West Mississippi, to the command of which he had been assigned.
The 47th Pennsylvania, however, was not involved in that battle at Yellow Bayou; according to Wharton:
This fight was the last one of the expedition. The whole of the force is safe on the Mississippi, gunboats, transports and trains. The 16th and 17th have gone to their old commands.
It is amusing to read the statements of correspondents to papers North, concerning our movements and the losses of our army. I have it from the best source that the Federal loss from Franklin to Mansfield, and from their [sic] to this point does not exceed thirty-five hundred in killed, wounded and missing, while that of the rebels is over eight thousand.
Union Army base at Morganza Bend, Louisiana, circa 1863-1865 (U.S. Library of Congress, public domain).
After that final battle, the surviving members of the 47th made their way through Simmesport and into the Atchafalaya Basin, and then moved on to the village of Morganza, where they made camp again. According to Wharton, the members of Company C were sent on a special mission which took them on an intense journey of one hundred and twenty miles:
Company C, on last Saturday was detailed by the General in command of the Division to take one hundred and eighty-seven prisoners (rebs) to New Orleans. This they done [sic] satisfactorily and returned yesterday to their regiment, ready for duty. While in the City some of the boys made Captain Gobin quite a handsome present, to show their appreciation of him as an officer gentleman.
By May 28, 1864, the men from Company C had returned from New Orleans and were once again encamped at Morganza with the full 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, prompting Henry Wharton to write:
The boys are well. James Kennedy who was wounded at Pleasant Hill, died at New Orleans hospital a few days ago. His friends in the company were pleased to learn that Dr. Dodge of Sunbury, now of the U.S. Steamer Octorora, was with him in his last moments, and ministered to his wants. The Doctor was one of the Surgeons from the Navy who volunteered when our wounded was [sic, were] sent to New Orleans.
Their long trek through Louisiana was over, but their fight to preserve America’s Union was not.
Sources:
- Banks, Nathaniel P. “Report of the Red River Campaign,” in “Annual Report of the Secretary of War,” in Message of the President of the United States, and Accompanying Documents, to the Two Houses of Congress, at the Commencement of the First Session of the Thirty-Ninth Congress. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1866.
- Bates, Samuel P. History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-5, vol. 1. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1869.
- “Battle of Pleasant Hill, April 9, 1864, Walker’s Texas Division Campaign Map, Detail,” in “House Divided.” Carlisle, Pennsylvania: History Department, Dickinson College, November 21, 2009 (cropped from the original public domain map available on the website of the U.S. Library of Congress).
- Clay, Steven E. The Staff Ride Handbook for the Red River Campaign, 7 March-19 May 1864. Fort Leavenworth, Kansas: Combat Studies Institute Press, U.S. Army Combined Arms Centers, 2023.
- Prisoner of War Records, Camp Ford and Camp Groce (47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry). Tyler Texas: Smith County Historical Society, 2010.
- “Report of Maj. Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks, U. S. Army, Commanding Expedition and Department of the Gulf” (to Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War), in Annual Report of the Secretary of War, in Message of the President of the United States, and Accompanying Documents, to the Two Houses of Congress, at the Commencement of the First Session of the Thirty-Ninth Congress. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1866.
- Schmidt, Lewis G. A Civil War History of the 47th Regiment of Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers. Allentown, Pennsylvania: Self-published, 1986.
- “The History of the Forty-Seventh Regt. P. V.” Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Lehigh Register, July 20, 1870.
- Wharton, Henry D. Letters from the Sunbury Guards, 1861-1868. Sunbury, Pennsylvania: Sunbury American.
#003366 #1864 #47thPennsylvaniaInfantry #47thPennsylvaniaVolunteers #Alexandria #America #AmericanCivilWar #AmericanHistory #Army #ArmyOfTheGulf #Atchafalaya #AvoyellesParish #BattleOfMansura #CivilWar #CommonwealthOfPennsylvania #Emory #History #Infantry #LaurelHill #Louisiana #Mansura #Marksville #Morganza #NathanielPBanks #PennsylvaniaHistory #PennsylvaniaInTheCivilWar #RapidesParish #RedRiver #RedRiverCampaign #Simmesport #Slavery #TheUnionArmy #USMilitaryAndTheUnionArmy #USSLaurelHill #WilliamHEmory #XIXCorps
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USS Laurel Hill, May 26, 1862 (Baldwin Lithograph, Collection of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, Hyde Park, New York, 1936, U.S. Naval Heritage Command, public domain).
Barely out of sight of the city of Alexandria, in Rapides Parish Louisiana, when it ran into the enemy during its retreat south in mid-May 1864, the Union’s Army of the Gulf easily defeated the Confederate States Army troops it encountered and continued its trek toward the village of Marksville in Avoyelles Parish. Members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, which was positioned farther back in the Union column, were aware of, but not involved in, that short engagement. According to C Company Musician Henry D. Wharton:
After marching a few miles skirmishing commenced in front between the cavalry and the enemy in riflepits [sic] on the bank of the river, but they were easily driven away. When we came up we discovered their pits and places where there had been batteries planted. At this point the John Warren, an unarmed transport, on which were sick soldiers and women, was fired into and sunk, killing many and those that were not drowned taken prisoners. A tin-clad gunboat was destroyed at the same place, by which we lost a large mail. Many letters and directed envelopes were found on the bank – thrown there after the contents had been read by the unprincipled scoundrels. The inhumanity of Guerrilla bands in this department is beyond belief, and if one did not know the truth of it or saw some of their barbarities, he would write it down as the story of a ‘reliable gentleman’ or as told by an ‘intelligent contraband.’ Not satisfied with his murderous intent on unarmed transports he fires into the Hospital steamer Laurel Hill, with four hundred sick on board. This boat had the usual hospital signal floating fore and aft, yet, notwithstanding all this, and the customs of war, they fired on them, proving by this act that they are more hardened than the Indians on the frontier.
* Note: The USS Laurel Hill survived the attack and, in a few short weeks, became the final home for ailing 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, including Corporal William Schweitzer and Privates Amandus Bellis and Nicholas Hoffman (Company A) and Private John Witz (Company E).
Map of key 1864 Red River Campaign locations, showing the battle sites of Sabine Cross Roads, Pleasant Hill and Mansura in relation to the Union’s occupation sites at Alexandria, Grand Ecore, Morganza, and New Orleans (excerpt from Dickinson College/U.S. Library of Congress map, public domain; click to enlarge).
Resuming their trek south with the retreating Army of the Gulf, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers engaged in yet another long march, trudging more than thirty miles as the month of May 1864 wore on. According to the expedition’s commanding officer, Union Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks:
The fleet passed below Alexandria on the 13th of May. The army on its march from Alexandria did not encounter the enemy in force until near the town of Mansura. He was driven through the town in the evening of the 14th of May, and at daybreak next morning our advance encountered his cavalry on the prairie east of the town.
According to Henry Wharton, “On Sunday, May 15, we left the river road and took a short route through the woods, saving considerable distance.”
The windings of Red river are so numerous that it resembles the tape-worm railroad wherewith the politicians frightened the dear people during the administration of Ritner and Stevens. – We stopped several hours in the woods to leave cavalry pass, when we moved forward and by four o’clock emerged into a large open plain where we formed in line of battle, expecting a regular engagement. The enemy, however, retired and we advanced ‘till dark, when the forces halted for the night, with orders to rest on their arms. – ‘Twas here that Banks rode through our regiment, amidst the cheers of the boys, and gave the pleasant news that Grant had defeated Lee.
“Sleeping on Their Arms” by Winslow Homer (Harper’s Weekly, May 21, 1864).
Positioned just outside of the town of Marksville, under orders to “rest on their arms” for the night, the 47th Pennsylvanians half-dozed with their rifles within a finger’s length—but without the benefit of tents for cover. It was the eve of the Battle of Mansura, which unfolded on May 16, 1864 as follows, according to Wharton:
Early next morning we marched through Marksville into a prairie nine miles long and six wide where every preparation was made for a fight. The whole of our force was formed in line, in support of artillery in front, who commenced operations on the enemy driving him gradually from the prairie into the woods. As the enemy retreated before the heavy fire of our artillery, the infantry advanced in line until they reached Mousoula [sic, Mansura], where they formed in column, taking the whole field in an attempt to flank the enemy, but their running qualities were so good that we were foiled. The maneuvring [sic, maneuvering] of the troops was handsomely done, and the movements was [sic, were] one of the finest things of the war. The fight of artillery was a steady one of five miles. The enemy merely stood that they might cover the retreat of their infantry and train under cover of their artillery.
Per Major-General Banks, the Confederate troops “fell back, with steady and sharp skirmishing across the prairie, to a belt of woods, which he occupied.”
The enemy’s position covered three roads diverging from Mansura to the Atchafalaya. He manifested a determination here to obstinately resist our passage. The engagement, which lasted several hours, was confined chiefly to the artillery until our troops got possession of the edge of the woods – first upon our left by General Emory; subsequently on our right by General Smith, when he was driven from the field, after a sharp and decisive fight, with considerable loss.
According to military historian Steven E. Clay, “As the Army of the Gulf marched from Alexandria to Simmesport, it followed the River Road. As it moved, Taylor’s cavalry harassed the column from all sides.”
Steele’s men resumed the pressure on A. J. Smith’s rearguard. Annoying Emory and the cavalry advanced guard was Major and Bagby’s commands. The troops also attempted to slow the Federal march by cutting trees and placing other obstacles in the way. Parson’s men skirmished with Gooding’s troopers on the right flank. None of the rebel cavalry’s efforts, however, appreciably slowed the Union column.
On 14 May, the army’s van arrived at Bayour Choctaw. Emory called the pontoon train forward, and within a short time, the pontonniers had the stream bridged and the army was crossing…. That evening the troops of the XIX Corps [including the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers] bivouacked beside the wrecks of the John Warner, Signal, and Covington. Strewn upon the ground were the letters many of the men had mailed to their loved ones earlier and had been placed on the Warner bound for New Orleans. The rebel soldiers had opened the letters, read them for entertainment, and simply tossed them aside. The idea did not sit well with the Federals, but neither did the wanton destruction and plunder of civilian homes with the Confederates.
On 15 May the column slowly crossed the Bayou Choctaw Swamp and entered the Avoyelles … Prairie. There, Major’s cavalry, later along with Bagby’s troops, attacked the lead elements several times. The fighting became so hot at moments that Emory deployed his artillery to help drive the bothersome rebel troopers away…. By nightfall … the XIX Corps had reached Marksville with the rest of the army strung out behind.
Late on 15 May, Banks learned that Taylor had massed his forces six miles ahead at the town of Mansura, evidently with the intention of blocking further Federal movement on the road to Simmesport…. On learning of the concentration of rebel forces, Banks sent orders to Emory directing him to move no later than 0300 [3 a.m.] on 16 May and to attack the enemy at daybreak. Further, Smith advanced on Emory’s right to attack into Taylor’s left flank. The XIII Corps [13th Corps], now under Lawler since 9 May … was to remain in front of Marksville as the reserve. The trains [Union wagon trains] were held behind that town….
As ordered, the Army of the Gulf moved south before sunrise. As morning dawned, the Federal army began its deployment on the wide open plain of the Avoyelles Prairie. The US troops advanced with Emory’s XIX [including the 47th Pennsylvania] in the lead with Grover’s 1st Division on the Federal left near the Grand River and McMillan’s 2nd Division [including the 47th Pennsylvania] on the right. The XIX Corps was followed by A. J. Smith’s XVI Corps [16th Corps] in column; Mower’s division was followed by that of Kilby Smith. As the Federal brigades deployed on the field they could see the Confederate battle line in the distance. Virtually in the center of the battlefield was the tiny village of Mansura.
According to Clay, Confederate Major-General Richard Taylor (a plantation owner and son of former U.S. President Zachary Taylor) “had placed eight dismounted cavalry regiments from Major’s and Bagby’s commands to the east of the hamlet” of Mansura. “At least 19 cannon with the batteries interspersed among the brigades supported these troops.” Confederate Brigadier-General Camille Armand Jules Marie, the Prince de Polignac, a prince of France who fought with the Confederate Army during America’s Civil War and whom the 47th Pennsylvanian Volunteers had previously faced in combat during the Battle of Sabine Cross Roads near Mansfield, Louisiana, “posted his two small infantry brigades and two dismounted regiments of cavalry on the left, west of town, and thirteen more guns supported Polignac’s force.”
New York Tribune headline announcing the U.S. Army of the Gulf’s May 1864 victory near Marksville, Louisiana (New York Tribune, June 3, 1864, public domain).
Standing “on a flat, green savanna,” according to Clay, the troops under Brigadier-General Emory’s command, including the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, were the first to march into the battle’s fray, followed by A. J. Smith’s “divisions to the right of the line.” It quickly became obvious to all who were watching the scene unfold that Taylor had woefully misjudged his opponents; his six thousand Confederates were greeted with the spectacle of the eighteen-thousand strong Army of the Gulf arrayed before them.
According to Clay, “The battle began sometime after 0600 [6 a.m.] with a mutual artillery bombardment.”
As the fusillade opened, commanders on both sides ordered their men to lie down in order to reduce casualties during the artillery duel. The tactic was effective. The barrage lasted about four hours, but few men were struck by the many rounds fired. As the Union battle line rose and moved forward on occasion, Taylor’s skirmish line responded by slowly giving ground…. Finally, at about 1000 (1 p.m.), as the XVI Corps pressed forward on the Confederate left to flank Taylor’s position as planned, the rebel line quickly sidestepped the move and fell back toward their trains which were located southwest in the village of Evergreen.
Unlike the sanguinary opening battles of the Red River Campaign, the Battle of Mansura was far less brutal. Per Wharton:
Our loss was slight. Of the rebels we could not ascertain correctly, but learned from citizens who had secreted themselves during the fight, that they had many killed and wounded, who threw them into wagons, promiscuously, and drove them off so that we could not learn their casualties.
Afterward, the victorious Army of the Gulf resumed its march south. According Major-General Banks:
The 16th of May we reached Simmsport [sic, Simmesport], on the Atchafalaya. Being entirely destitute of any ordinary bridge material for the passage of this river – about six hundred yards wide – a bridge was constructed of the steamers, under direction of Lieutenant Colonel Bailey. This work was not of the same magnitude, but was as important to the army as the dam at Alexandria was to the navy. It had the merit of being an entirely novel construction, no bridge of such magnitude having been constructed of similar materials. The bridge was completed at one o’clock on the 19th of May. The wagon train passed in the afternoon, and the troops the next morning, in better spirit and condition, as able and eager to meet the enemy as at any period of the campaign.
Union Major-General Nathaniel Banks subsequently reported that, during the Army of the Gulf’s final engagement with Confederates, the “command of General A. J. Smith, which covered the rear of the army during the construction of the bridge and the passage of the army, had a severe engagement with the enemy, under Polignac, on the afternoon of the 19th, at Yellow Bayou, which lasted several hours.”
Our loss was about one hundred and fifty in killed and wounded; that of the enemy much greater, besides many prisoners who were taken by our troops. Major General E. R. S. Canby arrived at Simmsport [sic, Simmesport] on the 19th of May, and the next day assumed command of the troops as a portion of the forces of the military division of the West Mississippi, to the command of which he had been assigned.
The 47th Pennsylvania, however, was not involved in that battle at Yellow Bayou; according to Wharton:
This fight was the last one of the expedition. The whole of the force is safe on the Mississippi, gunboats, transports and trains. The 16th and 17th have gone to their old commands.
It is amusing to read the statements of correspondents to papers North, concerning our movements and the losses of our army. I have it from the best source that the Federal loss from Franklin to Mansfield, and from their [sic] to this point does not exceed thirty-five hundred in killed, wounded and missing, while that of the rebels is over eight thousand.
Union Army base at Morganza Bend, Louisiana, circa 1863-1865 (U.S. Library of Congress, public domain).
After that final battle, the surviving members of the 47th made their way through Simmesport and into the Atchafalaya Basin, and then moved on to the village of Morganza, where they made camp again. According to Wharton, the members of Company C were sent on a special mission which took them on an intense journey of one hundred and twenty miles:
Company C, on last Saturday was detailed by the General in command of the Division to take one hundred and eighty-seven prisoners (rebs) to New Orleans. This they done [sic] satisfactorily and returned yesterday to their regiment, ready for duty. While in the City some of the boys made Captain Gobin quite a handsome present, to show their appreciation of him as an officer gentleman.
By May 28, 1864, the men from Company C had returned from New Orleans and were once again encamped at Morganza with the full 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, prompting Henry Wharton to write:
The boys are well. James Kennedy who was wounded at Pleasant Hill, died at New Orleans hospital a few days ago. His friends in the company were pleased to learn that Dr. Dodge of Sunbury, now of the U.S. Steamer Octorora, was with him in his last moments, and ministered to his wants. The Doctor was one of the Surgeons from the Navy who volunteered when our wounded was [sic, were] sent to New Orleans.
Their long trek through Louisiana was over, but their fight to preserve America’s Union was not.
Sources:
- Banks, Nathaniel P. “Report of the Red River Campaign,” in “Annual Report of the Secretary of War,” in Message of the President of the United States, and Accompanying Documents, to the Two Houses of Congress, at the Commencement of the First Session of the Thirty-Ninth Congress. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1866.
- Bates, Samuel P. History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-5, vol. 1. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1869.
- “Battle of Pleasant Hill, April 9, 1864, Walker’s Texas Division Campaign Map, Detail,” in “House Divided.” Carlisle, Pennsylvania: History Department, Dickinson College, November 21, 2009 (cropped from the original public domain map available on the website of the U.S. Library of Congress).
- Clay, Steven E. The Staff Ride Handbook for the Red River Campaign, 7 March-19 May 1864. Fort Leavenworth, Kansas: Combat Studies Institute Press, U.S. Army Combined Arms Centers, 2023.
- Prisoner of War Records, Camp Ford and Camp Groce (47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry). Tyler Texas: Smith County Historical Society, 2010.
- “Report of Maj. Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks, U. S. Army, Commanding Expedition and Department of the Gulf” (to Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War), in Annual Report of the Secretary of War, in Message of the President of the United States, and Accompanying Documents, to the Two Houses of Congress, at the Commencement of the First Session of the Thirty-Ninth Congress. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1866.
- Schmidt, Lewis G. A Civil War History of the 47th Regiment of Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers. Allentown, Pennsylvania: Self-published, 1986.
- “The History of the Forty-Seventh Regt. P. V.” Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Lehigh Register, July 20, 1870.
- Wharton, Henry D. Letters from the Sunbury Guards, 1861-1868. Sunbury, Pennsylvania: Sunbury American.
#003366 #1864 #47thPennsylvaniaInfantry #47thPennsylvaniaVolunteers #Alexandria #America #AmericanCivilWar #AmericanHistory #Army #ArmyOfTheGulf #Atchafalaya #AvoyellesParish #BattleOfMansura #CivilWar #CommonwealthOfPennsylvania #Emory #History #Infantry #LaurelHill #Louisiana #Mansura #Marksville #Morganza #NathanielPBanks #PennsylvaniaHistory #RapidesParish #RedRiver #RedRiverCampaign #Simmesport #Slavery #TheUnionArmy #USMilitaryAndTheUnionArmy #USSLaurelHill #WilliamHEmory #XIXCorps
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USS Laurel Hill, May 26, 1862 (Baldwin Lithograph, Collection of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, Hyde Park, New York, 1936, U.S. Naval Heritage Command, public domain).
Barely out of sight of the city of Alexandria, in Rapides Parish Louisiana, when it ran into the enemy during its retreat south in mid-May 1864, the Union’s Army of the Gulf easily defeated the Confederate States Army troops it encountered and continued its trek toward the village of Marksville in Avoyelles Parish. Members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, which was positioned farther back in the Union column, were aware of, but not involved in, that short engagement. According to C Company Musician Henry D. Wharton:
After marching a few miles skirmishing commenced in front between the cavalry and the enemy in riflepits [sic] on the bank of the river, but they were easily driven away. When we came up we discovered their pits and places where there had been batteries planted. At this point the John Warren, an unarmed transport, on which were sick soldiers and women, was fired into and sunk, killing many and those that were not drowned taken prisoners. A tin-clad gunboat was destroyed at the same place, by which we lost a large mail. Many letters and directed envelopes were found on the bank – thrown there after the contents had been read by the unprincipled scoundrels. The inhumanity of Guerrilla bands in this department is beyond belief, and if one did not know the truth of it or saw some of their barbarities, he would write it down as the story of a ‘reliable gentleman’ or as told by an ‘intelligent contraband.’ Not satisfied with his murderous intent on unarmed transports he fires into the Hospital steamer Laurel Hill, with four hundred sick on board. This boat had the usual hospital signal floating fore and aft, yet, notwithstanding all this, and the customs of war, they fired on them, proving by this act that they are more hardened than the Indians on the frontier.
* Note: The USS Laurel Hill survived the attack and, in a few short weeks, became the final home for ailing 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, including Corporal William Schweitzer and Privates Amandus Bellis and Nicholas Hoffman (Company A) and Private John Witz (Company E).
Map of key 1864 Red River Campaign locations, showing the battle sites of Sabine Cross Roads, Pleasant Hill and Mansura in relation to the Union’s occupation sites at Alexandria, Grand Ecore, Morganza, and New Orleans (excerpt from Dickinson College/U.S. Library of Congress map, public domain; click to enlarge).
Resuming their trek south with the retreating Army of the Gulf, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers engaged in yet another long march, trudging more than thirty miles as the month of May 1864 wore on. According to the expedition’s commanding officer, Union Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks:
The fleet passed below Alexandria on the 13th of May. The army on its march from Alexandria did not encounter the enemy in force until near the town of Mansura. He was driven through the town in the evening of the 14th of May, and at daybreak next morning our advance encountered his cavalry on the prairie east of the town.
According to Henry Wharton, “On Sunday, May 15, we left the river road and took a short route through the woods, saving considerable distance.”
The windings of Red river are so numerous that it resembles the tape-worm railroad wherewith the politicians frightened the dear people during the administration of Ritner and Stevens. – We stopped several hours in the woods to leave cavalry pass, when we moved forward and by four o’clock emerged into a large open plain where we formed in line of battle, expecting a regular engagement. The enemy, however, retired and we advanced ‘till dark, when the forces halted for the night, with orders to rest on their arms. – ‘Twas here that Banks rode through our regiment, amidst the cheers of the boys, and gave the pleasant news that Grant had defeated Lee.
“Sleeping on Their Arms” by Winslow Homer (Harper’s Weekly, May 21, 1864).
Positioned just outside of the town of Marksville, under orders to “rest on their arms” for the night, the 47th Pennsylvanians half-dozed with their rifles within a finger’s length—but without the benefit of tents for cover. It was the eve of the Battle of Mansura, which unfolded on May 16, 1864 as follows, according to Wharton:
Early next morning we marched through Marksville into a prairie nine miles long and six wide where every preparation was made for a fight. The whole of our force was formed in line, in support of artillery in front, who commenced operations on the enemy driving him gradually from the prairie into the woods. As the enemy retreated before the heavy fire of our artillery, the infantry advanced in line until they reached Mousoula [sic, Mansura], where they formed in column, taking the whole field in an attempt to flank the enemy, but their running qualities were so good that we were foiled. The maneuvring [sic, maneuvering] of the troops was handsomely done, and the movements was [sic, were] one of the finest things of the war. The fight of artillery was a steady one of five miles. The enemy merely stood that they might cover the retreat of their infantry and train under cover of their artillery.
Per Major-General Banks, the Confederate troops “fell back, with steady and sharp skirmishing across the prairie, to a belt of woods, which he occupied.”
The enemy’s position covered three roads diverging from Mansura to the Atchafalaya. He manifested a determination here to obstinately resist our passage. The engagement, which lasted several hours, was confined chiefly to the artillery until our troops got possession of the edge of the woods – first upon our left by General Emory; subsequently on our right by General Smith, when he was driven from the field, after a sharp and decisive fight, with considerable loss.
According to military historian Steven E. Clay, “As the Army of the Gulf marched from Alexandria to Simmesport, it followed the River Road. As it moved, Taylor’s cavalry harassed the column from all sides.”
Steele’s men resumed the pressure on A. J. Smith’s rearguard. Annoying Emory and the cavalry advanced guard was Major and Bagby’s commands. The troops also attempted to slow the Federal march by cutting trees and placing other obstacles in the way. Parson’s men skirmished with Gooding’s troopers on the right flank. None of the rebel cavalry’s efforts, however, appreciably slowed the Union column.
On 14 May, the army’s van arrived at Bayour Choctaw. Emory called the pontoon train forward, and within a short time, the pontonniers had the stream bridged and the army was crossing…. That evening the troops of the XIX Corps [including the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers] bivouacked beside the wrecks of the John Warner, Signal, and Covington. Strewn upon the ground were the letters many of the men had mailed to their loved ones earlier and had been placed on the Warner bound for New Orleans. The rebel soldiers had opened the letters, read them for entertainment, and simply tossed them aside. The idea did not sit well with the Federals, but neither did the wanton destruction and plunder of civilian homes with the Confederates.
On 15 May the column slowly crossed the Bayou Choctaw Swamp and entered the Avoyelles … Prairie. There, Major’s cavalry, later along with Bagby’s troops, attacked the lead elements several times. The fighting became so hot at moments that Emory deployed his artillery to help drive the bothersome rebel troopers away…. By nightfall … the XIX Corps had reached Marksville with the rest of the army strung out behind.
Late on 15 May, Banks learned that Taylor had massed his forces six miles ahead at the town of Mansura, evidently with the intention of blocking further Federal movement on the road to Simmesport…. On learning of the concentration of rebel forces, Banks sent orders to Emory directing him to move no later than 0300 [3 a.m.] on 16 May and to attack the enemy at daybreak. Further, Smith advanced on Emory’s right to attack into Taylor’s left flank. The XIII Corps [13th Corps], now under Lawler since 9 May … was to remain in front of Marksville as the reserve. The trains [Union wagon trains] were held behind that town….
As ordered, the Army of the Gulf moved south before sunrise. As morning dawned, the Federal army began its deployment on the wide open plain of the Avoyelles Prairie. The US troops advanced with Emory’s XIX [including the 47th Pennsylvania] in the lead with Grover’s 1st Division on the Federal left near the Grand River and McMillan’s 2nd Division [including the 47th Pennsylvania] on the right. The XIX Corps was followed by A. J. Smith’s XVI Corps [16th Corps] in column; Mower’s division was followed by that of Kilby Smith. As the Federal brigades deployed on the field they could see the Confederate battle line in the distance. Virtually in the center of the battlefield was the tiny village of Mansura.
According to Clay, Confederate Major-General Richard Taylor (a plantation owner and son of former U.S. President Zachary Taylor) “had placed eight dismounted cavalry regiments from Major’s and Bagby’s commands to the east of the hamlet” of Mansura. “At least 19 cannon with the batteries interspersed among the brigades supported these troops.” Confederate Brigadier-General Camille Armand Jules Marie, the Prince de Polignac, a prince of France who fought with the Confederate Army during America’s Civil War and whom the 47th Pennsylvanian Volunteers had previously faced in combat during the Battle of Sabine Cross Roads near Mansfield, Louisiana, “posted his two small infantry brigades and two dismounted regiments of cavalry on the left, west of town, and thirteen more guns supported Polignac’s force.”
New York Tribune headline announcing the U.S. Army of the Gulf’s May 1864 victory near Marksville, Louisiana (New York Tribune, June 3, 1864, public domain).
Standing “on a flat, green savanna,” according to Clay, the troops under Brigadier-General Emory’s command, including the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, were the first to march into the battle’s fray, followed by A. J. Smith’s “divisions to the right of the line.” It quickly became obvious to all who were watching the scene unfold that Taylor had woefully misjudged his opponents; his six thousand Confederates were greeted with the spectacle of the eighteen-thousand strong Army of the Gulf arrayed before them.
According to Clay, “The battle began sometime after 0600 [6 a.m.] with a mutual artillery bombardment.”
As the fusillade opened, commanders on both sides ordered their men to lie down in order to reduce casualties during the artillery duel. The tactic was effective. The barrage lasted about four hours, but few men were struck by the many rounds fired. As the Union battle line rose and moved forward on occasion, Taylor’s skirmish line responded by slowly giving ground…. Finally, at about 1000 (1 p.m.), as the XVI Corps pressed forward on the Confederate left to flank Taylor’s position as planned, the rebel line quickly sidestepped the move and fell back toward their trains which were located southwest in the village of Evergreen.
Unlike the sanguinary opening battles of the Red River Campaign, the Battle of Mansura was far less brutal. Per Wharton:
Our loss was slight. Of the rebels we could not ascertain correctly, but learned from citizens who had secreted themselves during the fight, that they had many killed and wounded, who threw them into wagons, promiscuously, and drove them off so that we could not learn their casualties.
Afterward, the victorious Army of the Gulf resumed its march south. According Major-General Banks:
The 16th of May we reached Simmsport [sic, Simmesport], on the Atchafalaya. Being entirely destitute of any ordinary bridge material for the passage of this river – about six hundred yards wide – a bridge was constructed of the steamers, under direction of Lieutenant Colonel Bailey. This work was not of the same magnitude, but was as important to the army as the dam at Alexandria was to the navy. It had the merit of being an entirely novel construction, no bridge of such magnitude having been constructed of similar materials. The bridge was completed at one o’clock on the 19th of May. The wagon train passed in the afternoon, and the troops the next morning, in better spirit and condition, as able and eager to meet the enemy as at any period of the campaign.
Union Major-General Nathaniel Banks subsequently reported that, during the Army of the Gulf’s final engagement with Confederates, the “command of General A. J. Smith, which covered the rear of the army during the construction of the bridge and the passage of the army, had a severe engagement with the enemy, under Polignac, on the afternoon of the 19th, at Yellow Bayou, which lasted several hours.”
Our loss was about one hundred and fifty in killed and wounded; that of the enemy much greater, besides many prisoners who were taken by our troops. Major General E. R. S. Canby arrived at Simmsport [sic, Simmesport] on the 19th of May, and the next day assumed command of the troops as a portion of the forces of the military division of the West Mississippi, to the command of which he had been assigned.
The 47th Pennsylvania, however, was not involved in that battle at Yellow Bayou; according to Wharton:
This fight was the last one of the expedition. The whole of the force is safe on the Mississippi, gunboats, transports and trains. The 16th and 17th have gone to their old commands.
It is amusing to read the statements of correspondents to papers North, concerning our movements and the losses of our army. I have it from the best source that the Federal loss from Franklin to Mansfield, and from their [sic] to this point does not exceed thirty-five hundred in killed, wounded and missing, while that of the rebels is over eight thousand.
Union Army base at Morganza Bend, Louisiana, circa 1863-1865 (U.S. Library of Congress, public domain).
After that final battle, the surviving members of the 47th made their way through Simmesport and into the Atchafalaya Basin, and then moved on to the village of Morganza, where they made camp again. According to Wharton, the members of Company C were sent on a special mission which took them on an intense journey of one hundred and twenty miles:
Company C, on last Saturday was detailed by the General in command of the Division to take one hundred and eighty-seven prisoners (rebs) to New Orleans. This they done [sic] satisfactorily and returned yesterday to their regiment, ready for duty. While in the City some of the boys made Captain Gobin quite a handsome present, to show their appreciation of him as an officer gentleman.
By May 28, 1864, the men from Company C had returned from New Orleans and were once again encamped at Morganza with the full 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, prompting Henry Wharton to write:
The boys are well. James Kennedy who was wounded at Pleasant Hill, died at New Orleans hospital a few days ago. His friends in the company were pleased to learn that Dr. Dodge of Sunbury, now of the U.S. Steamer Octorora, was with him in his last moments, and ministered to his wants. The Doctor was one of the Surgeons from the Navy who volunteered when our wounded was [sic, were] sent to New Orleans.
Their long trek through Louisiana was over, but their fight to preserve America’s Union was not.
Sources:
- Banks, Nathaniel P. “Report of the Red River Campaign,” in “Annual Report of the Secretary of War,” in Message of the President of the United States, and Accompanying Documents, to the Two Houses of Congress, at the Commencement of the First Session of the Thirty-Ninth Congress. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1866.
- Bates, Samuel P. History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-5, vol. 1. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1869.
- “Battle of Pleasant Hill, April 9, 1864, Walker’s Texas Division Campaign Map, Detail,” in “House Divided.” Carlisle, Pennsylvania: History Department, Dickinson College, November 21, 2009 (cropped from the original public domain map available on the website of the U.S. Library of Congress).
- Clay, Steven E. The Staff Ride Handbook for the Red River Campaign, 7 March-19 May 1864. Fort Leavenworth, Kansas: Combat Studies Institute Press, U.S. Army Combined Arms Centers, 2023.
- Prisoner of War Records, Camp Ford and Camp Groce (47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry). Tyler Texas: Smith County Historical Society, 2010.
- “Report of Maj. Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks, U. S. Army, Commanding Expedition and Department of the Gulf” (to Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War), in Annual Report of the Secretary of War, in Message of the President of the United States, and Accompanying Documents, to the Two Houses of Congress, at the Commencement of the First Session of the Thirty-Ninth Congress. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1866.
- Schmidt, Lewis G. A Civil War History of the 47th Regiment of Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers. Allentown, Pennsylvania: Self-published, 1986.
- “The History of the Forty-Seventh Regt. P. V.” Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Lehigh Register, July 20, 1870.
- Wharton, Henry D. Letters from the Sunbury Guards, 1861-1868. Sunbury, Pennsylvania: Sunbury American.
#003366 #1864 #47thPennsylvaniaInfantry #47thPennsylvaniaVolunteers #Alexandria #America #AmericanCivilWar #AmericanHistory #Army #ArmyOfTheGulf #Atchafalaya #AvoyellesParish #BattleOfMansura #CivilWar #CommonwealthOfPennsylvania #Emory #History #Infantry #LaurelHill #Louisiana #Mansura #Marksville #Morganza #NathanielPBanks #PennsylvaniaHistory #PennsylvaniaInTheCivilWar #RapidesParish #RedRiver #RedRiverCampaign #Simmesport #Slavery #TheUnionArmy #USMilitaryAndTheUnionArmy #USSLaurelHill #WilliamHEmory #XIXCorps
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USS Laurel Hill, May 26, 1862 (Baldwin Lithograph, Collection of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, Hyde Park, New York, 1936, U.S. Naval Heritage Command, public domain).
Barely out of sight of the city of Alexandria, in Rapides Parish Louisiana, when it ran into the enemy during its retreat south in mid-May 1864, the Union’s Army of the Gulf easily defeated the Confederate States Army troops it encountered and continued its trek toward the village of Marksville in Avoyelles Parish. Members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, which was positioned farther back in the Union column, were aware of, but not involved in, that short engagement. According to C Company Musician Henry D. Wharton:
After marching a few miles skirmishing commenced in front between the cavalry and the enemy in riflepits [sic] on the bank of the river, but they were easily driven away. When we came up we discovered their pits and places where there had been batteries planted. At this point the John Warren, an unarmed transport, on which were sick soldiers and women, was fired into and sunk, killing many and those that were not drowned taken prisoners. A tin-clad gunboat was destroyed at the same place, by which we lost a large mail. Many letters and directed envelopes were found on the bank – thrown there after the contents had been read by the unprincipled scoundrels. The inhumanity of Guerrilla bands in this department is beyond belief, and if one did not know the truth of it or saw some of their barbarities, he would write it down as the story of a ‘reliable gentleman’ or as told by an ‘intelligent contraband.’ Not satisfied with his murderous intent on unarmed transports he fires into the Hospital steamer Laurel Hill, with four hundred sick on board. This boat had the usual hospital signal floating fore and aft, yet, notwithstanding all this, and the customs of war, they fired on them, proving by this act that they are more hardened than the Indians on the frontier.
* Note: The USS Laurel Hill survived the attack and, in a few short weeks, became the final home for ailing 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, including Corporal William Schweitzer and Privates Amandus Bellis and Nicholas Hoffman (Company A) and Private John Witz (Company E).
Map of key 1864 Red River Campaign locations, showing the battle sites of Sabine Cross Roads, Pleasant Hill and Mansura in relation to the Union’s occupation sites at Alexandria, Grand Ecore, Morganza, and New Orleans (excerpt from Dickinson College/U.S. Library of Congress map, public domain; click to enlarge).
Resuming their trek south with the retreating Army of the Gulf, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers engaged in yet another long march, trudging more than thirty miles as the month of May 1864 wore on. According to the expedition’s commanding officer, Union Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks:
The fleet passed below Alexandria on the 13th of May. The army on its march from Alexandria did not encounter the enemy in force until near the town of Mansura. He was driven through the town in the evening of the 14th of May, and at daybreak next morning our advance encountered his cavalry on the prairie east of the town.
According to Henry Wharton, “On Sunday, May 15, we left the river road and took a short route through the woods, saving considerable distance.”
The windings of Red river are so numerous that it resembles the tape-worm railroad wherewith the politicians frightened the dear people during the administration of Ritner and Stevens. – We stopped several hours in the woods to leave cavalry pass, when we moved forward and by four o’clock emerged into a large open plain where we formed in line of battle, expecting a regular engagement. The enemy, however, retired and we advanced ‘till dark, when the forces halted for the night, with orders to rest on their arms. – ‘Twas here that Banks rode through our regiment, amidst the cheers of the boys, and gave the pleasant news that Grant had defeated Lee.
“Sleeping on Their Arms” by Winslow Homer (Harper’s Weekly, May 21, 1864).
Positioned just outside of the town of Marksville, under orders to “rest on their arms” for the night, the 47th Pennsylvanians half-dozed with their rifles within a finger’s length—but without the benefit of tents for cover. It was the eve of the Battle of Mansura, which unfolded on May 16, 1864 as follows, according to Wharton:
Early next morning we marched through Marksville into a prairie nine miles long and six wide where every preparation was made for a fight. The whole of our force was formed in line, in support of artillery in front, who commenced operations on the enemy driving him gradually from the prairie into the woods. As the enemy retreated before the heavy fire of our artillery, the infantry advanced in line until they reached Mousoula [sic, Mansura], where they formed in column, taking the whole field in an attempt to flank the enemy, but their running qualities were so good that we were foiled. The maneuvring [sic, maneuvering] of the troops was handsomely done, and the movements was [sic, were] one of the finest things of the war. The fight of artillery was a steady one of five miles. The enemy merely stood that they might cover the retreat of their infantry and train under cover of their artillery.
Per Major-General Banks, the Confederate troops “fell back, with steady and sharp skirmishing across the prairie, to a belt of woods, which he occupied.”
The enemy’s position covered three roads diverging from Mansura to the Atchafalaya. He manifested a determination here to obstinately resist our passage. The engagement, which lasted several hours, was confined chiefly to the artillery until our troops got possession of the edge of the woods – first upon our left by General Emory; subsequently on our right by General Smith, when he was driven from the field, after a sharp and decisive fight, with considerable loss.
According to military historian Steven E. Clay, “As the Army of the Gulf marched from Alexandria to Simmesport, it followed the River Road. As it moved, Taylor’s cavalry harassed the column from all sides.”
Steele’s men resumed the pressure on A. J. Smith’s rearguard. Annoying Emory and the cavalry advanced guard was Major and Bagby’s commands. The troops also attempted to slow the Federal march by cutting trees and placing other obstacles in the way. Parson’s men skirmished with Gooding’s troopers on the right flank. None of the rebel cavalry’s efforts, however, appreciably slowed the Union column.
On 14 May, the army’s van arrived at Bayour Choctaw. Emory called the pontoon train forward, and within a short time, the pontonniers had the stream bridged and the army was crossing…. That evening the troops of the XIX Corps [including the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers] bivouacked beside the wrecks of the John Warner, Signal, and Covington. Strewn upon the ground were the letters many of the men had mailed to their loved ones earlier and had been placed on the Warner bound for New Orleans. The rebel soldiers had opened the letters, read them for entertainment, and simply tossed them aside. The idea did not sit well with the Federals, but neither did the wanton destruction and plunder of civilian homes with the Confederates.
On 15 May the column slowly crossed the Bayou Choctaw Swamp and entered the Avoyelles … Prairie. There, Major’s cavalry, later along with Bagby’s troops, attacked the lead elements several times. The fighting became so hot at moments that Emory deployed his artillery to help drive the bothersome rebel troopers away…. By nightfall … the XIX Corps had reached Marksville with the rest of the army strung out behind.
Late on 15 May, Banks learned that Taylor had massed his forces six miles ahead at the town of Mansura, evidently with the intention of blocking further Federal movement on the road to Simmesport…. On learning of the concentration of rebel forces, Banks sent orders to Emory directing him to move no later than 0300 [3 a.m.] on 16 May and to attack the enemy at daybreak. Further, Smith advanced on Emory’s right to attack into Taylor’s left flank. The XIII Corps [13th Corps], now under Lawler since 9 May … was to remain in front of Marksville as the reserve. The trains [Union wagon trains] were held behind that town….
As ordered, the Army of the Gulf moved south before sunrise. As morning dawned, the Federal army began its deployment on the wide open plain of the Avoyelles Prairie. The US troops advanced with Emory’s XIX [including the 47th Pennsylvania] in the lead with Grover’s 1st Division on the Federal left near the Grand River and McMillan’s 2nd Division [including the 47th Pennsylvania] on the right. The XIX Corps was followed by A. J. Smith’s XVI Corps [16th Corps] in column; Mower’s division was followed by that of Kilby Smith. As the Federal brigades deployed on the field they could see the Confederate battle line in the distance. Virtually in the center of the battlefield was the tiny village of Mansura.
According to Clay, Confederate Major-General Richard Taylor (a plantation owner and son of former U.S. President Zachary Taylor) “had placed eight dismounted cavalry regiments from Major’s and Bagby’s commands to the east of the hamlet” of Mansura. “At least 19 cannon with the batteries interspersed among the brigades supported these troops.” Confederate Brigadier-General Camille Armand Jules Marie, the Prince de Polignac, a prince of France who fought with the Confederate Army during America’s Civil War and whom the 47th Pennsylvanian Volunteers had previously faced in combat during the Battle of Sabine Cross Roads near Mansfield, Louisiana, “posted his two small infantry brigades and two dismounted regiments of cavalry on the left, west of town, and thirteen more guns supported Polignac’s force.”
New York Tribune headline announcing the U.S. Army of the Gulf’s May 1864 victory near Marksville, Louisiana (New York Tribune, June 3, 1864, public domain).
Standing “on a flat, green savanna,” according to Clay, the troops under Brigadier-General Emory’s command, including the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, were the first to march into the battle’s fray, followed by A. J. Smith’s “divisions to the right of the line.” It quickly became obvious to all who were watching the scene unfold that Taylor had woefully misjudged his opponents; his six thousand Confederates were greeted with the spectacle of the eighteen-thousand strong Army of the Gulf arrayed before them.
According to Clay, “The battle began sometime after 0600 [6 a.m.] with a mutual artillery bombardment.”
As the fusillade opened, commanders on both sides ordered their men to lie down in order to reduce casualties during the artillery duel. The tactic was effective. The barrage lasted about four hours, but few men were struck by the many rounds fired. As the Union battle line rose and moved forward on occasion, Taylor’s skirmish line responded by slowly giving ground…. Finally, at about 1000 (1 p.m.), as the XVI Corps pressed forward on the Confederate left to flank Taylor’s position as planned, the rebel line quickly sidestepped the move and fell back toward their trains which were located southwest in the village of Evergreen.
Unlike the sanguinary opening battles of the Red River Campaign, the Battle of Mansura was far less brutal. Per Wharton:
Our loss was slight. Of the rebels we could not ascertain correctly, but learned from citizens who had secreted themselves during the fight, that they had many killed and wounded, who threw them into wagons, promiscuously, and drove them off so that we could not learn their casualties.
Afterward, the victorious Army of the Gulf resumed its march south. According Major-General Banks:
The 16th of May we reached Simmsport [sic, Simmesport], on the Atchafalaya. Being entirely destitute of any ordinary bridge material for the passage of this river – about six hundred yards wide – a bridge was constructed of the steamers, under direction of Lieutenant Colonel Bailey. This work was not of the same magnitude, but was as important to the army as the dam at Alexandria was to the navy. It had the merit of being an entirely novel construction, no bridge of such magnitude having been constructed of similar materials. The bridge was completed at one o’clock on the 19th of May. The wagon train passed in the afternoon, and the troops the next morning, in better spirit and condition, as able and eager to meet the enemy as at any period of the campaign.
Union Major-General Nathaniel Banks subsequently reported that, during the Army of the Gulf’s final engagement with Confederates, the “command of General A. J. Smith, which covered the rear of the army during the construction of the bridge and the passage of the army, had a severe engagement with the enemy, under Polignac, on the afternoon of the 19th, at Yellow Bayou, which lasted several hours.”
Our loss was about one hundred and fifty in killed and wounded; that of the enemy much greater, besides many prisoners who were taken by our troops. Major General E. R. S. Canby arrived at Simmsport [sic, Simmesport] on the 19th of May, and the next day assumed command of the troops as a portion of the forces of the military division of the West Mississippi, to the command of which he had been assigned.
The 47th Pennsylvania, however, was not involved in that battle at Yellow Bayou; according to Wharton:
This fight was the last one of the expedition. The whole of the force is safe on the Mississippi, gunboats, transports and trains. The 16th and 17th have gone to their old commands.
It is amusing to read the statements of correspondents to papers North, concerning our movements and the losses of our army. I have it from the best source that the Federal loss from Franklin to Mansfield, and from their [sic] to this point does not exceed thirty-five hundred in killed, wounded and missing, while that of the rebels is over eight thousand.
Union Army base at Morganza Bend, Louisiana, circa 1863-1865 (U.S. Library of Congress, public domain).
After that final battle, the surviving members of the 47th made their way through Simmesport and into the Atchafalaya Basin, and then moved on to the village of Morganza, where they made camp again. According to Wharton, the members of Company C were sent on a special mission which took them on an intense journey of one hundred and twenty miles:
Company C, on last Saturday was detailed by the General in command of the Division to take one hundred and eighty-seven prisoners (rebs) to New Orleans. This they done [sic] satisfactorily and returned yesterday to their regiment, ready for duty. While in the City some of the boys made Captain Gobin quite a handsome present, to show their appreciation of him as an officer gentleman.
By May 28, 1864, the men from Company C had returned from New Orleans and were once again encamped at Morganza with the full 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, prompting Henry Wharton to write:
The boys are well. James Kennedy who was wounded at Pleasant Hill, died at New Orleans hospital a few days ago. His friends in the company were pleased to learn that Dr. Dodge of Sunbury, now of the U.S. Steamer Octorora, was with him in his last moments, and ministered to his wants. The Doctor was one of the Surgeons from the Navy who volunteered when our wounded was [sic, were] sent to New Orleans.
Their long trek through Louisiana was over, but their fight to preserve America’s Union was not.
Sources:
- Banks, Nathaniel P. “Report of the Red River Campaign,” in “Annual Report of the Secretary of War,” in Message of the President of the United States, and Accompanying Documents, to the Two Houses of Congress, at the Commencement of the First Session of the Thirty-Ninth Congress. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1866.
- Bates, Samuel P. History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-5, vol. 1. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1869.
- “Battle of Pleasant Hill, April 9, 1864, Walker’s Texas Division Campaign Map, Detail,” in “House Divided.” Carlisle, Pennsylvania: History Department, Dickinson College, November 21, 2009 (cropped from the original public domain map available on the website of the U.S. Library of Congress).
- Clay, Steven E. The Staff Ride Handbook for the Red River Campaign, 7 March-19 May 1864. Fort Leavenworth, Kansas: Combat Studies Institute Press, U.S. Army Combined Arms Centers, 2023.
- Prisoner of War Records, Camp Ford and Camp Groce (47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry). Tyler Texas: Smith County Historical Society, 2010.
- “Report of Maj. Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks, U. S. Army, Commanding Expedition and Department of the Gulf” (to Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War), in Annual Report of the Secretary of War, in Message of the President of the United States, and Accompanying Documents, to the Two Houses of Congress, at the Commencement of the First Session of the Thirty-Ninth Congress. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1866.
- Schmidt, Lewis G. A Civil War History of the 47th Regiment of Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers. Allentown, Pennsylvania: Self-published, 1986.
- “The History of the Forty-Seventh Regt. P. V.” Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Lehigh Register, July 20, 1870.
- Wharton, Henry D. Letters from the Sunbury Guards, 1861-1868. Sunbury, Pennsylvania: Sunbury American.
#003366 #1864 #47thPennsylvaniaInfantry #47thPennsylvaniaVolunteers #Alexandria #America #AmericanCivilWar #AmericanHistory #Army #ArmyOfTheGulf #Atchafalaya #AvoyellesParish #BattleOfMansura #CivilWar #CommonwealthOfPennsylvania #Emory #History #Infantry #LaurelHill #Louisiana #Mansura #Marksville #Morganza #NathanielPBanks #PennsylvaniaHistory #PennsylvaniaInTheCivilWar #RapidesParish #RedRiver #RedRiverCampaign #Simmesport #Slavery #TheUnionArmy #USMilitaryAndTheUnionArmy #USSLaurelHill #WilliamHEmory #XIXCorps
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@klokanek @dekonstrukce vzhledem k tomu, že by to hostovaly SPOJe, ale administroval @gandalf tak je otázka, jak moc by se mu do toho chtělo a jak by to nacenil.
Já můžu dát k dispozici svoje know-how, které se týká patchů pro velikost příspěvků, počet možností v anketě a čištění federované cache (ale není to nic moc, dá se to vygooglit, ale není to úplně přímočaré, o proto, že se to občas mění napříč novými releasy...). A samozřejmě poradit s moderací (asi ji ale nebudu dělat za vás celou). A u SPOJů nebo kdekoliv jinde si jde objednat nemanageovaný VPS na vlastní doméně. Nejsložitější je právě manageování serveru i se vším, co je potřeba pro Mastodon - ten je bohužel v Ruby a Ruby+PostgreSQL stack patří k těm složitějším požadavkům.
Podle mě máte hodně velký tématický překryv s witter.cz, takže by to bylo trochu nošení dříví do lesa... ti jsou hodně aktivističtí, přijde mě. Já spíš řeším, jak dostat na Mastodon víc "mainstreamu" nebo jak to říct... ale tak, aby nebyl pod vlivem korporátních algoritmů a témat. Vlastně formování široké opozice proti AI mě asi zajímá víc, než ty dílčí, velmi tématické komunity.
Nějakého spolku se chtěl účastnit @tymoty a mě přijde, že k vám mám možná názorově blízko, nebo spíš po vzoru Špidly by chtěl mít blízko, nevím. Tak třeba vám pomůže s volbou domény. Existuje spousta nových TLD (domén druhé úrovně), různé ty .pizza, .club, .party, .cat, .cafe, dokonce je .lgbt ... nevím, je to na vás. Kdyby klientem byl formální spolek, kterému lze fakturovat a ne fyzická osoba, kterou to může přestat bavit nebo ji můžou dojít peníze, jistě by se to řešilo snáze. Ovšem na dotace bych za téhle vlády moc nespoléhal...
My instanci každopádně umíme. Cenově se vším všudy to vychází okolo 1000 měsíčně (bez DPH), hlavně když to bude co do nastavení identické s #fcz ... ale je to cena pro relativně malou instanci, tak do stovky uživatelů, půl tera místa na disku, archiv federované timeline rok zpátky... detaily by se musely holt prodiskutovat.
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Námět #tg383511571 "Dvě" je prvním bodem osnovy knihy, co
píšu. Spojuje se mi s dvěma knihami, kvůli kterým poruším
zásadu #tg803313373 "Bez angličtiny".(1)
Alasdair Gray.
https://cs.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alasdair_Gray .
'Unlikely Stories, Mostly' (Nepravděpodobné historky,
většinou, 1983, do češtiny nepřeloženo).
https://www.mlp.cz/katalog/titul/unlikely-stories-mostly/2461210 .A vlastně mám na mysli jen jednu z povídek sbírky.
'Five Letters From An Eastern Empire' (Pět dopisů z východní
říše).(2)
Theodore Zeldin.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Theodore_Zeldin (anglicky).
'An Intimate History of Humanity' (Intitní dějiny lidstva,
1994, do češtiny nepřeloženo).
https://www.mlp.cz/katalog/titul/an-intimate-history-of-humanity/4055212 .Grayova povídka mi osvětluje, že jakkoliv se to může jevit
opačně, že slova samy o sobě nemají význam nebo můžou
znamenat leccos. Že nestačí jen tak vypouštět slova do
prostoru, ale že je třeba pečovat o naslouchajícího. A že
je třeba pečovat o mluvícího.Zeldinova kniha mi osvětluje, že způsoby vzájemné péče
nejsou jednou provždy dány, ale že v dějinách se objevují a
zanikají. Že nejsou ve všech společnostech v různých časech
a místech stejné. Že je možné vynalézt nový způsob vzájemné
péče.---
#tg383511571 Dvě. Je v souboru dve.txt .
#AlasdairGray #TheodoreZeldin -
A ještě jeden popis čtyř úrovní:
Myslím, že potřebujeme dvě úrovně a k vysvětlení se hodí ještě další dvě.
(1) Unie. Kokrétní, určité, špinavé dílo s občankami a papíry. Všichni jsou Unioňané. I Orbán. My, vědomí a pečující občané, co sdílíme nějaké hodnoty, se máme shodovat, že všechny bereme za rovné a že o všechny máme pečovat. I o Unioňany, kteří se Unioňany být necítí a třeba jsou aktivně pro zrušení Unie nebo proti jejím zájmům. Dáváme jim svobodu říkat, co chceš, i když třeba oni říkají, že nechtějí, abychom my měli svobodu říkat, co chceme.
(2) Náš unijní směr (55 https://trojkatretiho.cz/viewtopic.php?p=1612#p1612 #tg821088819 ). Velmi široká pestrobarevná polyfonní shoda. My, vědomí a pečující občané, co sdílíme nějaké hodnoty, se máme pokoušet tyto ztvárňovat, hlásat, slavit, uplatňovat. V rámci této shody můžou vesele vedle sebe být i hluboké rozpory o zásadních otázkách. Negativní vymezení je snažší: ne fašismu, ne hnědým uniformám, ne totalitě. Pozitivní vymezení pořád neumím dobře. Zvu ke spolupráci.
Podle mě je doba pro formulaci a práci na úrovni 2. Úroveň 1 potřebuju, abych věděl, o čem říkám, jaké to chci, a co také může mít alternativní budoucnosti, které by se mi nemuseli líbit. Co patří na jakou úroveň, je k přemýšlení a k shodování se o tom. Úrovně 3 a 4 se mi hodí k vyjmenování věcí, které se mi líbí, ale myslím, že nemají / nemusí patřit k širší shodě.
(3) Už konkrétní politické směřování / preference, které si vesele konkurují a koalicují v úrovni 2. Něco jako unijní a členskozemské politické strany. Moje volba. Moje preference.
(4) Vrtochy. Moje osobní politické vrtochy, libůstky, které bych třeba rád uskutečnil nebo podpořil, ale teď na ně není doba.
(Evropská unie 175 https://trojkatretiho.cz/viewtopic.php?p=1653#p1653 #tg472670899 )
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Takhle jsem čtyři úrovně popsal v odezvě na xChaos -e:
Pro mě je hodně důležité odlišit čtyři úrovně vztahování / sounáležitosti / chtění:
(1) Unie, obyvatelstvo Unie unijní lid, Unioňané, my všichni - a do toho zahrnuju "demagogickou populistickou pravici" / Orbána / Fica... Prostě všechny. Když Unii ovládne demagogická populistická pravice, nebo já nevím kdo, pořád je to moje / naše Unie, pořád jsme tu my, obyvatelstvo Unie. (Dokud nás etnicky nebo jinak nepročistí.)
(2) Náš unijní směr ( #tg821088819 ). My všichni, kteří ctíme nějaké základní hodnoty a dodržujeme nějakou základní praxi. Negativní vymezení je poměrně snadné: ne fašismu, ne sado-politice, ne hnědým uniformám, ne Orbán... Pozitivní vymezení a vhodné pojmenování je obtížnější. Může obsahovat i hluboké spory o zásadní otázky. Nemůže obsahovat popření / zrušení sebeopravujícího procesu a jeho nahrazení vůdcem, a jedno-hnědostí, a koncentračními tábory.
(3) Politické strany členskozemské a unijní.
(4) Individuální vrtochy.
Za úkol doby považuju jasné ztvárnění úrovně (2). Co jsou ty možná samozřejmé, ale fakt zásadní věci, na kterých se chceme jednotit. Pořád to ještě neumím uspokojivě říct. Zvu ke spolupráci.
Úroveň (1) potřebuju mimo jiné proto, aby bylo jasné, o čem chci, aby bylo podle úrovně (2). Také kvůli zdůraznění svobody k čemukoliv. Jiní Unioňané můžou chtít cokoliv jiného než já.
Doba podle mě není příznivá k nimrání v úrovních (3) a (4).
(Evropská unie 162 https://trojkatretiho.cz/viewtopic.php?p=1640#p1640 #tg472670899 )
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Myslím, že nemám ještě úplně ujasněno, čeho jsou to úrovně, co dělím do těchto úrovní. A že to zatím neumím dost dobře ztvárnit. Zatím používám pojmenování "Čtyři úrovně sebesprávného vztahování k Unii". A taky zatím nevím, jak ty úrovně pojmenovávat.
Je mi hodně jasné, že v tomhle čtyřúrovňovém snažení je pro mě v této době nejdůležitější úroveň 2. Ztvárnění jakou Unii chceme, ztvárnění nějakých základních, zásadních, hodnot, zvyklostí a já nevím čeho. Možná mnohé z toho považujeme nebo jsme považovali za samozřejmé, ale doba podle mě vyžaduje, abychom to extrahovali, ztvárnili a mohli se k tomu přihlásit a mohli to hlásat.
Úroveň 1 je taky důležitá. Mimo jiné ji potřebuju, aby bylo jasné, o čem to vlastně říkám, jaké to chci. Co je to ta Unie, kterou chci nějakou mít? Ujasnění na této úrovni je také důležité proto, že sice se o Unii hodně mluví a píše, ale že lidé pod stejným názvem mluví o hodně odlišných Uniích, o hodně odlišných představách, co to Unie je. Navíc je oddělení úrovně 1 a úrovně 2 důležité proto, že výroky, které vypadají jako popis Unie (úroveň 1), často v sobě skrývají přání mluvčího, jakou Unii vlastně chce. Prostě je v tom zmatek, který doufám trochu odzmatkovat rozdělením na úrovně.
Úrovně 3 a 4 jsem k úrovním 1 a 2 přidal, abych mohl, pokud možno stručně, popisovat nějaká přání, směřování, politické programy, které pro mě nebo pro jiné můžou být hodně důležité a můžou být vzájemně i v docela zásadních rozporech. Nicméně jsou to záležitost nebo spory, kterým se podle mě má v této době věnovat mnohem méně pozornosti a úsilí než úrovni 2. Úrovně 3 a 4 zavádím, abych mohl vyjmenovávat, co nepatří do úrovně 2.
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Pasty White Guy Schools American History
Slavery, racism, the Tulsa Massacre, the Wilmington coup d'etat, MLK's economic justice campaign (socialism, wealth redistribution), Lee Atwater's "n---r, n---r, n---r" explanation of GOP political, economic, and social policy, and more history you likely do not know.
(Oh, and it's just the tip.)
I like to think of myself as, if not fully woke, at least somewhat aware. And I didn't learn (much) new from this video. But by and large it covers events I've learned of only in the past 3--8 years or so.
https://youtube.com/watch?v=hsxukOPEdgg
Another excellent resource is James W. Loewen's Lies My Teacher Told Me, addressing not just slavery and racism but Columbus, native Americans (ok; more racism), inequality, government overreach (a force for both good and evil), what Helen Keller used her rediscovered voice for (hint: see MLK above), and more.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lies_My_Teacher_Told_Me
https://www.worldcat.org/title/lies-my-teacher-told-me/oclc/733766164
You know what the most dangerous thing in America is, right? N---a with a library card.
-- Brother Mouzone, The Wire s. 2 e. 10.
Get out there and read and learn, motherfuckers. Then act for change.
#history #racism #whiteNationalism #BLM #powerOfKnowledge #JohnOliver #MLK #IbramXKendi
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<- Politicky jsou tám kusy pevniny Ruské (ostrovy) a Spojeno-státní (Aljaška, ostrovy), ale především jsou to státy velim úzce propojené s Evropskou unií různými způsoby. Finsko, Švédsko, Dánsko, Norsko a Irsko jsou členy. Spojené království bylo členem. Grónsko se podílelo na členství Dánska. Přinejmenším někdo o členství Norska, Spojeného království, Islandu, Grónska i Kanady uvažuje. Ale přímé členství, právě kvůli kulturní, hospodářská a politické blízkost, není pro č.p. Severní Atlantik až tak podstatné. Mnohé jiné formy spolupráce (Schengen, vojenská a mnohé další) fungují dobře a mohou se dále rozvíjet členství nečlenství.
Ostrovní a poloostrovní pevniny č.p. Severní Atlantik jsou od č.p. Evropa oddělené jen úzkými kusy vody, které jsou navíc překlenuty mosty nebo podklenuty tunely. Nicméně to, že příslušnými vodami se můžou prohánět ruské a jiné ponorky jisté oddění vytváří. Byly doby, když se přes tuto hranici vedly války, ale to se teď zdá nepředstvitelné.
Sousedství s č.p. Rusko klimatické, původní obyvatelstvo a tak je taky plynulé. Nicméně válečný stav trvá, i když je také zkušenost mírové koexistence Finska a Sovětského svazu. Baltské trojmezí je oblast vyžadující vlastní pojednání.
Malé skoky přes vodu mezi ostrovy vedou dále přes Island do Grónska a jsme v kontintentu Amerika. I zde, sousedství s č.p. Spojené státy pamatuje i války i mírovou koexistenci a i mnohem větší propojenost než finsko-ruskou.
Hranice mezi č.p. Severní Atlantik a č.p. Jižní Atantik je stanovena do nějaké míry libovolně jako spojnice mezi č.p. Evropa a č.p. Spojené státy.
Č.p. Severní Atlantik pobřežím Kanady a Aljašky sousedí i s č.p. Pacifik. O tomhle sousedství nic nevím.
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L’été est déjà terminé et c’est avec beaucoup de plaisir que j’entame la nouvelle saison. Parfaite pour le cocooning, l’automne est un entre deux que j’adore. La fraicheur, la lumière, les feuilles qui tombent! On range les vélos mais pas nos souliers de marche! Car une marche d’automne est toujours vivifiante et énergisante.
L’automne est la saison idéale pour se « poupouner » et prendre soin de soi. On rentre à la maison après une belle marche en forêt et on se fait couler un bon bain chaud! Le bonheur! Laissez moi vous parler de trois produits parfaits pour se sentir belle et bien!
J’adore les parfums floraux et ceux des soins La Pivoinerie Lili sont doux et légers! J’ai essayé le Lait nettoyant et bain moussant Pivoine et agrumes et je suis enchantée par ce petit produit tout simple. Ça laisse la peau douce et satinée. La fragrance Pivoine et Agrumes est légère et fraiche! On se sent instantanément ravigoté!
Parfait pour la douche, le Lait nettoyant se transforme en bain moussant lorsqu’on le coule sous le robinet du bain. En mettant un peu de produit sur une «moumoute» humide, on obtient une belle mousse qui nettoie sans assécher. On aime ça! La Pivoinerie Lili a été un gros coup de cœur lors de ma balade dans la belle région de Victoriaville!
Les produits de la Pivoinerie Lili sont disponible à la boutique de la ferme florale ( 1439 6e rang,
Photo source pivoinerielili.com
St-Albert, Québec, J0A 1E0 ), dans plusieurs points de vente au Québec et en ligne sur le site pivoinerielili.com.Billie
Billie est une nouvelle marque de soins corporels qui offre des produits de rasage pour celles qui veulent une peau bien lisse. Le rasoir Billie a été conçu pour s’adapter à la façon dont les femmes se rasent. La tête pivotante du rasoir flotte sur la peau et ce, sans effort. Elle épouse les formes et les courbes du corps pour offrir un rasage sécuritaire et en douceur. Le rasoir comporte cinq lames en acier inoxydable, entourées d’un savon à raser à l’aloès super confortable qui glisse facilement sur la peau.
Le Gel à raser au lait de lavande est activé par l’eau et forme un coussin de mousse vraiment doux. On dirait que le rasoir flotte sur un nuage! Il contient de l’aloès et du concombre pour protéger et nourrir la peau. Ça sent très bon les fines herbes et la lavande! Il est végane, sans sulfate, sans parabènes et sans aérosol.
J’ai encore de la misère à raser les aisselles sans laisser quelques poils mais c’est fini le temps où je me coupait lors du rasage! Les produits Billie sont disponibles dans la plupart des pharmacies.
Dove
La compagnie Dove fait partie du paysage québécois depuis moultes années! Elle ne cesse d’innover avec de nouveaux produits pour les soins personnels. Une des nouveautés Dove est le Désodorisant pour tout le corps. Il convient à tous les types de peaux même les plus sensibles et peut être appliqué partout où on en ressent le besoin, notamment sur les aisselles, les parties intimes, les cuisses ou les pieds.
Le Désodorisant pour tout le corps a une texture crémeuse et riche. Cette crème s’étend et pénètre la peau comme un charme. Elle contient des Vitamines B3 et E. La légère fragrance de noix de coco et de vanille est très agréable.
J’ai adoré en mettre sur mes pieds. Bien que mes pieds ne sentent pas vraiment mauvais, s’en est fini pour l’odeur de «p’tits pieds» quand j’ouvre la porte du garde-robe haha!
Photo prise en flagrant délit de cocooning!https://ptitemadame.ca/2024/11/05/pour-une-peau-douce-et-fraiche/
#automne #bain #beautéDeLâge #BillieGelàRaser #BillieRasoir #cocooning #Dove #DoveDésodorisantPourToutLeCorps #PivoinerieLili #soinsCorporels #SoinsPersonnels #vieillirEnBeauté
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A ještě jeden popis čtyř úrovní:
Myslím, že potřebujeme dvě úrovně a k vysvětlení se hodí ještě další dvě.
(1) Unie. Kokrétní, určité, špinavé dílo s občankami a papíry. Všichni jsou Unioňané. I Orbán. My, vědomí a pečující občané, co sdílíme nějaké hodnoty, se máme shodovat, že všechny bereme za rovné a že o všechny máme pečovat. I o Unioňany, kteří se Unioňany být necítí a třeba jsou aktivně pro zrušení Unie nebo proti jejím zájmům. Dáváme jim svobodu říkat, co chceš, i když třeba oni říkají, že nechtějí, abychom my měli svobodu říkat, co chceme.
(2) Náš unijní směr (55 https://trojkatretiho.cz/viewtopic.php?p=1612#p1612 #tg821088819 ). Velmi široká pestrobarevná polyfonní shoda. My, vědomí a pečující občané, co sdílíme nějaké hodnoty, se máme pokoušet tyto ztvárňovat, hlásat, slavit, uplatňovat. V rámci této shody můžou vesele vedle sebe být i hluboké rozpory o zásadních otázkách. Negativní vymezení je snažší: ne fašismu, ne hnědým uniformám, ne totalitě. Pozitivní vymezení pořád neumím dobře. Zvu ke spolupráci.
Podle mě je doba pro formulaci a práci na úrovni 2. Úroveň 1 potřebuju, abych věděl, o čem říkám, jaké to chci, a co také může mít alternativní budoucnosti, které by se mi nemuseli líbit. Co patří na jakou úroveň, je k přemýšlení a k shodování se o tom. Úrovně 3 a 4 se mi hodí k vyjmenování věcí, které se mi líbí, ale myslím, že nemají / nemusí patřit k širší shodě.
(3) Už konkrétní politické směřování / preference, které si vesele konkurují a koalicují v úrovni 2. Něco jako unijní a členskozemské politické strany. Moje volba. Moje preference.
(4) Vrtochy. Moje osobní politické vrtochy, libůstky, které bych třeba rád uskutečnil nebo podpořil, ale teď na ně není doba.
(Evropská unie 175 https://trojkatretiho.cz/viewtopic.php?p=1653#p1653 #tg472670899 )
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A ještě jeden popis čtyř úrovní:
Myslím, že potřebujeme dvě úrovně a k vysvětlení se hodí ještě další dvě.
(1) Unie. Kokrétní, určité, špinavé dílo s občankami a papíry. Všichni jsou Unioňané. I Orbán. My, vědomí a pečující občané, co sdílíme nějaké hodnoty, se máme shodovat, že všechny bereme za rovné a že o všechny máme pečovat. I o Unioňany, kteří se Unioňany být necítí a třeba jsou aktivně pro zrušení Unie nebo proti jejím zájmům. Dáváme jim svobodu říkat, co chceš, i když třeba oni říkají, že nechtějí, abychom my měli svobodu říkat, co chceme.
(2) Náš unijní směr (55 https://trojkatretiho.cz/viewtopic.php?p=1612#p1612 #tg821088819 ). Velmi široká pestrobarevná polyfonní shoda. My, vědomí a pečující občané, co sdílíme nějaké hodnoty, se máme pokoušet tyto ztvárňovat, hlásat, slavit, uplatňovat. V rámci této shody můžou vesele vedle sebe být i hluboké rozpory o zásadních otázkách. Negativní vymezení je snažší: ne fašismu, ne hnědým uniformám, ne totalitě. Pozitivní vymezení pořád neumím dobře. Zvu ke spolupráci.
Podle mě je doba pro formulaci a práci na úrovni 2. Úroveň 1 potřebuju, abych věděl, o čem říkám, jaké to chci, a co také může mít alternativní budoucnosti, které by se mi nemuseli líbit. Co patří na jakou úroveň, je k přemýšlení a k shodování se o tom. Úrovně 3 a 4 se mi hodí k vyjmenování věcí, které se mi líbí, ale myslím, že nemají / nemusí patřit k širší shodě.
(3) Už konkrétní politické směřování / preference, které si vesele konkurují a koalicují v úrovni 2. Něco jako unijní a členskozemské politické strany. Moje volba. Moje preference.
(4) Vrtochy. Moje osobní politické vrtochy, libůstky, které bych třeba rád uskutečnil nebo podpořil, ale teď na ně není doba.
(Evropská unie 175 https://trojkatretiho.cz/viewtopic.php?p=1653#p1653 #tg472670899 )
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Takhle jsem čtyři úrovně popsal v odezvě na xChaos -e:
Pro mě je hodně důležité odlišit čtyři úrovně vztahování / sounáležitosti / chtění:
(1) Unie, obyvatelstvo Unie unijní lid, Unioňané, my všichni - a do toho zahrnuju "demagogickou populistickou pravici" / Orbána / Fica... Prostě všechny. Když Unii ovládne demagogická populistická pravice, nebo já nevím kdo, pořád je to moje / naše Unie, pořád jsme tu my, obyvatelstvo Unie. (Dokud nás etnicky nebo jinak nepročistí.)
(2) Náš unijní směr ( #tg821088819 ). My všichni, kteří ctíme nějaké základní hodnoty a dodržujeme nějakou základní praxi. Negativní vymezení je poměrně snadné: ne fašismu, ne sado-politice, ne hnědým uniformám, ne Orbán... Pozitivní vymezení a vhodné pojmenování je obtížnější. Může obsahovat i hluboké spory o zásadní otázky. Nemůže obsahovat popření / zrušení sebeopravujícího procesu a jeho nahrazení vůdcem, a jedno-hnědostí, a koncentračními tábory.
(3) Politické strany členskozemské a unijní.
(4) Individuální vrtochy.
Za úkol doby považuju jasné ztvárnění úrovně (2). Co jsou ty možná samozřejmé, ale fakt zásadní věci, na kterých se chceme jednotit. Pořád to ještě neumím uspokojivě říct. Zvu ke spolupráci.
Úroveň (1) potřebuju mimo jiné proto, aby bylo jasné, o čem chci, aby bylo podle úrovně (2). Také kvůli zdůraznění svobody k čemukoliv. Jiní Unioňané můžou chtít cokoliv jiného než já.
Doba podle mě není příznivá k nimrání v úrovních (3) a (4).
(Evropská unie 162 https://trojkatretiho.cz/viewtopic.php?p=1640#p1640 #tg472670899 )
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Takhle jsem čtyři úrovně popsal v odezvě na xChaos -e:
Pro mě je hodně důležité odlišit čtyři úrovně vztahování / sounáležitosti / chtění:
(1) Unie, obyvatelstvo Unie unijní lid, Unioňané, my všichni - a do toho zahrnuju "demagogickou populistickou pravici" / Orbána / Fica... Prostě všechny. Když Unii ovládne demagogická populistická pravice, nebo já nevím kdo, pořád je to moje / naše Unie, pořád jsme tu my, obyvatelstvo Unie. (Dokud nás etnicky nebo jinak nepročistí.)
(2) Náš unijní směr ( #tg821088819 ). My všichni, kteří ctíme nějaké základní hodnoty a dodržujeme nějakou základní praxi. Negativní vymezení je poměrně snadné: ne fašismu, ne sado-politice, ne hnědým uniformám, ne Orbán... Pozitivní vymezení a vhodné pojmenování je obtížnější. Může obsahovat i hluboké spory o zásadní otázky. Nemůže obsahovat popření / zrušení sebeopravujícího procesu a jeho nahrazení vůdcem, a jedno-hnědostí, a koncentračními tábory.
(3) Politické strany členskozemské a unijní.
(4) Individuální vrtochy.
Za úkol doby považuju jasné ztvárnění úrovně (2). Co jsou ty možná samozřejmé, ale fakt zásadní věci, na kterých se chceme jednotit. Pořád to ještě neumím uspokojivě říct. Zvu ke spolupráci.
Úroveň (1) potřebuju mimo jiné proto, aby bylo jasné, o čem chci, aby bylo podle úrovně (2). Také kvůli zdůraznění svobody k čemukoliv. Jiní Unioňané můžou chtít cokoliv jiného než já.
Doba podle mě není příznivá k nimrání v úrovních (3) a (4).
(Evropská unie 162 https://trojkatretiho.cz/viewtopic.php?p=1640#p1640 #tg472670899 )
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Tarik Saleh – „Die Kairo Verschwörung“ (2022)
Ägypten im Kino ist immer spannend. Die politischen Gegebenheiten hätte Franz Kafka erfinden können. Eine Militärdiktatur und von den Muslimbrüdern beherrschte islamistische Kräfte kämpfen um die gesellschaftliche Macht. Das terrorisiert die Mehrheit der Bevölkerung. “Die Guten”, also in irgendeinem Sinn emanzipatorische Kräfte, sind öffentlich unsichtbar, emigrieren und/oder leisten kulturellen Widerstand. (ARD, WH.)
Zum Blog: https://nexxtpress.de/mediathekperlen/kafka-islamisch-die-kairo-verschwoerung-2022/
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Kafka islamisch – „Die Kairo Verschwörung“ (2022)
Ägypten im Kino ist immer spannend. Die politischen Gegebenheiten hätte Franz Kafka erfinden können. Eine Militärdiktatur und von den Muslimbrüdern beherrschte islamistische Kräfte kämpfen um die gesellschaftliche Macht. Das terrorisiert die Mehrheit der Bevölkerung. “Die Guten”, also in irgendeinem Sinn emanzipatorische Kräfte, sind öffentlich unsichtbar, emigrieren und/oder leisten kulturellen Widerstand.
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Tarik Saleh – „Die Kairo Verschwörung“ (2022)
Ägypten im Kino ist immer spannend. Die politischen Gegebenheiten hätte Franz Kafka erfinden können. Eine Militärdiktatur und von den Muslimbrüdern beherrschte islamistische Kräfte kämpfen um die gesellschaftliche Macht. Das terrorisiert die Mehrheit der Bevölkerung. “Die Guten”, also in irgendeinem Sinn emanzipatorische Kräfte, sind öffentlich unsichtbar, emigrieren und/oder leisten kulturellen Widerstand. (ARD, WH.)
Zum Blog: https://nexxtpress.de/mediathekperlen/kafka-islamisch-die-kairo-verschwoerung-2022/
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Tarik Saleh – „Die Kairo Verschwörung“ (2022)
Ägypten im Kino ist immer spannend. Die politischen Gegebenheiten hätte Franz Kafka erfinden können. Eine Militärdiktatur und von den Muslimbrüdern beherrschte islamistische Kräfte kämpfen um die gesellschaftliche Macht. Das terrorisiert die Mehrheit der Bevölkerung. “Die Guten”, also in irgendeinem Sinn emanzipatorische Kräfte, sind öffentlich unsichtbar, emigrieren und/oder leisten kulturellen Widerstand. (ARD, WH.)
Zum Blog: https://nexxtpress.de/mediathekperlen/kafka-islamisch-die-kairo-verschwoerung-2022/
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Tarik Saleh – „Die Kairo Verschwörung“ (2022)
Ägypten im Kino ist immer spannend. Die politischen Gegebenheiten hätte Franz Kafka erfinden können. Eine Militärdiktatur und von den Muslimbrüdern beherrschte islamistische Kräfte kämpfen um die gesellschaftliche Macht. Das terrorisiert die Mehrheit der Bevölkerung. “Die Guten”, also in irgendeinem Sinn emanzipatorische Kräfte, sind öffentlich unsichtbar, emigrieren und/oder leisten kulturellen Widerstand. (ARD, WH.)
Zum Blog: https://nexxtpress.de/mediathekperlen/kafka-islamisch-die-kairo-verschwoerung-2022/