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#lutnick — Public Fediverse posts

Live and recent posts from across the Fediverse tagged #lutnick, aggregated by home.social.

  1. Mark Carney throws shade at Howard Lutnick, says ‘unelected Cabinet members’ are not ‘experts on Canadian politics’

    The tensions between the U.S. and Canadian governments may have started as economic, but they’re increasingly becoming more…
    #Canada #MarkCarney #Canadian #Carney #HowardLutnick #lutnick #Trump #U.S.
    europesays.com/canada/196229/

  2. Carney pushes back on Trump administration claims about collapse of trade talks

    Prime Minister Mark Carney speaks at the Alstom Plant in Thunder Bay, Ont. on Thursday, September 3, 2026.…
    #Canada #MarkCarney #Canadian #Carney #DavidJackson- #DonaldJ.Trump #donaldtrump #lutnick #TheCanadianPress #ThunderBay #Trump #U.S. #UnitedStatesTrade
    europesays.com/canada/194621/

  3. Lutnick Apologizes for Saying No U.S. Troops Have Died in the Iran War

    Hey, #Lutnick is a schmuck, but you have to cut him some slack. When you lie constantly to protect #Trump, it's difficult to keep all the lies straight. Lutnick isn't the sharpest tool in the box, & when given several questions to remember the lies about, have issues.

    #corruption #incompetence

    notus.org/trump-white-house/lu

  4. Lutnick Apologizes for Saying No U.S. Troops Have Died in the Iran War

    Hey, #Lutnick is a schmuck, but you have to cut him some slack. When you lie constantly to protect #Trump, it's difficult to keep all the lies straight. Lutnick isn't the sharpest tool in the box, & when given several questions to remember the lies about, have issues.

    #corruption #incompetence

    notus.org/trump-white-house/lu

  5. Lutnick Apologizes for Saying No U.S. Troops Have Died in the Iran War

    Hey, #Lutnick is a schmuck, but you have to cut him some slack. When you lie constantly to protect #Trump, it's difficult to keep all the lies straight. Lutnick isn't the sharpest tool in the box, & when given several questions to remember the lies about, have issues.

    #corruption #incompetence

    notus.org/trump-white-house/lu

  6. Lutnick Apologizes for Saying No U.S. Troops Have Died in the Iran War

    Hey, #Lutnick is a schmuck, but you have to cut him some slack. When you lie constantly to protect #Trump, it's difficult to keep all the lies straight. Lutnick isn't the sharpest tool in the box, & when given several questions to remember the lies about, have issues.

    #corruption #incompetence

    notus.org/trump-white-house/lu

  7. Lutnick Apologizes for Saying No U.S. Troops Have Died in the Iran War

    Hey, #Lutnick is a schmuck, but you have to cut him some slack. When you lie constantly to protect #Trump, it's difficult to keep all the lies straight. Lutnick isn't the sharpest tool in the box, & when given several questions to remember the lies about, have issues.

    #corruption #incompetence

    notus.org/trump-white-house/lu

  8. They're not keeping track of all the people dying on their watch due to their wayward Republican administration. They have more important fish to fry.

    Lutnick apologizes for asserting that there ‘haven’t been American deaths’ from the Iran war

    cnn.com/2026/09/03/politics/lu

    #MAGA #Iran #GOP #Lutnick

  9. #TrumpEpsteinFiles #coverup - starring Sir #TrumpVirus and (especially) fellow #Epstein BFF, #Lutnick And #RFKJ

    And to complete the Stable Genius King's screenplay, he's brought in another wizard - #Oz - Perfect. Like Sir.

    So stay tuned to his highly rated #delusional #realityTV show. He's directing a magical world, in his image, optics and cast of characters, all terrific.

    #FollowTheMoney #MakeAmericaSane

  10. The #trump admin's recent deal w/ 'USA Rare Earth,' "gives the Commerce Dept. 16 million shares" of company stock. 👀

    Congressional Dems called for an investigation, telling #lutnick in a letter it's ~'the latest example of how official Commerce Dept. business has intersected w/ #CantorFitzgerald 's financial interests during your tenure.'

    8 of 10🧵
    (screenshots continue)
    #USA #USpol #business #investment #CommerceDepartment #corruption #mining #Kazakhstan #CriticalMinerals #tungsten

  11. #Charles #Koch, perhaps the most legendary Republican financier of recent decades,
    has never backed Trump, either.

    The political network affiliated with him and his late brother #David remained officially neutral in the Presidential races of 2016 and 2020,
    and spent tens of millions of dollars trying to defeat Trump in this year’s Republican primaries,
    -- much of it supporting Haley.

    When she dropped out, the Koch network concentrated on down-ballot races.

    But Kochworld, like the Republican Party more broadly, remains divided.

    “There are a lot of donors in that network lobbying Charles from the perspective of,
    I know you don’t like him,
    but he’s better than the alternative,”
    Marc Short, who worked for a Koch-affiliated group
    and later served as Vice-President Mike Pence’s chief of staff, said.

    Nevertheless, neither Koch nor Pence is supporting Trump this fall
    —a remarkable rift, given the role that each of them has played in Republican politics.

    At the same time, Trump has cultivated a new group of what might be called #maga #megadonors.

    A study conducted for The New Yorker by the campaign-finance expert Robert Maguire,
    of the nonprofit good-government group #crew,
    found that, as of this summer,
    more than forty of the G.O.P.’s biggest super-pac donors during Romney’s 2012 campaign had never given to a pro-Trump super pac,
    including Oracle’s co-founder #Larry #Ellison,
    the Dallas real-estate tycoon #Harlan #Crow,
    and the hotel magnate J. W. #Marriott, Jr.

    Meanwhile, nearly sixty pro-Trump donors in the study,
    including #Lutnick, #Mellon, #Perlmutter, and the Wisconsin shipping magnates #Richard and #Elizabeth #Uihlein, had given nothing to the pro-Romney super pac.

    Others have significantly increased their giving.

    The #Adelsons, for example, donated $53 million to the pro-Romney super pac in 2012 and $90 million to support Trump in 2020,
    when they were the largest individual donors of the cycle.

    By the end of September, Miriam Adelson had given $100 million to back Trump in 2024.

    With such sums at stake, Trump has pursued what the former Bush Pioneer called a “high touch” approach to the Republican billionaire class.

    🔥The ex-President has all but invited donors to view their contributions as business investments,
    telling oil-and-gas executives who went to see him in April at Mar-a-Lago, for example, that,
    💥because he would allow unrestricted drilling,
    🧨they should raise $1 billion for his campaign
    —a statement redolent of Sondland’s “quid pro quo” that soon leaked to the Washington Post.

    The campaign’s strategy, another longtime fund-raiser told me,
    was essentially to let Trump be Trump:

    “He talks the same book to everybody.”

    Oliver, the former Bush finance director, observed that the difference between the model of the Bush campaigns and Trump’s is the difference between having a large pool of “institutional investors” which had been built up in the course of years, and a series of ad-hoc “transactional” dealings with a relatively small group of the ultra-rich.

    Sean Wilentz, a historian at Princeton University, offered another key distinction. Trump’s billionaires—many of whom have made their fortunes as hedge-fund managers, activist investors, and corporate raiders—tend to be highly motivated ideologues and individual operators. “It’s transactional, but their end of the bargain is a lot different than just having access to the President of the United States,” Wilentz told me. “They see Trump as their instrument. This is an investment for them to take power.” Wilentz noted that, unlike the “traditional corporate conservative élite” dating back to the Gilded Age, this new “class of the super-rich” appears both more numerous and less civic-minded. “The other guys might have been robber barons,” Wilentz said. “These guys are oligarchs.”

  12. #Charles #Koch, perhaps the most legendary Republican financier of recent decades,
    has never backed Trump, either.

    The political network affiliated with him and his late brother #David remained officially neutral in the Presidential races of 2016 and 2020,
    and spent tens of millions of dollars trying to defeat Trump in this year’s Republican primaries,
    -- much of it supporting Haley.

    When she dropped out, the Koch network concentrated on down-ballot races.

    But Kochworld, like the Republican Party more broadly, remains divided.

    “There are a lot of donors in that network lobbying Charles from the perspective of,
    I know you don’t like him,
    but he’s better than the alternative,”
    Marc Short, who worked for a Koch-affiliated group
    and later served as Vice-President Mike Pence’s chief of staff, said.

    Nevertheless, neither Koch nor Pence is supporting Trump this fall
    —a remarkable rift, given the role that each of them has played in Republican politics.

    At the same time, Trump has cultivated a new group of what might be called #maga #megadonors.

    A study conducted for The New Yorker by the campaign-finance expert Robert Maguire,
    of the nonprofit good-government group #crew,
    found that, as of this summer,
    more than forty of the G.O.P.’s biggest super-pac donors during Romney’s 2012 campaign had never given to a pro-Trump super pac,
    including Oracle’s co-founder #Larry #Ellison,
    the Dallas real-estate tycoon #Harlan #Crow,
    and the hotel magnate J. W. #Marriott, Jr.

    Meanwhile, nearly sixty pro-Trump donors in the study,
    including #Lutnick, #Mellon, #Perlmutter, and the Wisconsin shipping magnates #Richard and #Elizabeth #Uihlein, had given nothing to the pro-Romney super pac.

    Others have significantly increased their giving.

    The #Adelsons, for example, donated $53 million to the pro-Romney super pac in 2012 and $90 million to support Trump in 2020,
    when they were the largest individual donors of the cycle.

    By the end of September, Miriam Adelson had given $100 million to back Trump in 2024.

    With such sums at stake, Trump has pursued what the former Bush Pioneer called a “high touch” approach to the Republican billionaire class.

    🔥The ex-President has all but invited donors to view their contributions as business investments,
    telling oil-and-gas executives who went to see him in April at Mar-a-Lago, for example, that,
    💥because he would allow unrestricted drilling,
    🧨they should raise $1 billion for his campaign
    —a statement redolent of Sondland’s “quid pro quo” that soon leaked to the Washington Post.

    The campaign’s strategy, another longtime fund-raiser told me,
    was essentially to let Trump be Trump:

    “He talks the same book to everybody.”

    Oliver, the former Bush finance director, observed that the difference between the model of the Bush campaigns and Trump’s is the difference between having a large pool of “institutional investors” which had been built up in the course of years, and a series of ad-hoc “transactional” dealings with a relatively small group of the ultra-rich.

    Sean Wilentz, a historian at Princeton University, offered another key distinction. Trump’s billionaires—many of whom have made their fortunes as hedge-fund managers, activist investors, and corporate raiders—tend to be highly motivated ideologues and individual operators. “It’s transactional, but their end of the bargain is a lot different than just having access to the President of the United States,” Wilentz told me. “They see Trump as their instrument. This is an investment for them to take power.” Wilentz noted that, unlike the “traditional corporate conservative élite” dating back to the Gilded Age, this new “class of the super-rich” appears both more numerous and less civic-minded. “The other guys might have been robber barons,” Wilentz said. “These guys are oligarchs.”

  13. #Charles #Koch, perhaps the most legendary Republican financier of recent decades,
    has never backed Trump, either.

    The political network affiliated with him and his late brother #David remained officially neutral in the Presidential races of 2016 and 2020,
    and spent tens of millions of dollars trying to defeat Trump in this year’s Republican primaries,
    -- much of it supporting Haley.

    When she dropped out, the Koch network concentrated on down-ballot races.

    But Kochworld, like the Republican Party more broadly, remains divided.

    “There are a lot of donors in that network lobbying Charles from the perspective of,
    I know you don’t like him,
    but he’s better than the alternative,”
    Marc Short, who worked for a Koch-affiliated group
    and later served as Vice-President Mike Pence’s chief of staff, said.

    Nevertheless, neither Koch nor Pence is supporting Trump this fall
    —a remarkable rift, given the role that each of them has played in Republican politics.

    At the same time, Trump has cultivated a new group of what might be called #maga #megadonors.

    A study conducted for The New Yorker by the campaign-finance expert Robert Maguire,
    of the nonprofit good-government group #crew,
    found that, as of this summer,
    more than forty of the G.O.P.’s biggest super-pac donors during Romney’s 2012 campaign had never given to a pro-Trump super pac,
    including Oracle’s co-founder #Larry #Ellison,
    the Dallas real-estate tycoon #Harlan #Crow,
    and the hotel magnate J. W. #Marriott, Jr.

    Meanwhile, nearly sixty pro-Trump donors in the study,
    including #Lutnick, #Mellon, #Perlmutter, and the Wisconsin shipping magnates #Richard and #Elizabeth #Uihlein, had given nothing to the pro-Romney super pac.

    Others have significantly increased their giving.

    The #Adelsons, for example, donated $53 million to the pro-Romney super pac in 2012 and $90 million to support Trump in 2020,
    when they were the largest individual donors of the cycle.

    By the end of September, Miriam Adelson had given $100 million to back Trump in 2024.

    With such sums at stake, Trump has pursued what the former Bush Pioneer called a “high touch” approach to the Republican billionaire class.

    🔥The ex-President has all but invited donors to view their contributions as business investments,
    telling oil-and-gas executives who went to see him in April at Mar-a-Lago, for example, that,
    💥because he would allow unrestricted drilling,
    🧨they should raise $1 billion for his campaign
    —a statement redolent of Sondland’s “quid pro quo” that soon leaked to the Washington Post.

    The campaign’s strategy, another longtime fund-raiser told me,
    was essentially to let Trump be Trump:

    “He talks the same book to everybody.”

    Oliver, the former Bush finance director, observed that the difference between the model of the Bush campaigns and Trump’s is the difference between having a large pool of “institutional investors” which had been built up in the course of years, and a series of ad-hoc “transactional” dealings with a relatively small group of the ultra-rich.

    Sean Wilentz, a historian at Princeton University, offered another key distinction. Trump’s billionaires—many of whom have made their fortunes as hedge-fund managers, activist investors, and corporate raiders—tend to be highly motivated ideologues and individual operators. “It’s transactional, but their end of the bargain is a lot different than just having access to the President of the United States,” Wilentz told me. “They see Trump as their instrument. This is an investment for them to take power.” Wilentz noted that, unlike the “traditional corporate conservative élite” dating back to the Gilded Age, this new “class of the super-rich” appears both more numerous and less civic-minded. “The other guys might have been robber barons,” Wilentz said. “These guys are oligarchs.”

  14. #Charles #Koch, perhaps the most legendary Republican financier of recent decades,
    has never backed Trump, either.

    The political network affiliated with him and his late brother #David remained officially neutral in the Presidential races of 2016 and 2020,
    and spent tens of millions of dollars trying to defeat Trump in this year’s Republican primaries,
    -- much of it supporting Haley.

    When she dropped out, the Koch network concentrated on down-ballot races.

    But Kochworld, like the Republican Party more broadly, remains divided.

    “There are a lot of donors in that network lobbying Charles from the perspective of,
    I know you don’t like him,
    but he’s better than the alternative,”
    Marc Short, who worked for a Koch-affiliated group
    and later served as Vice-President Mike Pence’s chief of staff, said.

    Nevertheless, neither Koch nor Pence is supporting Trump this fall
    —a remarkable rift, given the role that each of them has played in Republican politics.

    At the same time, Trump has cultivated a new group of what might be called #maga #megadonors.

    A study conducted for The New Yorker by the campaign-finance expert Robert Maguire,
    of the nonprofit good-government group #crew,
    found that, as of this summer,
    more than forty of the G.O.P.’s biggest super-pac donors during Romney’s 2012 campaign had never given to a pro-Trump super pac,
    including Oracle’s co-founder #Larry #Ellison,
    the Dallas real-estate tycoon #Harlan #Crow,
    and the hotel magnate J. W. #Marriott, Jr.

    Meanwhile, nearly sixty pro-Trump donors in the study,
    including #Lutnick, #Mellon, #Perlmutter, and the Wisconsin shipping magnates #Richard and #Elizabeth #Uihlein, had given nothing to the pro-Romney super pac.

    Others have significantly increased their giving.

    The #Adelsons, for example, donated $53 million to the pro-Romney super pac in 2012 and $90 million to support Trump in 2020,
    when they were the largest individual donors of the cycle.

    By the end of September, Miriam Adelson had given $100 million to back Trump in 2024.

    With such sums at stake, Trump has pursued what the former Bush Pioneer called a “high touch” approach to the Republican billionaire class.

    🔥The ex-President has all but invited donors to view their contributions as business investments,
    telling oil-and-gas executives who went to see him in April at Mar-a-Lago, for example, that,
    💥because he would allow unrestricted drilling,
    🧨they should raise $1 billion for his campaign
    —a statement redolent of Sondland’s “quid pro quo” that soon leaked to the Washington Post.

    The campaign’s strategy, another longtime fund-raiser told me,
    was essentially to let Trump be Trump:

    “He talks the same book to everybody.”

    Oliver, the former Bush finance director, observed that the difference between the model of the Bush campaigns and Trump’s is the difference between having a large pool of “institutional investors” which had been built up in the course of years, and a series of ad-hoc “transactional” dealings with a relatively small group of the ultra-rich.

    Sean Wilentz, a historian at Princeton University, offered another key distinction. Trump’s billionaires—many of whom have made their fortunes as hedge-fund managers, activist investors, and corporate raiders—tend to be highly motivated ideologues and individual operators. “It’s transactional, but their end of the bargain is a lot different than just having access to the President of the United States,” Wilentz told me. “They see Trump as their instrument. This is an investment for them to take power.” Wilentz noted that, unlike the “traditional corporate conservative élite” dating back to the Gilded Age, this new “class of the super-rich” appears both more numerous and less civic-minded. “The other guys might have been robber barons,” Wilentz said. “These guys are oligarchs.”

  15. #Charles #Koch, perhaps the most legendary Republican financier of recent decades,
    has never backed Trump, either.

    The political network affiliated with him and his late brother #David remained officially neutral in the Presidential races of 2016 and 2020,
    and spent tens of millions of dollars trying to defeat Trump in this year’s Republican primaries,
    -- much of it supporting Haley.

    When she dropped out, the Koch network concentrated on down-ballot races.

    But Kochworld, like the Republican Party more broadly, remains divided.

    “There are a lot of donors in that network lobbying Charles from the perspective of,
    I know you don’t like him,
    but he’s better than the alternative,”
    Marc Short, who worked for a Koch-affiliated group
    and later served as Vice-President Mike Pence’s chief of staff, said.

    Nevertheless, neither Koch nor Pence is supporting Trump this fall
    —a remarkable rift, given the role that each of them has played in Republican politics.

    At the same time, Trump has cultivated a new group of what might be called #maga #megadonors.

    A study conducted for The New Yorker by the campaign-finance expert Robert Maguire,
    of the nonprofit good-government group #crew,
    found that, as of this summer,
    more than forty of the G.O.P.’s biggest super-pac donors during Romney’s 2012 campaign had never given to a pro-Trump super pac,
    including Oracle’s co-founder #Larry #Ellison,
    the Dallas real-estate tycoon #Harlan #Crow,
    and the hotel magnate J. W. #Marriott, Jr.

    Meanwhile, nearly sixty pro-Trump donors in the study,
    including #Lutnick, #Mellon, #Perlmutter, and the Wisconsin shipping magnates #Richard and #Elizabeth #Uihlein, had given nothing to the pro-Romney super pac.

    Others have significantly increased their giving.

    The #Adelsons, for example, donated $53 million to the pro-Romney super pac in 2012 and $90 million to support Trump in 2020,
    when they were the largest individual donors of the cycle.

    By the end of September, Miriam Adelson had given $100 million to back Trump in 2024.

    With such sums at stake, Trump has pursued what the former Bush Pioneer called a “high touch” approach to the Republican billionaire class.

    🔥The ex-President has all but invited donors to view their contributions as business investments,
    telling oil-and-gas executives who went to see him in April at Mar-a-Lago, for example, that,
    💥because he would allow unrestricted drilling,
    🧨they should raise $1 billion for his campaign
    —a statement redolent of Sondland’s “quid pro quo” that soon leaked to the Washington Post.

    The campaign’s strategy, another longtime fund-raiser told me,
    was essentially to let Trump be Trump:

    “He talks the same book to everybody.”

    Oliver, the former Bush finance director, observed that the difference between the model of the Bush campaigns and Trump’s is the difference between having a large pool of “institutional investors” which had been built up in the course of years, and a series of ad-hoc “transactional” dealings with a relatively small group of the ultra-rich.

    Sean Wilentz, a historian at Princeton University, offered another key distinction. Trump’s billionaires—many of whom have made their fortunes as hedge-fund managers, activist investors, and corporate raiders—tend to be highly motivated ideologues and individual operators. “It’s transactional, but their end of the bargain is a lot different than just having access to the President of the United States,” Wilentz told me. “They see Trump as their instrument. This is an investment for them to take power.” Wilentz noted that, unlike the “traditional corporate conservative élite” dating back to the Gilded Age, this new “class of the super-rich” appears both more numerous and less civic-minded. “The other guys might have been robber barons,” Wilentz said. “These guys are oligarchs.”

  16. ‘October 7 was a turning point’: Trump’s pro-Israel fundraising accelerates

    ALMOST AS SOON AS PRESIDENT JOE BIDEN announced he would halt a weapons shipment to Israel, Steve #Witkoff’s iPhone started buzzing.

    “Every one of my friends started calling and asking, ‘What can I do for Donald Trump?’” Witkoff, a pro-Israel donor and fundraiser for Trump’s presidential campaign, told The Bulwark.

    thebulwark.com/p/october-7-tur

    #Paulson #Ross #Wynn #Lutnick #Wood #Loeffler #Troutt #McMahon #Mercer #Malik #McEvoy #Kurtz

  17. Last month the New York Times reported on a dinner Donald Trump had with a small group of donors,
    -- including large backers of his 2016 campaign, Robert #Mercer and his daughter Rebekah Mercer.

    Other attendees included entrepreneur Omeed #Malik, cosmetics firm founder Trish #McEvoy and real estate billionaire Richard #Kurtz.

    In April the Mercers and Malik were among a few dozen co-chairs of a Trump fundraising dinner hosted by John #Paulson, along with other notable co-chairs including Wilbur #Ross, Steve #Wynn, Howard #Lutnick, Robert #Wood, Kelly #Loeffler, Kenny #Troutt and Linda #McMahon – who is also a board director of Trump Media which owns Truth Social.

    The Trump campaign claimed it raised over $50 million at the event.

    #Mercer #Malik #McEvoy #Kurtz