#revolutionaryselfdefense — Public Fediverse posts
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Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis: Attention! The Lackeys of Counter-Revolution Circulate Among Us
On Saturday, April 5th, a large group of relatives of victims of state and parastate murders and state-capitalist massacres are about to meet in a public debate. The whole social movement welcomes such a broad manifestation with joy and humility. The coordination of the discussion was assigned to two journalists, one of whom, driven by his demonstrated ideological-political commitment to the defense of the bourgeois regime, has contributed in the recent past to the policy of criminal extermination of the people of the social resistance in general and me in particular for my political commitment to the guerrilla social struggle and its defense against the bourgeoisie state judges. For this he has been publicly denounced (https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1622067/). Writing political articles about the second instance trial against the Revolutionary Self-Defense Organization and the Holargos case, he boldly sided with the policy of criminal repression of the revolutionary struggle, mocking the expression of guerrilla discourse in the courtroom, sucking up to the judges, advocating the “democratic” condemnation of the “guilty”, exaggerating the false objectivity that bourgeois criminal terrorism wears like a purifying coat and applauding the constant judicial attack for the depoliticization of the counter-revolutionary trial, the depoliticization of the disputed issues and the depoliticization of the subject to be exterminated.
What contribution to the public debate on social justice can a sculptural whistleblower dedicated to the Leviathan of the state-capitalist complex have? His invitation already gives movement justification and new energy to his dirty role. The extremes of the political assimilation of the antagonistic mindset into counter-revolutionary terrorism shift deeper into Leviathan, as the central position in the debate has been taken over by an ideological agent of special duties, who defends the judiciary, not only as a regulator of social justice in general, but as a “democratic” institution for the extermination of the armed movement. The organizers, masquerading as libertarians in the political arena, bring the butcher’s cradle to welcome the slaughterhouses. Now, it is reasonable that the sculptor of the counter-revolution will not mock the relatives of the victims for subjecting the judges to “procedural torture”, as he did against an armed militant, but he is here to validate the class-political competence of state judges to render justice, to punish the illegality according to bourgeois institutions, to define objectivity, to conduct a “fair trial”. Assistance in the depoliticization of counter-revolutionary trials is a vanguard in assisting in the conversion of the politicization of social anger, towards assimilation into the institutions of the regime and its defusement. A person who acts on the position that he has “closed his accounts” with revolutionary political ideas and ridicules the revolutionaries at a time when the judicial priesthood of anti-proletarian, anti-social and counter-revolutionary terrorism is fighting with dignity, can today intervene in the mass movement for state-capitalist massacres, only to de-revolutionize the issues at hand. To cause confusion, to instill loyalty and discord in the social movement, to introduce embankments to the common prospective path for the overthrow of genocidal class domination. His position next to the regime’s institutional complex then and now, a position that at that time called for the condemnation of the “guilty” of the revolutionary social struggle having first separated the armed and the unarmed ideas, today is a position of covering up the radical class-political causes of the political massacres, the “why?”, and the self-disguise of the institutional network of their legitimacy and cover-up. Because the truth that the people are looking for comes only through their subversive struggle, while reinvestment in universally discredited bourgeois institutions only brings terrorist silencing orders and new massacres.
The organizing political group should have known, if not in its entirety, the identity of the parastate journalist in question, since some of its cadres participated in procedures of support in the trial of the Holargos case – Revolutionary Self-Defense Organization. Those in the know, by placing the whistleblower among the bloody people of the social movement, have consciously assumed responsibility for an upgrade of provoking conflicts within the movement, something that the whistleblower had attempted. Nice social federalists! If they had at least a little honesty, they would not have called the apologist of the regime’s terrorism who wears the mask of the movement, they would have called directly Theodorikakos (former KKE), who rushed to embrace the murderers of Nikos Sambanis, they would have called Floridis (former PASOK), the rapporteur of the last penal code, they would have called the proud fascist Voridis.
It should be noted, apart from the prominent political hospitality of the sycophantic reporter in the lively dialogue of the resisting social subject, his name decorated with militant rhetoric was projected in the eminently open and federalist structure of the libertarian movement, in Athens Indymedia. The media’s management team cannot control the history of every person for whom a well-known political figure takes responsibility. Federalism is built on mutual trust. However, this raises political responsibilities and requires prudence. The depravity of opportunist arbitrariness must find its wall.
Parenthetically, the OmniaTV channel participates in the same event, members of which had been at the forefront of the reproduction of the imperialist and governmental terrorist propaganda of anti-health fascism and biotechnocratic colonialism on the social body. Fascism always has two legs: one of the traditional right and one of social democracy.
Bourgeois democracy does not prevent anyone from becoming the tail of the PASOK-SYRIZA party. It is the duty of anarchists not to allow the current insurrectionary movement to be driven in the teeth of reformism. The dirty reactionary strategy that exploits the libertarian struggles has a future only along the lines of parainstitutionalism and will sink with it. The revolutionary organization of anarchists is the only hope of a way out of the shackle and the slaughterhouse.
Together with those who come forward in search of justice against state and parastate crimes. Not even an inch of social ground for the reformist gravediggers.
There is no peace without justice
Scumbag snitch journalists
Thugs, opportunists, filth
Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis
3 April 2025
Domokos Prison
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=18378
#AnarchistPrisoners #counterRevolution #DimitrisChatzivasiliadis #europe #greece #reformism #revolutionarySelfDefense
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Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis: Attention! The Lackeys of Counter-Revolution Circulate Among Us
On Saturday, April 5th, a large group of relatives of victims of state and parastate murders and state-capitalist massacres are about to meet in a public debate. The whole social movement welcomes such a broad manifestation with joy and humility. The coordination of the discussion was assigned to two journalists, one of whom, driven by his demonstrated ideological-political commitment to the defense of the bourgeois regime, has contributed in the recent past to the policy of criminal extermination of the people of the social resistance in general and me in particular for my political commitment to the guerrilla social struggle and its defense against the bourgeoisie state judges. For this he has been publicly denounced (https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1622067/). Writing political articles about the second instance trial against the Revolutionary Self-Defense Organization and the Holargos case, he boldly sided with the policy of criminal repression of the revolutionary struggle, mocking the expression of guerrilla discourse in the courtroom, sucking up to the judges, advocating the “democratic” condemnation of the “guilty”, exaggerating the false objectivity that bourgeois criminal terrorism wears like a purifying coat and applauding the constant judicial attack for the depoliticization of the counter-revolutionary trial, the depoliticization of the disputed issues and the depoliticization of the subject to be exterminated.
What contribution to the public debate on social justice can a sculptural whistleblower dedicated to the Leviathan of the state-capitalist complex have? His invitation already gives movement justification and new energy to his dirty role. The extremes of the political assimilation of the antagonistic mindset into counter-revolutionary terrorism shift deeper into Leviathan, as the central position in the debate has been taken over by an ideological agent of special duties, who defends the judiciary, not only as a regulator of social justice in general, but as a “democratic” institution for the extermination of the armed movement. The organizers, masquerading as libertarians in the political arena, bring the butcher’s cradle to welcome the slaughterhouses. Now, it is reasonable that the sculptor of the counter-revolution will not mock the relatives of the victims for subjecting the judges to “procedural torture”, as he did against an armed militant, but he is here to validate the class-political competence of state judges to render justice, to punish the illegality according to bourgeois institutions, to define objectivity, to conduct a “fair trial”. Assistance in the depoliticization of counter-revolutionary trials is a vanguard in assisting in the conversion of the politicization of social anger, towards assimilation into the institutions of the regime and its defusement. A person who acts on the position that he has “closed his accounts” with revolutionary political ideas and ridicules the revolutionaries at a time when the judicial priesthood of anti-proletarian, anti-social and counter-revolutionary terrorism is fighting with dignity, can today intervene in the mass movement for state-capitalist massacres, only to de-revolutionize the issues at hand. To cause confusion, to instill loyalty and discord in the social movement, to introduce embankments to the common prospective path for the overthrow of genocidal class domination. His position next to the regime’s institutional complex then and now, a position that at that time called for the condemnation of the “guilty” of the revolutionary social struggle having first separated the armed and the unarmed ideas, today is a position of covering up the radical class-political causes of the political massacres, the “why?”, and the self-disguise of the institutional network of their legitimacy and cover-up. Because the truth that the people are looking for comes only through their subversive struggle, while reinvestment in universally discredited bourgeois institutions only brings terrorist silencing orders and new massacres.
The organizing political group should have known, if not in its entirety, the identity of the parastate journalist in question, since some of its cadres participated in procedures of support in the trial of the Holargos case – Revolutionary Self-Defense Organization. Those in the know, by placing the whistleblower among the bloody people of the social movement, have consciously assumed responsibility for an upgrade of provoking conflicts within the movement, something that the whistleblower had attempted. Nice social federalists! If they had at least a little honesty, they would not have called the apologist of the regime’s terrorism who wears the mask of the movement, they would have called directly Theodorikakos (former KKE), who rushed to embrace the murderers of Nikos Sambanis, they would have called Floridis (former PASOK), the rapporteur of the last penal code, they would have called the proud fascist Voridis.
It should be noted, apart from the prominent political hospitality of the sycophantic reporter in the lively dialogue of the resisting social subject, his name decorated with militant rhetoric was projected in the eminently open and federalist structure of the libertarian movement, in Athens Indymedia. The media’s management team cannot control the history of every person for whom a well-known political figure takes responsibility. Federalism is built on mutual trust. However, this raises political responsibilities and requires prudence. The depravity of opportunist arbitrariness must find its wall.
Parenthetically, the OmniaTV channel participates in the same event, members of which had been at the forefront of the reproduction of the imperialist and governmental terrorist propaganda of anti-health fascism and biotechnocratic colonialism on the social body. Fascism always has two legs: one of the traditional right and one of social democracy.
Bourgeois democracy does not prevent anyone from becoming the tail of the PASOK-SYRIZA party. It is the duty of anarchists not to allow the current insurrectionary movement to be driven in the teeth of reformism. The dirty reactionary strategy that exploits the libertarian struggles has a future only along the lines of parainstitutionalism and will sink with it. The revolutionary organization of anarchists is the only hope of a way out of the shackle and the slaughterhouse.
Together with those who come forward in search of justice against state and parastate crimes. Not even an inch of social ground for the reformist gravediggers.
There is no peace without justice
Scumbag snitch journalists
Thugs, opportunists, filth
Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis
3 April 2025
Domokos Prison
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=18378
#AnarchistPrisoners #counterRevolution #DimitrisChatzivasiliadis #europe #greece #reformism #revolutionarySelfDefense
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– 21st of October 2019: injury during an appropriation in Cholargos, Athens. Flight, political clandestinity. November 2019: captivity of comrade Vagelis Stathopoulos (imprisoned for 3,5 years) and of my friend Dionysis Bakas (imprisoned for 1,5 years)
– April/March 2021: 1st degree trial for the appropriation in Cholargos and for the Organization Revolutionary Self-defense, in my absence. Stathopoulos sentenced to 19 years, Bakas to 10 years with suspension, Chatzivasileiadis sentenced to 16 years.
-August 2021: I am held captive following a bank appropriation in Thessaloniki
-Winter 2022: the 2nd degree trial for the appropriation in Cholargos and for the Organization Revolutionary Self-defense begins.
-June 2022: 1st degree trial for the bank appropriation in Thessaloniki, sentenced to 13 years and 8 months.
-January 2023: the 2nd degree trial on the appropriation in Cholargos and for the Organization Revolutionary Self-defense ends. The decision is the acquittal and release of Stathopoulos, a short sentence for Bakas, which he had already served, and 14 years for Chatzivasileiadis (down from 16 years).
-March 2024: hearing of my appeal to the Supreme court against the decision of the 2nd degree court on the case of the appropriation in Cholargos and for the Organization Revolutionary Self-defense, as to the existence of a “terrorist organization” on the terms of the special counterrevolutionary law and as to the evidence of my entry into the organization. If my appeal for cancellation of the 2nd degree court decision is granted (decision is due several months from now), then the trial will take place again only for some of the charges. In the case that I get acquitted for certain charges, specifically the one for “entry into terrorist organization”, then my sentence will be reduced by 3 years.
-March 2024: 2nd degree trial for the bank appropriation in Thessaloniki. I got sentenced to 11 years and 1 month (down from 13 years and 8 months). The main sentence (8 years) remained the same because, in the words of the prosecutor, I am “unrepentant”. The small reduction in the sentence is due to a legal correction the court made, (it would have been extremely arbitrary for them not to correct it), that is the merging of the charges of “possession of weapons” and “carrying weapons”.
-February 2024: 2nd degree trial of the 1st eviction of Gare squat (Athens, Exarchia). I got sentenced to 15 months suspended for 3 years (this is enforced after my release). The other 3 comrades are sentenced to 2,5 months on suspension. I was also charged for the second eviction of Gare but I was acquitted and on the 3rd eviction 3 other comrades were charged without being detained for this.
– I am now serving time in prison due to the sentences imposed (in addition and independently one from the other) for the cases of the Organization Revolutionary Self-defense and the bank appropriation in Thessaloniki. When the trial cycle ends (after the Supreme court decision on my appeal) the 2 final sentences will be merged. In this procedure part of the smaller sentence is added onto the longer one. Either way, whatever the sum of the sentences of a prisoner who is not convicted to a “life sentence”, the max real prison time limit is 20 years (as of now that the new penal code was voted in, this limit is increased to 25 years). In the worst case scenario (rejection of my appeal) my sentence will remain at that limit, 20 years. In the best case, my sentence will be reduced to about 16 years.
– In practice, 20 years can mean real time from 6yrs and 8months (by doing work days in prison and getting parole) to real time 20yrs if parole is not granted and you get disciplinary charges while in prison. And 16 yrs can mean anything between 5yrs and 4months to 16 years.
If there is no unforeseeable events (eg. prison uprisings or provocations), I will not be deprived of workdays. Workdays is a benefit that the state is (still) providing to political prisoners. And this is not a given for all prisoners. Work and deprivation of work is a method of extortion and blackmail in prison. Of course the recent altercation in Diavata prison in Thessaloniki may end up in disciplinary charges. However, it is equally standard that parole for captives of guerrilla organizations (November 17, Nikos Maziotis from Revolutionary Struggle) is postponed indefinitely as long as they remain unrepentant. So until my release I will not know how long I will actually spend in prison, it could be anything from 2,5 years from now to 17 years from now, or never! Most probably I will get released in 2029- 2030. These estimations cannot be solid, as they do not take into account political changes that can have an effect in the meantime.Received by email.
#AnarchistPrisoners #DimitrisChatzivasiliadis #europe #greece #revolutionarySelfDefense