#policynz — Public Fediverse posts
Live and recent posts from across the Fediverse tagged #policynz, aggregated by home.social.
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"And one of the reasons it has so much effect is because it operates in private. It operates secretly, and many of us, including me on most issues at any given time, don’t know who’s pulling the strings and what’s going on."
#NickyHager, 2026
https://thespinoff.co.nz/politics/23-09-2026/nicky-hager-and-dirty-work-24-hours-on
This is key. If you don't know *who* is telling you things, you don't know nearly as much about *why*. Maybe people who are paid to deliver political messaging need to be obliged to disclose that?
(1/?)
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"And one of the reasons it has so much effect is because it operates in private. It operates secretly, and many of us, including me on most issues at any given time, don’t know who’s pulling the strings and what’s going on."
#NickyHager, 2026
https://thespinoff.co.nz/politics/23-09-2026/nicky-hager-and-dirty-work-24-hours-on
This is key. If you don't know *who* is telling you things, you don't know nearly as much about *why*. Maybe people who are paid to deliver political messaging need to be obliged to disclose that?
(1/?)
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"And one of the reasons it has so much effect is because it operates in private. It operates secretly, and many of us, including me on most issues at any given time, don’t know who’s pulling the strings and what’s going on."
#NickyHager, 2026
https://thespinoff.co.nz/politics/23-09-2026/nicky-hager-and-dirty-work-24-hours-on
This is key. If you don't know *who* is telling you things, you don't know nearly as much about *why*. Maybe people who are paid to deliver political messaging need to be obliged to disclose that?
(1/?)
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"Even when Labour does come up with good policy – and its proposal to force the supermarket duopoly to separate their wholesale and retail arms is the best way of fostering genuine price competition – it has done so belatedly."
#GordonCampbell, 2026
https://werewolf.co.nz/2026/09/gordon-campbell-on-the-ongoing-relevance-of-jim-anderton/
That's not a bad policy though. A rare case where Labour's policy is better the Greens' on the same issue. But there's a catch ...
(1/?)
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"Even when Labour does come up with good policy – and its proposal to force the supermarket duopoly to separate their wholesale and retail arms is the best way of fostering genuine price competition – it has done so belatedly."
#GordonCampbell, 2026
https://werewolf.co.nz/2026/09/gordon-campbell-on-the-ongoing-relevance-of-jim-anderton/
That's not a bad policy though. A rare case where Labour's policy is better the Greens' on the same issue. But there's a catch ...
(1/?)
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"Even when Labour does come up with good policy – and its proposal to force the supermarket duopoly to separate their wholesale and retail arms is the best way of fostering genuine price competition – it has done so belatedly."
#GordonCampbell, 2026
https://werewolf.co.nz/2026/09/gordon-campbell-on-the-ongoing-relevance-of-jim-anderton/
That's not a bad policy though. A rare case where Labour's policy is better the Greens' on the same issue. But there's a catch ...
(1/?)
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If I was Minister of Housing, any house empty for more than a year would be handed to a public housing body to tenant and manage, for a minimum of 2 years. With all costs required to bring it up to Healthy Homes standard added to the owner's mortgage.
Exemptions would be available under special circumstances (genuine financial hardship, cultural reasons, etc). But the onus would be on the owner to justify it. A year is long enough to resolve most reasons a house is empty.
(3/3)
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If I was Minister of Housing, any house empty for more than a year would be handed to a public housing body to tenant and manage, for a minimum of 2 years. With all costs required to bring it up to Healthy Homes standard added to the owner's mortgage.
Exemptions would be available under special circumstances (genuine financial hardship, cultural reasons, etc). But the onus would be on the owner to justify it. A year is long enough to resolve most reasons a house is empty.
(3/3)
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If I was Minister of Housing, any house empty for more than a year would be handed to a public housing body to tenant and manage, for a minimum of 2 years. With all costs required to bring it up to Healthy Homes standard added to the owner's mortgage.
Exemptions would be available under special circumstances (genuine financial hardship, cultural reasons, etc). But the onus would be on the owner to justify it. A year is long enough to resolve most reasons a house is empty.
(3/3)
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The first topic Jack Tame asks Wong about is regulating lobbying;
"[Opportunity] want a stand-down period, a lobbyist's register, and a code of conduct. Poor lobbyists."
He doesn't sound very sympathetic ; ) But so far so good. Tame goes on to summarise TOP's definition of 'lobbyist';
"Someone who is paid by clients to influence decision-makers, or who spends a substantial part of their time lobbying."
What this means, in practice, depends on how they define 'lobbying'.
(3/?)
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The first topic Jack Tame asks Wong about is regulating lobbying;
"[Opportunity] want a stand-down period, a lobbyist's register, and a code of conduct. Poor lobbyists."
He doesn't sound very sympathetic ; ) But so far so good. Tame goes on to summarise TOP's definition of 'lobbyist';
"Someone who is paid by clients to influence decision-makers, or who spends a substantial part of their time lobbying."
What this means, in practice, depends on how they define 'lobbying'.
(3/?)
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The first topic Jack Tame asks Wong about is regulating lobbying;
"[Opportunity] want a stand-down period, a lobbyist's register, and a code of conduct. Poor lobbyists."
He doesn't sound very sympathetic ; ) But so far so good. Tame goes on to summarise TOP's definition of 'lobbyist';
"Someone who is paid by clients to influence decision-makers, or who spends a substantial part of their time lobbying."
What this means, in practice, depends on how they define 'lobbying'.
(3/?)
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@kev
> most jobs/company don't provide annual pay rises, especially inline with inflationAnnual rises in line with inflation ought to be written into employment law. Otherwise, employers are free to offer you a given level of buying power for a given job of work, and effectively cut that down every year.
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@kev
> most jobs/company don't provide annual pay rises, especially inline with inflationAnnual rises in line with inflation ought to be written into employment law. Otherwise, employers are free to offer you a given level of buying power for a given job of work, and effectively cut that down every year.
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@kev
> most jobs/company don't provide annual pay rises, especially inline with inflationAnnual rises in line with inflation ought to be written into employment law. Otherwise, employers are free to offer you a given level of buying power for a given job of work, and effectively cut that down every year.
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Maybe we need a law forbidding public agencies - as a whole - from procuring more than a third of any 1 product or service, from a single supplier?
Where there isn't sufficient competition to throw up even 3 adequate vendors, this is smoking gun evidence of market failure. Something even the most rabidly pro-market government ought to aggressively fix. Not just tolerate, while monopolists exploit that lack of competition by bleeding the public purse, and perhaps worse.
(4/4)
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Maybe we need a law forbidding public agencies - as a whole - from procuring more than a third of any 1 product or service, from a single supplier?
Where there isn't sufficient competition to throw up even 3 adequate vendors, this is smoking gun evidence of market failure. Something even the most rabidly pro-market government ought to aggressively fix. Not just tolerate, while monopolists exploit that lack of competition by bleeding the public purse, and perhaps worse.
(4/4)
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Maybe we need a law forbidding public agencies - as a whole - from procuring more than a third of any 1 product or service, from a single supplier?
Where there isn't sufficient competition to throw up even 3 adequate vendors, this is smoking gun evidence of market failure. Something even the most rabidly pro-market government ought to aggressively fix. Not just tolerate, while monopolists exploit that lack of competition by bleeding the public purse, and perhaps worse.
(4/4)
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Perhaps we need a public service team whose job is to fully audit these systems?
To map out all their dependencies, and what's being spent at each stage of outsourcing. To identity areas where public entities are effectively funding proprietary technology and data pools. Or paying through the nose to have skilled snake oil salespeople resell them software and data that's freely available for anyone to use.
(9/?)
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Perhaps we need a public service team whose job is to fully audit these systems?
To map out all their dependencies, and what's being spent at each stage of outsourcing. To identity areas where public entities are effectively funding proprietary technology and data pools. Or paying through the nose to have skilled snake oil salespeople resell them software and data that's freely available for anyone to use.
(9/?)
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Perhaps we need a public service team whose job is to fully audit these systems?
To map out all their dependencies, and what's being spent at each stage of outsourcing. To identity areas where public entities are effectively funding proprietary technology and data pools. Or paying through the nose to have skilled snake oil salespeople resell them software and data that's freely available for anyone to use.
(9/?)
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I'm not against local bodies contracting out elements of their online platforms. They're not tech companies, and sometimes a contractor - whether commercial or community-run - can do a better job.
But, contracts ought to set high standards, and enforce them. To ensure this, contractors ought to be obliged to supply source code for any software required by the service. So councils have the option to bring it in-house, or choose another contractor to run the service.
(1/?)
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I'm not against local bodies contracting out elements of their online platforms. They're not tech companies, and sometimes a contractor - whether commercial or community-run - can do a better job.
But, contracts ought to set high standards, and enforce them. To ensure this, contractors ought to be obliged to supply source code for any software required by the service. So councils have the option to bring it in-house, or choose another contractor to run the service.
(1/?)
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I'm not against local bodies contracting out elements of their online platforms. They're not tech companies, and sometimes a contractor - whether commercial or community-run - can do a better job.
But, contracts ought to set high standards, and enforce them. To ensure this, contractors ought to be obliged to supply source code for any software required by the service. So councils have the option to bring it in-house, or choose another contractor to run the service.
(1/?)
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This absurdly anti-competitive practice seems to be completely legal in NZ, and I notice fewer third-party products in supermarkets year on year. At least in the products I browse.
To prevent this, and give other food businesses a fair chance to compete, a government could force a structural separation of retail and supply, as they did with electricity. You can own companies doing 1 or the other, but not both.
(2/?)
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This absurdly anti-competitive practice seems to be completely legal in NZ, and I notice fewer third-party products in supermarkets year on year. At least in the products I browse.
To prevent this, and give other food businesses a fair chance to compete, a government could force a structural separation of retail and supply, as they did with electricity. You can own companies doing 1 or the other, but not both.
(2/?)
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This absurdly anti-competitive practice seems to be completely legal in NZ, and I notice fewer third-party products in supermarkets year on year. At least in the products I browse.
To prevent this, and give other food businesses a fair chance to compete, a government could force a structural separation of retail and supply, as they did with electricity. You can own companies doing 1 or the other, but not both.
(2/?)
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A bold, evidence-based recreational drug policy in 2026 could include;
* removing criminal penalties for all noncommercial aspects of drug use; including possession, paraphernalia, and social dealing (eg passing a joint, buying in bulk and selling to friends at cost), and putting the onus on prosecutors to prove commercial dealing
* creating a regulated, taxed market for any recreational drug that experts agree is less harmful than alcohol and tobacco. Not just cannabis.
(23/?)
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A bold, evidence-based recreational drug policy in 2026 could include;
* removing criminal penalties for all noncommercial aspects of drug use; including possession, paraphernalia, and social dealing (eg passing a joint, buying in bulk and selling to friends at cost), and putting the onus on prosecutors to prove commercial dealing
* creating a regulated, taxed market for any recreational drug that experts agree is less harmful than alcohol and tobacco. Not just cannabis.
(23/?)
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A bold, evidence-based recreational drug policy in 2026 could include;
* removing criminal penalties for all noncommercial aspects of drug use; including possession, paraphernalia, and social dealing (eg passing a joint, buying in bulk and selling to friends at cost), and putting the onus on prosecutors to prove commercial dealing
* creating a regulated, taxed market for any recreational drug that experts agree is less harmful than alcohol and tobacco. Not just cannabis.
(23/?)
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Another thing a sensible datacentre policy would cover is energy. Specifically, obliging datacentre builds to include renewable generation sufficient for their foreseeable needs.
Also, storage sufficient to provide at least a few days of operation in the case of a grid failure. Datacentre operators have a strong incentive to include UPS (Uninterruptible Power Supply) capacity anyway. But the policy could oblige them to make it available to boost the grid at peak times.
(3/?)
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Another thing a sensible datacentre policy would cover is energy. Specifically, obliging datacentre builds to include renewable generation sufficient for their foreseeable needs.
Also, storage sufficient to provide at least a few days of operation in the case of a grid failure. Datacentre operators have a strong incentive to include UPS (Uninterruptible Power Supply) capacity anyway. But the policy could oblige them to make it available to boost the grid at peak times.
(3/?)
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Another thing a sensible datacentre policy would cover is energy. Specifically, obliging datacentre builds to include renewable generation sufficient for their foreseeable needs.
Also, storage sufficient to provide at least a few days of operation in the case of a grid failure. Datacentre operators have a strong incentive to include UPS (Uninterruptible Power Supply) capacity anyway. But the policy could oblige them to make it available to boost the grid at peak times.
(3/?)
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What would the Strypey party do differently?
For a start, extend the moratorium to 3 years - a full Parliamentary term - and call a Citizens' Assembly. To examine all the evidence for the pros and cons of generative models and datacentres, and come up with a robust regulatory framework.
Hopefully one informed by what the EU is doing to systematically project their digital sovereignty. But that would be up to the citizens who participate.
(3/?)
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What would the Strypey party do differently?
For a start, extend the moratorium to 3 years - a full Parliamentary term - and call a Citizens' Assembly. To examine all the evidence for the pros and cons of generative models and datacentres, and come up with a robust regulatory framework.
Hopefully one informed by what the EU is doing to systematically project their digital sovereignty. But that would be up to the citizens who participate.
(3/?)
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What would the Strypey party do differently?
For a start, extend the moratorium to 3 years - a full Parliamentary term - and call a Citizens' Assembly. To examine all the evidence for the pros and cons of generative models and datacentres, and come up with a robust regulatory framework.
Hopefully one informed by what the EU is doing to systematically project their digital sovereignty. But that would be up to the citizens who participate.
(3/?)
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But seriously, when will NZ governments stop giving offshore extractors free public money, rewarding them for asset stripping our essential infrastructure and running it into the ground? Both blue and red governments have done it for the aluminum smelter, and there are plenty of other examples.
Why isn't the public getting an ownership stake every time we bail out these corporate welfare recipients? So if they screw up enough, they become (or return to being) public assets?
(2/2)
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But seriously, when will NZ governments stop giving offshore extractors free public money, rewarding them for asset stripping our essential infrastructure and running it into the ground? Both blue and red governments have done it for the aluminum smelter, and there are plenty of other examples.
Why isn't the public getting an ownership stake every time we bail out these corporate welfare recipients? So if they screw up enough, they become (or return to being) public assets?
(2/2)
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But seriously, when will NZ governments stop giving offshore extractors free public money, rewarding them for asset stripping our essential infrastructure and running it into the ground? Both blue and red governments have done it for the aluminum smelter, and there are plenty of other examples.
Why isn't the public getting an ownership stake every time we bail out these corporate welfare recipients? So if they screw up enough, they become (or return to being) public assets?
(2/2)
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"In a 2010 book that he edited, 'Longer Lasting Products', [Tim] Cooper suggests possible ways to accomplish this: Minimum standards of durability, repairability, and upgradeability. A decrease in taxes on labor and an increase on energy and raw materials, to help make it cheaper to repair or recondition things and more expensive to make new ones. Sales-tax rates based on product lifetimes. Longer consumer guarantees and warranties."
#JBMacKinnon, 2016
(1/?)
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"In a 2010 book that he edited, 'Longer Lasting Products', [Tim] Cooper suggests possible ways to accomplish this: Minimum standards of durability, repairability, and upgradeability. A decrease in taxes on labor and an increase on energy and raw materials, to help make it cheaper to repair or recondition things and more expensive to make new ones. Sales-tax rates based on product lifetimes. Longer consumer guarantees and warranties."
#JBMacKinnon, 2016
(1/?)
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"In a 2010 book that he edited, 'Longer Lasting Products', [Tim] Cooper suggests possible ways to accomplish this: Minimum standards of durability, repairability, and upgradeability. A decrease in taxes on labor and an increase on energy and raw materials, to help make it cheaper to repair or recondition things and more expensive to make new ones. Sales-tax rates based on product lifetimes. Longer consumer guarantees and warranties."
#JBMacKinnon, 2016
(1/?)
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Once again, what the EU is doing with their Tech Sovereignty package is exactly what Oz and Aotearoa governments need to get together and do. A plan to unhitch their digital wagons from US technofascism, and corporate vendors with their proprietary solutions and lock-in, and develop locally appropriate solutions using shared, Free Code building blocks.
Ideally we could also support smaller Pacific nations to do the same. With a focus on asserting *their* digital sovereignty.
(3/?)
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Once again, what the EU is doing with their Tech Sovereignty package is exactly what Oz and Aotearoa governments need to get together and do. A plan to unhitch their digital wagons from US technofascism, and corporate vendors with their proprietary solutions and lock-in, and develop locally appropriate solutions using shared, Free Code building blocks.
Ideally we could also support smaller Pacific nations to do the same. With a focus on asserting *their* digital sovereignty.
(3/?)
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Once again, what the EU is doing with their Tech Sovereignty package is exactly what Oz and Aotearoa governments need to get together and do. A plan to unhitch their digital wagons from US technofascism, and corporate vendors with their proprietary solutions and lock-in, and develop locally appropriate solutions using shared, Free Code building blocks.
Ideally we could also support smaller Pacific nations to do the same. With a focus on asserting *their* digital sovereignty.
(3/?)
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Neither WINZ or ACC, nor their overseeing ministries or ministers, ought to be allowed to choose the medical reviewers who assess applications for disability-related benefits. Instead they ought to be chosen by Whaikaha (Ministry of Disabled People) and Te Whatu Ora (Ministry of Health).
(1/2)
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Neither WINZ or ACC, nor their overseeing ministries or ministers, ought to be allowed to choose the medical reviewers who assess applications for disability-related benefits. Instead they ought to be chosen by Whaikaha (Ministry of Disabled People) and Te Whatu Ora (Ministry of Health).
(1/2)
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Neither WINZ or ACC, nor their overseeing ministries or ministers, ought to be allowed to choose the medical reviewers who assess applications for disability-related benefits. Instead they ought to be chosen by Whaikaha (Ministry of Disabled People) and Te Whatu Ora (Ministry of Health).
(1/2)
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(3/3)
I'd also recommended that first set of rules include indexing their pay to the average wage. The *mode* average, not the mean, which is skewed upwards by the incomes of the 1% and their lackeys.
Maybe a backbencher could get the average, ministers a bonus on top of that, and the PM a bit more again. But if MP salaries goes up or down when the mode average goes up or down, they have a tangible incentive to lift workers' incomes across the board, not serve the 1%.
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(3/3)
I'd also recommended that first set of rules include indexing their pay to the average wage. The *mode* average, not the mean, which is skewed upwards by the incomes of the 1% and their lackeys.
Maybe a backbencher could get the average, ministers a bonus on top of that, and the PM a bit more again. But if MP salaries goes up or down when the mode average goes up or down, they have a tangible incentive to lift workers' incomes across the board, not serve the 1%.
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(3/3)
I'd also recommended that first set of rules include indexing their pay to the average wage. The *mode* average, not the mean, which is skewed upwards by the incomes of the 1% and their lackeys.
Maybe a backbencher could get the average, ministers a bonus on top of that, and the PM a bit more again. But if MP salaries goes up or down when the mode average goes up or down, they have a tangible incentive to lift workers' incomes across the board, not serve the 1%.
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(2/?)
Some of the rules for MP conduct need to defined by a rule set they can't change without a supermajority in a binding referendum. Others need to be decided by independent bodies, like the one that sets MP renumeration, but which similarly can't sack or otherwise interfere with, without a referendum in their favour.
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(2/?)
Some of the rules for MP conduct need to defined by a rule set they can't change without a supermajority in a binding referendum. Others need to be decided by independent bodies, like the one that sets MP renumeration, but which similarly can't sack or otherwise interfere with, without a referendum in their favour.
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(2/?)
Some of the rules for MP conduct need to defined by a rule set they can't change without a supermajority in a binding referendum. Others need to be decided by independent bodies, like the one that sets MP renumeration, but which similarly can't sack or otherwise interfere with, without a referendum in their favour.
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Also, the benefit WINZ gives single, childless, unemployed people like me is less than $500 a week. The latest Living Wage is $29.90 an hour.
So, let's say you funded more paid positions for people with lived experience to work with disability NGOs. The employers best positioned to provide us a sustainable working environment (in theory). You'd only need to fund 20 hours a week at LW to give us about $100 a week more than you do now, and we'd be employed.
Just saying ...
(3/3)
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Also, the benefit WINZ gives single, childless, unemployed people like me is less than $500 a week. The latest Living Wage is $29.90 an hour.
So, let's say you funded more paid positions for people with lived experience to work with disability NGOs. The employers best positioned to provide us a sustainable working environment (in theory). You'd only need to fund 20 hours a week at LW to give us about $100 a week more than you do now, and we'd be employed.
Just saying ...
(3/3)
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Also, the benefit WINZ gives single, childless, unemployed people like me is less than $500 a week. The latest Living Wage is $29.90 an hour.
So, let's say you funded more paid positions for people with lived experience to work with disability NGOs. The employers best positioned to provide us a sustainable working environment (in theory). You'd only need to fund 20 hours a week at LW to give us about $100 a week more than you do now, and we'd be employed.
Just saying ...
(3/3)
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Doing anything under urgency ought to require a supermajority in Parliament of at least 70-75%. So it's only used in situations of genuine urgency, and not as a way for the government of the day to ram through unpopular legislation without the proper democratic process.
(2/2)
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Doing anything under urgency ought to require a supermajority in Parliament of at least 70-75%. So it's only used in situations of genuine urgency, and not as a way for the government of the day to ram through unpopular legislation without the proper democratic process.
(2/2)
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Doing anything under urgency ought to require a supermajority in Parliament of at least 70-75%. So it's only used in situations of genuine urgency, and not as a way for the government of the day to ram through unpopular legislation without the proper democratic process.
(2/2)