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  1. Britain’s Biggest Business Lobby Calls for Tax Cuts and Lower Energy Bills

    Britain’s biggest business lobby group has urged John Healey to cut employment taxes and energy bills in his…
    #EuropeSays #Britain #Europe #EU #AndyBurnham #businessinvestment #capitalgainstax #CBI #employmenttaxes #Energybills #JohnHealey #NationalInsurance #UKBudget #UKeconomy
    europesays.com/britain/145029/

  2. ‘I reside in Monaco’: billionaire said to have quit UK over potential wealth tax had already left
    By Helena Horton

    TaxWatch research contradicts claims about David Reuben’s departure and questions stories of super-rich exodus

    theguardian.com/news/2026/oct/

    #Thesuperrich #Budget2026 #London #Taxhavens #Monaco #UKnews #Taxandspending #Politics #Labour #Inheritancetax #Capitalgainstax #TheGuardian #HelenaHorton

  3. Startup success is rare enough in the UK without any more taxes

    Monday 05 October 2026 4:37 am  |  Updated:  Monday 05 October 2026 10:47 am If our rare successes are…
    #NewsBeep #News #Entrepreneurship #andyburnham #AU #Australia #Business #capitalgainstax #Entrepreneurs #LabourParty #Opinion #Science #Startups #tax #ukeconomy #UKgovernment
    newsbeep.com/au/918331/

  4. Startup success is rare enough in the UK without any more taxes

    Monday 05 October 2026 4:37 am  |  Updated:  Monday 05 October 2026 10:47 am If our rare successes are…
    #NewsBeep #News #Entrepreneurship #AndyBurnham #Business #capitalgainstax #Entrepreneurs #LabourParty #opinion #Science #Startups #Tax #UK #UKeconomy #UKGovernment #UnitedKingdom
    newsbeep.com/uk/793822/

  5. Startup success is rare enough in the UK without any more taxes

    Monday 05 October 2026 4:37 am  |  Updated:  Monday 05 October 2026 10:47 am If our rare successes are…
    #NewsBeep #News #Entrepreneurship #AndyBurnham #Business #CA #Canada #capitalgainstax #Entrepreneurs #LabourParty #opinion #Science #Startups #tax #ukeconomy #UKgovernment
    newsbeep.com/ca/922758/

  6. Seoul Apartment Listings Surge 20% in 7 Weeks; Gangnam Home Prices Post Steepest Drop in 193 Weeks — BigGo Finance

    Seoul apartment listings have surged in the seven weeks since the South Korean government unveiled a tax reform…
    #EuropeSays #Korea #KR #Seoul #Asil #capitalgainstax #comprehensiverealestatetax #Gangnam3Districts #KoreaRealEstateBoard #landtransactionpermit #LeeEun-hyung #Long-TermHoldingSpecialDeduction #Seoulapartmentlistings #TaxReformProposal
    europesays.com/korea/167599/

  7. Capital gains tax: how it works, benefits and pitfalls of another hike
    By Heather Stewart, Economics editor

    Increasing the rate of CGT is one of the tax levers available to chancellor as he considers revenue-raising options

    theguardian.com/money/2026/sep

    #Capitalgainstax #Taxandspending #Tax #JohnHealey #Budget #Labour #UKnews #Economicpolicy #HMRC #Taxavoidance #TheGuardian #HeatherStewart #Economicseditor

  8. Britain risks trading revenue for investment – London Business News

    Tax reform designed to create a fairer and more sustainable system must not inadvertently discourage entrepreneurship, investment and…
    #EuropeSays #Britain #Europe #EU #AutumnBudget #capitalgainstax #Economy #Finance #INVESTMENT #Politics #Tax
    europesays.com/britain/130539/

  9. Thinktank linked to Reform UK calls for abolition of state pension
    By Kalyeena Makortoff Banking correspondent

    ‘Radical’ report likely to influence party’s platform also proposes abolishing inheritance and capital gains taxes

    theguardian.com/politics/2026/

    #ReformUK #Statepensions #Money #Politics #UKnews #Taxandspending #Pensions #Capitalgainstax #Inheritancetax #Tax #Thinktanks #Budget #Stampduty #TheGuardian #KalyeenaMakortoffBankingcorrespondent

  10. South Korea’s Central Bank Warns: Only 8.9% of Multi-Home Owners Would Sell If Seoul’s 8.2% Price Growth Expectations Persist — BigGo Finance

    The Bank of Korea’s “Financial Stability Report (September 2026)” released on September 22 presented an analysis showing that…
    #EuropeSays #Korea #KR #BankofKorea #BOK #capitalgainstax #FinancialVulnerabilityIndex #Gangnam-gu #householdloans #Jungnang-gu #LeeJaeMyung #multi-homeowners #realestatemeasures #Seoulapartments
    europesays.com/korea/163453/

  11. Burnham’s first Budget: Unlocking the treasure that can transform Britain

    A Treasure trove of possibilities On Tuesday 15 September, we made history by delivering the first ever petition…
    #EuropeSays #Britain #Europe #EU #Burnham'sfirstbudget #capitalgainstax #Equalisecapitalgains #Tax #WealthTax
    europesays.com/britain/128425/

  12. Labour mansion tax raid to hit homes worth £1.5m

    Sunday 20 September 2026 10:30 am  |  Updated:  Sunday 20 September 2026 10:31 am Healey is looking to lower…
    #EuropeSays #Britain #Europe #EU #UK #Business #capitalgainstax #labourparty #News #Politics #RachelReeves #Tax #UKeconomy #ukgovernment #UnitedKingdom
    europesays.com/britain/128220/

  13. The tax-free allowance on investment gains has been cut by over 75% in two years.

    It was £12,300 in 2022/23. It's £3,000 now.

    Worth thinking about whether gains sit in an ISA before they ever hit a taxable account, because the buffer that used to catch them is mostly gone.

    #CapitalGainsTax #ISA #UKPersonalFinance

  14. Sons of Toil, Part II: The Steward’s Son

    Anthony Norman Albanese was born into a community that believed in the compact: endure, petition, defer, and trust that the institution would eventually deliver. He rose through that community, wore its colours, spoke its language, and built, with quiet purposefulness, an $8.8 million property portfolio. The compact, it turns out, was not a philosophy of mutual obligation but a ladder. You keep one foot on the rung below and one hand reaching for the one above. The theological term for this arrangement is the great chain of being, a medieval conception in which hierarchy was ordained by God and every link owed duty to the links beneath it. That reciprocal obligation was its social promise. Albanese retained the hierarchy and dissolved the obligation. The dockyard term for what remained, in the Mediterranean ports where his father’s ship once called, is sauve qui peut. Every man for himself. The steward’s son learned it early and practised it without interruption for the rest of his life.

    Australia, 2022 onwards

    Anthony Norman Albanese crossed Parramatta Road the way other people cross a street: with the calm and conviction of someone who has rehearsed the gesture for television. He came from Macmahon Street, a housing commission island ringed by depots and Rabbitohs fanaticism and the peculiar click-clack of Catholic rosary beads, black as anthracite and polished to a gloss by the unrelenting petitions of the poor but faithful, addressed to a Lord of infinite grace, mercy, and inscrutable wisdom. It was a community built on a compact: endure, petition, defer, and trust that the institution, whether divine or political, would eventually deliver. He was, as the campaign line put it, “a son of a single mum.” It was a neat, humanising truth. It was also an opening line with longer ambitions.

    Maryanne Ellery knitted that opening line into a narrative because she had to. She named her boy Anthony after a dead cousin whose name already lived on a motel on the Pacific Highway; she gave him Norman for a brother of the dead child; she told him, for fourteen years, a story about a steward on a ship called the Fairsky and a tragic car wreck. The ship and the steward were true. The rest was not. The domestic fiction did its work: it made a life legible, respectable, electable.

    Legibility is a political skill. So is invisibility. Albanese learned both. He joined Labor at fifteen, worked for Tom Uren, took Grayndler in 1996, waited, tried, failed, waited again, became unremarkable enough to be irresistible. He slimmed down, changed his spectacles, adopted “small target” as a governing aesthetic: say little, avoid detail, be a pliant surface for others to project steadiness upon. The tactic was surgical; it won an election.

    It had been designed to win. After the 2019 loss, two architects of the neoliberal centre, Craig Emerson, former economic adviser to Bob Hawke, and Jay Weatherill, former South Australian Premier, reviewed the wreckage and produced their prescription: strip the agenda, minimise the surface area, commit explicitly to leaving negative gearing and capital gains tax concessions untouched. The Emerson-Weatherill review did not create the small target. It specified it, costed it, and handed it to a man who happened to own an $8.8 million property portfolio and had excellent personal reasons to find the prescription congenial. The minders dissolved the obligation. The candidate retained the hierarchy. Between them, they built the construction that crossed Parramatta Road and called itself Labor.

    The victory speech was exactly the sort of line that journalists like to clip: “a son of a single mum who grew up in public housing can stand before you tonight as Australia’s prime minister.” The cameras drank it up. The man who spoke that sentence was also, by a conservative tally, the owner of an $8.8 million property portfolio.

    There is a special kind of cognitive dissonance in being both origin story and accumulator. It is not dishonesty so much as therapeutic amnesia. You become the story you tell yourself until you can no longer hear the gap between sentence and life.

    Here is what the boy from the housing estate acquired, set down in the order of acquisition.

    Marrickville, 1990: a two-bedroom semi for $146,000. In those days Marrickville was, as the local real estate commentary puts it, so rough you would not stop there for fuel. Albanese stayed the course. A second Marrickville property in 2006 for $960,000, renovated, now rented at $1,350 a week and worth $2.6 million, mortgage free. A Dulwich Hill townhouse bought in 2015 for $1.175 million, sold in late 2024 for $1.75 million, the $575,000 profit qualifying for the fifty per cent capital gains tax discount that Labor had described, in 2019, as a housing affordability problem requiring urgent reform. A Canberra apartment bought in 1996 for $162,000, sold in 2022 for $660,000. And finally, purchased with his fiancee Jodie Haydon in October 2024, a clifftop home at Copacabana on the New South Wales Central Coast: four bedrooms, three bathrooms, timber-lined cathedral ceilings, Commonwealth Bank mortgage, $4.3 million.

    Timber-lined cathedral ceilings. Across Parramatta Road from the Housing Commission flat.

    The small target, it turns out, had been quietly acquiring with the purposefulness of a man who loves an asset class.

    He had also, on 9 April 2025, three weeks before the federal election, been asked by a journalist whether he could rule out changes to negative gearing and capital gains tax concessions. “Yes,” he replied. “How hard is it? For the 50th time.”

    In May 2026, the budget announced changes to both. Asked on ABC radio whether this constituted a broken promise, the Prime Minister said: “Government is about making the right decisions for the right reasons for the times that you are in.”

    The young people of Camperdown, paying $650 a week to share a terrace two streets from his mother’s old flat, were left to draw their own conclusions about whose times, and whose right reasons, were under discussion.

    The rentier class had conclusions of its own. When the May 2026 budget finally introduced changes to negative gearing and capital gains tax, the Real Estate Institute, the Housing Industry Association, the Property Council, and the Master Builders Association declared catastrophe. What they did not explain was why forty years of the existing arrangements had produced a housing market in which only fourteen per cent of median-income households can afford the median-priced home, rents have risen forty-three per cent in five years, a Sydney two-bedroom apartment costs $680 a week, and saving a twenty per cent deposit takes eleven years on an average wage. The arrangements had worked magnificently. They had worked for the people who already owned property.

    The reforms themselves, when examined, were a masterpiece of prospective timidity. All existing investments: untouched. Every current negatively-geared property: protected. All capital gains accrued to date: still eligible for the fifty per cent discount. The changes applied only to new purchases of established housing after budget night, from July 2027. The $12.3 billion annual tax concession to landlords, larger than the combined federal spend on social housing, homelessness, and rent assistance, remained substantially intact. The screaming of the rentier class, in other words, was about the inconvenience of a slightly smaller future, not the loss of a present. It was, in that sense, entirely in keeping with the tradition of people who had confused their privileges with their rights and their windfalls with their deserts.

    Now to the enigma at the centre of this biography, the relationship that makes the Iran decision not merely a policy contradiction but a specific, personal betrayal.

    Tom Uren had been a Japanese prisoner of war. He had worked on the Burma-Thailand railway. He had stood outside Nagasaki when the second atomic bomb fell and watched what force actually did to human bodies when it was given sufficient resources and political permission. He came out of that experience with a bone-deep conviction that resorting to force was not a way to resolve differences between nations. This was not pacifism in the abstract. It was knowledge, carried in the body, of what the alternative looked like.

    He was also one of the great urban reform voices in Australian Labor, Whitlam’s Minister for Urban and Regional Development, a man who believed that the shape of cities was a social justice question and that public housing was not a concession to the poor but an expression of what a decent society owed its members. Uren had described the American atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki as crimes against humanity and spent the rest of his political life campaigning for nuclear disarmament. Albanese worked for him for five years and, at Uren’s state funeral in 2015, delivered the eulogy: “I grew up without a dad, but not without a father. Tom Uren was my father figure. He was my mentor. He was my friend.”

    What did Uren see in the boy from Macmahon Street? Probably what every political mentor sees: his own younger self, arriving with the right origins and the right hunger and the right factional credentials. A Hard Left pedigree, links to People for Nuclear Disarmament, the ANC, the peace movement. An economics degree obtained on the free tuition that Whitlam had created and that Uren had helped to sustain. A talent for patience and the machinery of power.

    The political mentor’s great occupational hazard is that he mistakes the resemblance for the substance.

    In March 2026, with the US-Israeli strikes on Iran entering their third week, Prime Minister Albanese endorsed the campaign and dispatched a command warplane, missiles, and troops. He did so in a joint statement that spoke of standing with “the brave people of Iran in their struggle against oppression,” simultaneously supporting the campaign that was conducting that struggle on their behalf and from above. This is a formulation that requires not cynicism but something more disquieting: the genuine inability to notice the distance between one sentence and the next.

    We stand with the brave people of Iran. We are helping to bomb them. In the contemporary Labor formulation these are not contradictions. They are sequential sentences in the same press release.

    The man who had worked for the former prisoner who had stood outside Nagasaki endorsed the bombing. The man whose mentor had seen what force cost, in his own body, on a railway built by men worked to death in a tropical jungle, announced that he was standing with the brave people of a country he was helping to attack.

    In 1914, the Labor leader Andrew Fisher pledged support for Britain to the “last man and last shilling.” The carnage that followed produced, eventually, a counter-tradition: a Labor movement that periodically asked whether the last man and the last shilling might be better spent. That tradition was not murdered. It simply became unavailable, the way a word becomes unavailable when enough people stop using it.

    The Shoppies completed the picture. The SDA, the Shop Distributive and Allied Employees Association, is the most conservative organised force in Australian Labor: Catholic, historically opposed to same-sex marriage, LGBTQ rights, and abortion rights, aligned with management against workers on the retail floor. Its members are the grandchildren of Macmahon Street. They still make the compact. They still petition the institution. The institution still dispenses its grace on its own inscrutable terms, which in recent budgets have included the fifty per cent capital gains tax discount. Albanese had come up through the Hard Left. By the time he was governing, the Shoppies were part of the coalition he needed. The man who had worked for the former POW who stood outside Nagasaki was making his arrangements with a union whose primary political function has been to keep the ALP’s social conservatism carefully tended.

    This is not hypocrisy as vice. It is hypocrisy as technique. It licenses a peculiar public psychology: voters may continue to cherish the origin story while the origin story, the suburb, the public housing, the disability pension, becomes a brand to be curated. The brand is not the same thing as the cause. But it does the work that causes once did: it comforts, it sells, it persuades.

    Peter Sarstedt once asked: where do you go to, my lovely, when you are alone in your bed?

    In Albanese’s case the answer is probably: the same place he always went. The small target is not a political strategy adopted for the duration of a campaign. It is what a man becomes when he has spent twenty-five years wanting the job more than he wants anything the job is for. By the time you get there, the want has consumed the purpose. What remains is the want, wearing the vocabulary of the purpose, and unable, in the timber-lined cathedral ceilings at Copacabana, to tell the difference.

    The small target, finally unobserved, reveals not a monster and not a fraud but something sadder: the absence of anything behind the display. A man who learned to want the position so efficiently that he forgot, somewhere on the long climb from Macmahon Street, to want anything it was for.

    The TSS Fairsky was scrapped in Taiwan in 1988. Names, and ships, and people decompose in their own time. On the Pacific Highway at Halfway Creek, Anthony’s Motel endures as a roadside reliquary for a four-year-old boy who rounded a bend in 1959 and did not come back. In Camperdown, the children who played on Macmahon Street cannot afford the suburb they grew up in.

    According to the Foodbank Hunger Report 2025, one in three Australian households, 3.5 million of them, experienced food insecurity in the past twelve months. Forty-eight per cent of renting households could not reliably put food on the table. Nearly seven in ten single-parent households are now food insecure. Behind those numbers are families skipping meals so children can eat, and workers going hungry to pay the rent. The rent that flows, in many cases, to portfolios held by people who have confused their windfalls with their deserts.

    He is still called Albo. His friends still say “Alban-eez,” like bolognese. His mother, who stretched a disability pension across the gap between survival and not, who sat a boy down at the kitchen table at fourteen and rewrote the story of his life, would have been proud. Whether she would have understood the cathedral ceilings, the asset class, the warplanes over the Strait of Hormuz: that is a question this narrator does not answer, because this narrator already knows, and the knowing is the grief, and the grief is the point.

    That, in the end, is the political art he practised: to seat the landlord and the tenant at the same table, and to look up from the getting and spending long enough to assure the tenant that the plate on the other side is merely temporarily empty.

  15. CAPITAL GAINS TAX UNCERTAINTY CASTS LONG SHADOW OVER WESTERN AUSTRALIAN HOUSEHOLDS

    Western Australian families face capital gains tax uncertainty on homes. Discussions about retirement and inheritance are being impacted. Learn more.

    #CapitalGainsTax, #WesternAustralia, #PropertyTax, #FamilyFinance, #RetirementPlanning

    newsletter.tf/wa-capital-gains

  16. Families in Western Australia are delaying important financial talks due to unclear capital gains tax rules on homes. This uncertainty affects retirement and inheritance plans.

    #CapitalGainsTax, #WesternAustralia, #PropertyTax, #FamilyFinance, #RetirementPlanning
    newsletter.tf/wa-capital-gains

  17. Entrepreneurs Eyeing Overseas Markets Post-Tax Shift

    Australian entrepreneurs are thinking about moving their businesses to New Zealand and the US because of new tax rules. Find out how this could affect jobs.

    #AustraliaTax, #BusinessGrowth, #OverseasExpansion, #CapitalGainsTax, #EntrepreneurLife

    newsletter.tf/australian-entre

  18. Crikey | No, entrepreneurialism shouldn’t get better tax treatment compared to wages by Sophie Black

    AI generated summary, Read the full article for complete information.

    The article argues that the notion of Prime Minister Anthony Albanese becoming an “equal partner” in Australian businesses is misleading and borders on disinformation, especially as the government’s new tax reforms—tightening negative‑gear‑ing rules and altering capital‑gains tax—spark a backlash from the investor class. While the Labor Party anticipated resistance to the negative‑gear‑ing changes, it was caught off‑guard by a social‑media firestorm, driven by influencers decrying the measures as a “tax on ambition.” The piece highlights how entrepreneurs like mortgage‑broker founder Joseph Daoud are even buying costly billboard space to protest the policies, underscoring the political and economic tensions surrounding the recent fiscal overhaul.

    Read more: crikey.com.au/2026/05/26/capit

    #JimChalmers #JosephDaoud #Labor #capitalgainstax #negativegearing

  19. Federal Budget Sparks Online Frenzy Over Tax Proposals

    Why are Australians talking about the 47 percent capital gains tax proposal? Learn how this new federal budget plan affects business owners today.

    #australiabudget, #capitalgainstax, #albanese, #auspol, #taxnews

    newsletter.tf/australia-47-per

  20. The new 47 percent capital gains tax proposal is causing a major stir online. This is a significant increase that has sparked more social media posts than any other budget item this year.

    #australiabudget, #capitalgainstax, #albanese, #auspol, #taxnews
    newsletter.tf/australia-47-per

  21. Digital Satire Meets Fiscal Policy: The Contagion of Budget Backlash

    Why are people using AI images of Anthony Albanese to protest the 47% capital gains tax? Learn how this new fiscal policy is affecting small businesses today.

    #capitalgainstax, #australiapolitics, #budget2026, #aiprotest, #smallbusiness

    newsletter.tf/47-percent-capit

  22. A new 47% tax on business gains has triggered a wave of AI-made memes mocking the Prime Minister. This digital protest is much larger than the typical political debate seen in previous years.

    #capitalgainstax, #australiapolitics, #budget2026, #aiprotest, #smallbusiness
    newsletter.tf/47-percent-capit

  23. Look around. Anyone whingeing about the Australian tax changes is too comfortable
    #CapitalGainsTax #Negativegearing #partoftheproblem

  24. Crikey | Geriatric media searches for young investors to prop up boomer privilege by Bernard Keane

    AI generated summary, Read the full article for complete information.

    The article argues that mainstream Australian media, whose audience is heavily weighted toward older readers, is weaponising anecdotal complaints from young investors to oppose the Labor government’s modest tax reforms—particularly the tweaks to negative‑gearing, capital‑gains tax and the long‑overdue crackdown on the “trust rort.” Instead of providing evidence‑based analysis, the media leans on personalized stories to criticize the changes, framing them as a bitter pill for investors while largely ignoring the broader context and data behind the policy adjustments.

    Read more: crikey.com.au/2026/05/21/media

    #Laborgovernment #mainstreammedia #capitalgainstax #negativegearing #tax

  25. CW: Auspol

    @liamvhogan
    Yeah, the whole article is so one sided; it reads like that’s what the ‘journo’ was told to do… but that line: “younger Australians worried about their future wealth” just takes the cake.* 🧁
    Fascinating how it never manages to explain the simplicity of the future arrangement (some years in the future, mind you) whereby all asset classes will be treated the same for CGT purposes.

    Or have I missed something? 🤔

    *only beaten by “Nation of landlords who aren’t even landlords”

    #CGT #CapitalGainsTax #AusPol #taxationReform #futureLandlords

  26. I note the #Albanese Government has finally done something about #NegativeGearing and the #CapitalGainsTax in the Budget.

    It is only four years late for this mob and it should never have been made in the first place by John Howard’s Government. But as @amyremeikis.bsky.social points out in her excellent book, everything that is wrong with Australia started under the Howard Government.

    The Negative Gearing change ‘grandfathers’ (ie, does not apply to) people with existing properties … that would be nearly every politician in the Federal Parliament.

    I’ll write that again … the changes to negative gearing do not apply to nearly every single politician in the Federal Parliament.

    #AusPol #Budget2026 #Budget26

    Edited to add a hashtag

  27. BUDGET 2026: TAX SHIFTS IGNITE FIRESTORM, PARLIAMENTARY CLASHES ERUPT

    Australia's 2026 Budget changes negative gearing and capital gains tax. Find out how it affects property investors and first-home buyers.

    #Budget2026, #PropertyTax, #NegativeGearing, #CapitalGainsTax, #AustraliaHousing

    newsletter.tf/australia-budget

  28. Most CRE sellers focus on sale price.
    The smarter question: what do you actually keep after taxes?
    Capital gains. Depreciation recapture. NIIT. The MA Millionaire's Tax.
    We broke it all down for MA & NH property owners → masscommercialproperties.com/c
    #CRE #CommercialRealEstate #CapitalGainsTax

  29. FEDERAL BUDGET 2026: TAX OVERHAUL ROCKS PROPERTY LANDSCAPE

    Australia's 2026 budget changes tax rules for property investors. Learn how negative gearing and capital gains tax changes affect you.

    #AustraliaBudget, #PropertyTax, #NegativeGearing, #CapitalGainsTax, #HousingMarket

    newsletter.tf/australia-2026-b

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