#juansorroche — Public Fediverse posts
Live and recent posts from across the Fediverse tagged #juansorroche, aggregated by home.social.
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Llamado a la poesía de cárcel y de calle Fanzine Juan Sorroche y Miguel Peralta
#Anticarcelario #Cárcel #Poesía #JuanSorroche #MiguelPeralta
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Llamado a la poesía de cárcel y de calle Fanzine Juan Sorroche y Miguel Peralta
#Anticarcelario #Cárcel #Poesía #JuanSorroche #MiguelPeralta
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Llamado a la poesía de cárcel y de calle Fanzine Juan Sorroche y Miguel Peralta
#Anticarcelario #Cárcel #Poesía #JuanSorroche #MiguelPeralta
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Italy: Statements by Anna Beniamino, Juan Sorroche and Action for Palestine Ireland
Some contributions from inside and outside prisons for the initiatives “Sabotage war and repression” on February 7 and 8 in Viterbo
On February 7, about 150 people took to the streets in Viterbo for a radical demonstration that showed how it is possible and necessary to link the issues of war and repression: with the resistance of the Palestinian people, against defeatism in Ukraine, against repression as an expression of war policies on the home front, against 41 bis as a war prison, and in solidarity with Alfredo Cospito. These issues were explored in greater depth the following day, again in the city of Viterbo, at a very rich militant conference. Here is the text announcing the two initiatives:
https://ilrovescio.info/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/Sabotiamo-la-guerra-e-la-repressione-corretto-al-23.12.pdfWhile waiting to publish further material as it becomes available, we are circulating letters from Anna and Juan from the prisons where they are being held as contributions to the conference on February 8. We are also publishing a greeting from Ireland, as partial testimony to the internationalist nature of the days of struggle and discussion on February 7 and 8.
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Contribution by Anna Beniamino from section AS2 of the Rebibbia women’s prison (Rome) for the conference held on February 8 in Viterbo.
First of all, thank you for asking me to contribute to the conference on War and Repression. I will try, starting from the perspective that is, despite myself, clearer here: repression and the ‘local’ repercussions, in prisons, of global policies of war, economic austerity, and the militarization of society.
I am aware that there are no theoretical recipes or detailed, definitive analyses, but only a simple and solid certainty that any real, non-virtual struggle implies reaction and repression.
The problem is ‘only’ to take this into account, to be ready and not to be paralyzed by fear of it, to build solidarity and awareness of one’s own means and ends, with continuity and tenacity. Especially in these times when preventive repressive work is spreading across multiple levels, both covert and overt.
Starting in 2022, when Alfredo was transferred to 41 bis, I wrote several times about differentiated circuits and regimes as well as, long before that, inside and outside prison, about struggles and repression, in ordinary and “extraordinary” terms; I refer back to all this and to my latest notes for the Roman assembly against 41 bis.
Essentially, I believe that the discussion should be resumed… because it is never over, nor have the ethical assumptions that supported it fallen away, so as not to leave a well-established discussion unfinished, not to leave a comrade alone, not to waste an opportunity in which a single battle has shown how we can be together, “irredeemable” and positively recognizable outside the narrow area of the anarchist movement in its content, so as not to leave alone the comrades who are now facing the various trials connected with the mobilization, because credibility is also built on continuity and consistency, because the mask has been removed from one of the pillars of bipartisan rhetoric on “mafia and terrorism,” because the “fight against terrorism” is now a global smokescreen and the current context of militarized capitalism and blatant neocolonialism in the procurement of resources and the opening of trade routes lends itself well to the reception of an anti-authoritarian, anti-militarist message of solidarity among the oppressed.
And 41 bis is a militarized prison management system, which they are trying to maintain. It is not residual (a compost bin for mafia foot soldiers in use in the 1980s) but undergoing restructuring, fundamental and foundational, a clear expression of the technological control of the human animal, of the reduction of the body to a machine and of the individual imprisoned to a bodily simulacrum to be kept alive (not always!) with acceptable vital parameters, preferably in a vegetative state.
The data on the various Dantean circles of the prisons of the Bel Paese are now well known even in the mainstream (and also thanks to past mobilization), just a few small additional notes…
41 bis does not appear to be in the process of being phased out, but rather restructured and centralized, with a predictable increase in capacity—with seven dedicated prisons, three in Sardinia and four on the mainland. From what has emerged in the local media in recent months, both in Alessandria and in Sardinia, the municipality and region have been struck by administrative NIMBY syndrome: they do not want such a notorious type of prison in their territories or, more prosaically, the idea is to sweep the dust under the carpet (of their neighbor). It can be assumed that, for the prison administration, centralizing only 41 bis prisoners in the same prison (as is currently the case only in L’Aquila) means reducing costs and further militarizing the regime.
At the same time, since the pandemic, AS circuits have been tightened, stabilized under closed conditions, with gradual reductions in usability, always with a view to simplifying control and economizing in its management, with the specter of “security” being touted everywhere. Doing some quick math, it is clear that the prison system is in chronic and growing managerial/economic crisis (as is the entire state apparatus, for that matter), so the first to pay the price are the lumpenproletariat piled up in the common sections, where self-control is clearly emphasized, where self-destruction and intoxication with drugs and psychotropic drugs are functional to the control (if not managerial control) of situations on the edge of survival. Last but not least, juvenile prisons are more overcrowded than ever, a clear demonstration of the preventive work of repression.
Meanwhile, the Italian state is preparing to achieve European leadership in the imprisonment of long-term political prisoners, from the season of struggles of the 1970s and 1980s, still in AS, and in the use of that typically Italian 41 bis, of emergency elevated to a system, which constantly moves on the margins of ‘law’, adaptable according to the target.
Although the technical-jurisprudential data lends itself to an interpretation of denied rights, and I believe this is one of the critical points that is controversial and open to misinterpretation if poorly managed/explained, in terms of victimization and the restoration of rights, I do not believe that it loses its incisiveness if, in reality, formal contradictions and legal and procedural distortions are highlighted, legal and procedural distortions, also to highlight the arrogance of power, to combat the normalization of repression, double or multiple standards depending on the enemy (yes, that ‘criminal law of the enemy’ that is being discussed) and the expansion of the repressive ‘offer’ and the audience of potential candidates.
Previously, someone said, to give a down-to-earth example, ‘ah, but the crime of association, 270 bis, is impossible for anarchists, it’s a remnant of the repressive strategy of the 1980s’ – then we found ourselves with a barrage of convictions and proceedings for 270 bis and its siblings, thrice, four times, five times, etc., etc., which are modeled and used according to national and international political balances. From the internal communist target to the anarchist one, to the Islamist one, to now settle on the Palestinian resistance.
It is not a laboratory, as was commonly said some time ago, it is the current reality. These are not experiments to be studied, it is a practice to be fought, the “multitasking” use of terrorism charges, which can be applied to any political opponent.
Although the global panorama of war & ‘Board of Peace’, genocide & ‘Gaza Beach’ now makes the true nature of democratic regimes and the military use of technological and scientific progress clear even to Western citizens who have been lobotomized by the media and consumerism, and although the sirens of war are getting closer and closer to our backyards, I have the impression (from here, from the aquarium of a prison, therefore with all the limitations of vision that this entails) that in these parts repression is investing heavily in prevention, clumsy and arrogant like the current rabble in power, with a martial appearance and effective genuflection to the guidelines of global capital. But still able to reel off new types of crimes with impunity, red tape and restrictions that simplify the work by dissecting it in advance.In moments of “fatigue” in the struggles, the audience of potential targets of repression expands, almost like a stress test of tolerance, to include those fringes of the movement and social opposition in the broad sense that normally, in Western democratic regimes are perceived as more protected (or rather convince themselves that they are, having traded scraps of freedom and critical thinking for some niche of survival).
Emergency legislation is being modeled without there being an emergency, yet.
It may seem contradictory; logic would dictate greater action, greater repression, but here we are essentially at the point of preventive sterilization. Cutting off the buds before they become a thorny bush, when it is easier to do so, delighting in manipulating what is beginning to emerge, not as a revolutionary movement but as a movement of opinion, indignation, and denunciation.
When it is easier to contain it with batons and tear gas, fines and the buying and selling of the most recoverable components, stick and carrot, gunshots and social media, as needed, to each his own, with a few more licenses.Those who study and work in the field of control know full well that for several years now, the symbolic, ritualistic, informative, and counter-informative aspects of protests have prevailed in Western squares. From the black blocs of Seattle, who targeted shop windows, to Fridays for Future, who prioritized holding up signs for the cameras, from the rhetoric of “don’t believe the media, become the media” to the compulsive use of social media in an unresolved love-hate relationship.
The current protests in Minneapolis against ICE show this, with tragic results: “subversive,” ‘insurrectionist’ high-tech protesters, carrying cell phones to film the misdeeds of these “special forces” who round up adults and children… The police (after technologically tracking migrants and protesters) are more old-fashioned than their opponents, now shooting as they did 100 years ago, at a kneeling protester.
Is this a short circuit in the repression of democratic dissent administered in its purest form, the alarm bell of a change in scenario, or a sign that the transition has already taken place?In Italy, the pandemic has led to a shift from Berlusconi’s glitter and doubloons to Meloni’s insignia. Although the national leaders are unlikely to display martial aplomb, they are in fact promoting warmongering policies, trafficking in arms, and aspiring to post-war reconstruction deals (depending on the bone they are allowed to gnaw on under the table), dusting off the rhetorical paraphernalia of yesteryear, God-Country-Family, defense of borders, etc., etc., but doing so from the screen of a smartphone, the widespread form of political ‘education’ today, in the collapse of the party-electoral system (if we do a few more quick calculations on the percentage of national voters and those in the various European states). This ‘education’ is not rhetorical but necessary in the search for new cannon fodder for new internal and international conflicts: at the moment, we are in the midst of fiction and commercials designed to sell a military career as attractive, with aesthetic suggestions wavering between Top Gun and toy soldiers helping children and the elderly find their way home… soon they will relaunch compulsory military service as ‘formative’ and ‘performative’, ‘smart’ cannon fodder…
However, there is a counter-rhetoric to the poison of war and militarist propaganda, also dating back to that era, created by the distillations of revolutionary currents, by those who were resistant and capable of countering it with atheism and anti-clericalism, internationalism and anti-militarism. This is more relevant than ever, given that, if we raise our gaze for a moment and look beyond the more comfortable representations of these shores, we see that, in addition to war, there is renewed talk of desertion on both sides, Russian and Ukrainian; given that the squares of the world sometimes move of their own accord and the transition from indignation at a corrupt system to irreparable rupture occurs precisely in those generations born and raised on the web and social media, from Nepal to Indonesia.
It is a matter of reversing the perspective and becoming aware, here too, of one’s own role, limitations, shortcomings, and responsibilities in order to free ourselves from postmodern muddle and interclassist vagueness, to recognize the differences between mimetic representations of conflict and real conflicts, to choose whether to exercise solidarity among the oppressed or to be unable to recognize the oppressors, in the game of mirrors of current communication that sometimes uses overexposure, fast scrolling, and the deconstruction of meaning as preventive weapons. And even the most resistant tend to be distracted, dazzled.
Knowing how to recognize oneself and recognize the nature of the conflict at hand would be a small starting point, not a destination.Anna,
January ‘26
Rome, Rebibbia* * *
Contribution by Juan Sorroche from section AS2 of Terni prison for the conference on February 8 in Viterbo
Hello to all, comrades, present at today’s event. Greetings to those who created this space for discussion and gave us prisoners the opportunity to express ourselves in this space, and also for the solidarity you often express.
I am Juan Sorroche, an anarchist prisoner arrested on May 22, 2019, and I am writing from the AS2 section of Terni prison, where I have been incarcerated for six years with a total sentence of 28 years and two trials still ongoing.
I feel compelled to say a few things at this conference, even at the risk of coming across as self-referential and rhetorical. As an anarchist prisoner, I do not write for aesthetic pleasure, but rather with the intention of creating debate and stimulating self-organization and coordination for the struggle. As a prisoner and as an anarchist militant, I have always believed that we must be clear and not hide our opinions and ideological intentions, even in front of judges, holding our heads high and not letting anyone speak for us.
I have always believed in and felt deeply connected to the place where I was born, but not to the land or the place itself, that is, not in a nationalistic sense, but in a cosmopolitan sense, in the culture of internationalist anarchist history, Spanish history. Even before I was aware of what anarchy and anarchism were, my dear grandmother (who believed strongly in God but was a staunch anti-clericalist due to her experiences during the period of insurrection and revolution, and then in the civil war) used to sing me a piece of a CNT song when I was very young. It was a single verse against priests that went something like this: ‘If the priests knew how many beatings they were about to get, they would sing freedom, freedom, freedom’. Then my uncle, who returned to Spain after Franco’s death, lived with us when he was a child and was a role model for me. During the war, he deserted Franco’s army, and they caught him and gave him a choice: be shot or go to Tunisia to fight for them. He chose the latter option, of course, and there he deserted again, risking being shot. He then secretly reached France by ship and made a life for himself there until his return. I could recount many other experiences and stories from my family.
This little digression is to say that I have come to the conclusion that for me, and probably for many individual anarchists and libertarians, beyond the rational aspect, there is also a need to nurture and enliven that of the heart, of the spirit of rebellion.
It is essential and necessary to explore them and observe them continuously with curiosity in order to give us strength of mind, despite prison, suffering, mistrust, and despite all the pessimistic judgments that kill the will of anarchy. And personally, I believe that the soul, the heart that moves each anarchist and libertarian individually, is not a matter of folklore because it tells us many wise things. If we observe sincerely, it asks us questions, it helps us understand ourselves and understand: where do those distant, deep feelings and our primordial impulses of revolt that have lit this flame come from? And it tells us to get out of bed every day and move towards the life-struggle of anarchism. It also tells us how to be anarchists, where that has taken us, and where we want to go. Without regrets.
But above all, it tells us and gives us the will and spirit to believe in ourselves, in Anarchy, and in the revolutionary-libertarian spirit. And it tells us to continue and continue every day, and mainly to listen, understand, and overcome that part of ourselves that crushes us, discourages us, keeps us constantly immobile without understanding our fears, and corrodes us from within, increasing resignation and frustration. All this and much more is what our roots, our hearts, and the spirit that moves each anarchist individually tells us.
And so I believe that my anti-militarist and internationalist-anarchist tendencies run deep. For me, it is a very intimate matter that has been handed down to me in warmth and human love. Those people were able to impose themselves as figures without pretension, and for this very reason they remain essential roots for me, pillars of reference who loved me and whom I loved as a child, roots that must not be lost and that run deep within me.
I cannot feel and understand these complex sensibilities and feelings as separate from these complex rational concepts; for me, they are a holistic Taoist whole, they are integrative, inseparable in a personal and ideological sense.
But be careful, I don’t think it’s just a matter of sensitivity, of anarchist or libertarian spirit!
Because I believe that self-organization is necessary, both as our compass and as our material foundation. Direct libertarian action is needed, accompanied by planning with clear perspectives at different levels, tactical and strategic, discussed in depth by everyone without delegation.
Clarity is essential with the comrades with whom we self-organize, whether they are anarchists, libertarians, or not.
This clarity: that these perspectives can only be achieved through the violent destruction of the state, capitalism, and progressive industrialism in the world.
Of course, comrades, I don’t believe that class struggle is exclusively about violent actions. Nor do I believe that it involves only peaceful and cultural struggles. If anything, it is the convergence of all these multiform struggles and many others; both social struggles involving countless people and minorities, groups, and individuals who engage in direct action, and even those more specific to armed propaganda. It is this diverse and multifaceted convergence that constitutes the real strength, the qualities necessary for class struggle.
We must fight against the miserable interclassist social pacification of the warmongers that exists today in Palestine and in our own contexts, which serves only to lull us to sleep, to transform our consciousness in order to extinguish the struggles of rupture and revolt, and we must self-organize autonomously in the class struggle. Because I do not believe that spontaneous radical social explosions of struggle alone are enough, such as the wonderful days of September 22nd when we “blocked everything” and, mind you, I believe they are still very important and fundamental!
But at this moment in history, we also need the spirit, the soul of the will of the revolutionaries, who must also be connected and prepared in body and materially self-organized as revolutionary-libertarian and autonomous minorities.
Malatesta already said this back in 1915, during the First World War, forcefully asserting concepts that I believe are still very valid today in a context such as the current class struggle, the world war. He stated this in his text, “The Anarchist International and the War,” the so-called Manifesto of the Thirty-Five, published a year before the harmful and deleterious Manifesto of the Sixteen.
I believe, like Malatesta, what he wrote in the text: “Anarchists and War.”“In times of war, anarchists have a very specific personal action to carry out: their action, we might say, is specific in terms of both means and ends. We stay among ourselves and agree to act in groups of three or four. A group of fifteen, twenty, or forty individuals should therefore be divided into four, six, or ten groups, each free from the collective preoccupations of the action.”
Of course, here he is only talking to anarchists. And of course, I believe that this is only a problem that must first be solved by anarchists and libertarians.
However, this provides food for thought and a question to reflect on at the conference. This is by no means a new issue. But I believe it is a priority to address how our various specific spaces and times should be self-organized.
I say this also because I believe it is a serious mistake to confuse specific anarchist and libertarian self-organized spaces and times with other specific non-anarchist ones, without clarifying this. Also because, in my opinion, this only creates confusion and misunderstandings with everyone, anarchists and non-anarchists alike, and does not lead far in the class struggle.
And let me be clear, this does not in any way exclude me from fighting alongside other non-anarchist comrades.
I simply believe that we must be sincere in our self-organization among all of us, anarchists and non-anarchists alike, in order to create different spaces and times with mutual, reciprocal, and clear agreements that are anti-authoritarian.
But I wonder, and I ask at the conference: if we ourselves are not capable of self-organizing autonomously, how can we think we can contribute and support each other in conflicts, in specific struggles, or in the class struggle, bringing real and qualitative strength?
And above all: how can we expect not to find ourselves constantly unprepared and out of step with the times and spaces of struggle if we are not self-organized, without clear projects and tasks, with concrete tactical objectives, and a strategic ideological compass for these specific meetings of ours as a methodological tool that is constantly evolving?
Another issue to address is how to self-organize to defend and attack the major problem within our struggles in Italy that causes and produces the interclassist recovery of social struggles of radical and autonomous revolts of rupture?
I believe that the problem always arises as a consequence of this lack of self-organized spaces and times in the class struggle, leaving gaps without a real defense and attack to counter them with clear objectives, both materially and politically-ideologically.
I believe that all this, this lack, apart from very small and courageous minority components in the world, is one of the main reasons for the inability of our anarchist movement and the general movement of revolutionary rupture to develop struggles articulated towards a real class struggle that meets social struggles and autonomy in the class struggle.
This is the problem: it is not just a matter of analysis, which, incidentally, has been accurate and very good on more than one occasion in our movement, but remains only a theoretical point of view. The point is how to change reality by demonstrating these analyses in the struggle. But I believe that the interpretation of some recent analyses is correct and very useful – as, for me, is the anarchist text La fase nichilista (The Nihilist Phase) by Vetriolo – but we must not fall into inaction, in order to keep pace with the class struggle and make our own real contribution from a revolutionary-libertarian perspective. Because only the integration of propaganda with facts and analysis, and vice versa, is what demonstrates the credibility and real concreteness of such analyses and of revolutionary minorities, which, together with the actions of specific general and international social movements, can change the social context of reality with real qualitative forces in the class.
Of course, analytical concepts are fundamental, and it is especially important to be able to carry out a precise analysis today, but they must have a real, complex, and in fact inseparable and intrinsic link to what Malatesta wrote. The same applies to intrinsic armed propaganda, in an integrative relationship between revolutionary-libertarian minorities and specific general and international movements and the class struggle.
Without this intertwining of practice-theory-theory-practice… and self-organization in reality as a force and in quality, both in time and space, in the long run I believe that analyses, however good and qualitative they may be, such as The Nihilist Phase, remain a simple philosophical point of view.
And, let me be clear, I believe that internationalist movements are valuable and should be considered worthy of interest, and I also believe that it is essential to relate to them for development; they are the lifeblood of the various revolutionary class struggle movements.
But, honestly, when it comes to the revolutionary task, I believe that today these are very, very, very timid, and I would not give them so much emphasis. And, I repeat, I say timid or I would not give them emphasis for the great revolutionary task, which for me must be a libertarian task of breaking away, and above all creating a real balance of power that we should create as revolutionaries, to try to defend ourselves in order to attack the nation-state, capitalism, and progressive and technological industrialism in reality.
But we also need to be frank, debate among ourselves, confront each other, and be self-critical and constructively critical within our own ranks, especially in the face of the “parliamentary cretinism” and democratic reformism that exists today, which, incidentally, is completely counterrevolutionary.
And above all within many of our own movements of struggle, this democratic reformism is interclassist and very strong.
And let’s be honest, this is nothing new. Certain tactical and strategic methods, including armed ones, such as direct attacks on both property and people, are only acceptable to certain individuals, groups, minorities, and activist movements in Italy if they take place in distant “tropical” countries with their folkloric armed guerrilla and partisan warfare. And unfortunately, the same thing is happening again today in Western Asia, as in Palestine, and yesterday with the Kurds, Algerians, Zapatistas, Mapuche, etc., etc. However, above all, they immediately distance themselves, as at the G8 in Genoa, etc., and above all, urge you not to even think of it as a possibility here in terms of the necessary armed guerrilla and partisan warfare, in a context of class struggle, at least not here, where we have a constitutional democracy.
We have already seen this time and time again in the various university ‘waves’ and in various struggles by antagonistic movements in twenty-five years of struggle in Italy, and I do not see why today should be any different without having done the hard political and concrete work of revolutionary struggle and autonomous rupture in the class struggle.
So I repeat: how can we strongly and politically oppose this “parliamentary cretinism” with practices of rupture and autonomy?
I believe that Malatesta already gave us good guidance in 1915.
The Salis case is emblematic, giving us a sense of the situation and telling us a lot about this internalized method of interclassist “parliamentary cretinism,” which is very serious, especially given the social and historical context of war in which we find ourselves! It is particularly serious within our struggle movements, serious for those who have delegated the anti-authoritarian and autonomous class struggle by voting for a party, thereby effectively reinforcing the nation-state, capitalism, technological industrialism, and the interclassist warmongering democratic system, thus severely undermining an already weak real revolutionary and internationalist solidarity.
I believe that not addressing all this clearly as a whole is a big mistake for the struggles.
A hug…
Greetings, anarchy!Juan Sorroche
AS2-Terni – 27/01/2026* * *
Greetings from Action for Palestine Ireland to the initiatives on February 7 and 8 in Viterbo
Action for Palestine Ireland sends its revolutionary greetings to our comrades in Italy. We salute your mobilization against war and repression and your uncompromising stance against imperialism at a time marked by accelerating militarization, censorship, and social control at the heart of imperialism and in its peripheries.
From our perspective in Ireland, the current phase marks an intensification of global contradictions. The escalating Zionist assault on the West Bank and Gaza, the ongoing imperialist attempts at destabilization against Venezuela and Iran, and the widening arc of confrontation led by NATO all point to a deepening of the strategy of permanent war. This strategy requires not only external aggression, but also an intensification of repression on the home front. The coming year will require not only resistance as in the past, but also new forms of international coordination and political clarity among revolutionaries. It is time to build new waves of resistance rooted in a common analysis and a shared struggle.
In Ireland, this war-like reconfiguration is increasingly evident. We have witnessed a marked escalation in the repression of anti-imperialist activities: the brutality of the Garda against demonstrations of solidarity with Palestine and against NATO; violent intimidation of Irish republicans by the Special Branch; and the creation of new repressive precedents within the illegitimate courts of the Irish Free State, which now mirror British trends in sentencing aimed at criminalizing dissent. These developments are not isolated abuses, but expressions of a state preparing to discipline internal opposition as it aligns itself more openly with imperialist war.
A recent example clearly illustrates this concept. Activists from across Ireland organized a secret protest at Shannon Airport, long a logistics hub for US troops and military equipment transiting to imperialist wars. Upon arrival, they were met by senior Garda officers and special units of the investigative police. This preemptive mobilization of the state’s highest repressive apparatus signals an intensification of surveillance on anti-imperialist militants and confirms that Ireland’s supposed military “neutrality” is a fiction. The Irish Free State is actively abandoning even the facade of neutrality in order to integrate more fully into the NATO war machine, while repressing those who denounce and resist this role.
These trends do not bode well for Palestine, nor for the working class and oppressed people in general. However, they also highlight the vulnerabilities of the system. It is precisely when contradictions intensify, when war abroad requires repression at home, that capitalism reveals its weakness. Our task is to prepare for these moments, to organize and act in concert across national borders.
For these reasons, we welcome your mobilizations in Viterbo and your commitment to an internationalist struggle against war and repression.
We hope to strengthen collaboration between our struggles, contributing to a common front against imperialism, Zionist colonialism, and the bourgeois states that support them. Together, through coordination and revolutionary determination, we are committed to transforming resistance into a concrete force.
Solidarity,Action for Palestine Ireland
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=28558 #AnarchistPrisoners #AnnaBeniamino #europe #internationalism #ireland #italy #JuanSorroche #palestineSolidarity
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Italy: Statements by Anna Beniamino, Juan Sorroche and Action for Palestine Ireland
Some contributions from inside and outside prisons for the initiatives “Sabotage war and repression” on February 7 and 8 in Viterbo
On February 7, about 150 people took to the streets in Viterbo for a radical demonstration that showed how it is possible and necessary to link the issues of war and repression: with the resistance of the Palestinian people, against defeatism in Ukraine, against repression as an expression of war policies on the home front, against 41 bis as a war prison, and in solidarity with Alfredo Cospito. These issues were explored in greater depth the following day, again in the city of Viterbo, at a very rich militant conference. Here is the text announcing the two initiatives:
https://ilrovescio.info/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/Sabotiamo-la-guerra-e-la-repressione-corretto-al-23.12.pdfWhile waiting to publish further material as it becomes available, we are circulating letters from Anna and Juan from the prisons where they are being held as contributions to the conference on February 8. We are also publishing a greeting from Ireland, as partial testimony to the internationalist nature of the days of struggle and discussion on February 7 and 8.
* * *
Contribution by Anna Beniamino from section AS2 of the Rebibbia women’s prison (Rome) for the conference held on February 8 in Viterbo.
First of all, thank you for asking me to contribute to the conference on War and Repression. I will try, starting from the perspective that is, despite myself, clearer here: repression and the ‘local’ repercussions, in prisons, of global policies of war, economic austerity, and the militarization of society.
I am aware that there are no theoretical recipes or detailed, definitive analyses, but only a simple and solid certainty that any real, non-virtual struggle implies reaction and repression.
The problem is ‘only’ to take this into account, to be ready and not to be paralyzed by fear of it, to build solidarity and awareness of one’s own means and ends, with continuity and tenacity. Especially in these times when preventive repressive work is spreading across multiple levels, both covert and overt.
Starting in 2022, when Alfredo was transferred to 41 bis, I wrote several times about differentiated circuits and regimes as well as, long before that, inside and outside prison, about struggles and repression, in ordinary and “extraordinary” terms; I refer back to all this and to my latest notes for the Roman assembly against 41 bis.
Essentially, I believe that the discussion should be resumed… because it is never over, nor have the ethical assumptions that supported it fallen away, so as not to leave a well-established discussion unfinished, not to leave a comrade alone, not to waste an opportunity in which a single battle has shown how we can be together, “irredeemable” and positively recognizable outside the narrow area of the anarchist movement in its content, so as not to leave alone the comrades who are now facing the various trials connected with the mobilization, because credibility is also built on continuity and consistency, because the mask has been removed from one of the pillars of bipartisan rhetoric on “mafia and terrorism,” because the “fight against terrorism” is now a global smokescreen and the current context of militarized capitalism and blatant neocolonialism in the procurement of resources and the opening of trade routes lends itself well to the reception of an anti-authoritarian, anti-militarist message of solidarity among the oppressed.
And 41 bis is a militarized prison management system, which they are trying to maintain. It is not residual (a compost bin for mafia foot soldiers in use in the 1980s) but undergoing restructuring, fundamental and foundational, a clear expression of the technological control of the human animal, of the reduction of the body to a machine and of the individual imprisoned to a bodily simulacrum to be kept alive (not always!) with acceptable vital parameters, preferably in a vegetative state.
The data on the various Dantean circles of the prisons of the Bel Paese are now well known even in the mainstream (and also thanks to past mobilization), just a few small additional notes…
41 bis does not appear to be in the process of being phased out, but rather restructured and centralized, with a predictable increase in capacity—with seven dedicated prisons, three in Sardinia and four on the mainland. From what has emerged in the local media in recent months, both in Alessandria and in Sardinia, the municipality and region have been struck by administrative NIMBY syndrome: they do not want such a notorious type of prison in their territories or, more prosaically, the idea is to sweep the dust under the carpet (of their neighbor). It can be assumed that, for the prison administration, centralizing only 41 bis prisoners in the same prison (as is currently the case only in L’Aquila) means reducing costs and further militarizing the regime.
At the same time, since the pandemic, AS circuits have been tightened, stabilized under closed conditions, with gradual reductions in usability, always with a view to simplifying control and economizing in its management, with the specter of “security” being touted everywhere. Doing some quick math, it is clear that the prison system is in chronic and growing managerial/economic crisis (as is the entire state apparatus, for that matter), so the first to pay the price are the lumpenproletariat piled up in the common sections, where self-control is clearly emphasized, where self-destruction and intoxication with drugs and psychotropic drugs are functional to the control (if not managerial control) of situations on the edge of survival. Last but not least, juvenile prisons are more overcrowded than ever, a clear demonstration of the preventive work of repression.
Meanwhile, the Italian state is preparing to achieve European leadership in the imprisonment of long-term political prisoners, from the season of struggles of the 1970s and 1980s, still in AS, and in the use of that typically Italian 41 bis, of emergency elevated to a system, which constantly moves on the margins of ‘law’, adaptable according to the target.
Although the technical-jurisprudential data lends itself to an interpretation of denied rights, and I believe this is one of the critical points that is controversial and open to misinterpretation if poorly managed/explained, in terms of victimization and the restoration of rights, I do not believe that it loses its incisiveness if, in reality, formal contradictions and legal and procedural distortions are highlighted, legal and procedural distortions, also to highlight the arrogance of power, to combat the normalization of repression, double or multiple standards depending on the enemy (yes, that ‘criminal law of the enemy’ that is being discussed) and the expansion of the repressive ‘offer’ and the audience of potential candidates.
Previously, someone said, to give a down-to-earth example, ‘ah, but the crime of association, 270 bis, is impossible for anarchists, it’s a remnant of the repressive strategy of the 1980s’ – then we found ourselves with a barrage of convictions and proceedings for 270 bis and its siblings, thrice, four times, five times, etc., etc., which are modeled and used according to national and international political balances. From the internal communist target to the anarchist one, to the Islamist one, to now settle on the Palestinian resistance.
It is not a laboratory, as was commonly said some time ago, it is the current reality. These are not experiments to be studied, it is a practice to be fought, the “multitasking” use of terrorism charges, which can be applied to any political opponent.
Although the global panorama of war & ‘Board of Peace’, genocide & ‘Gaza Beach’ now makes the true nature of democratic regimes and the military use of technological and scientific progress clear even to Western citizens who have been lobotomized by the media and consumerism, and although the sirens of war are getting closer and closer to our backyards, I have the impression (from here, from the aquarium of a prison, therefore with all the limitations of vision that this entails) that in these parts repression is investing heavily in prevention, clumsy and arrogant like the current rabble in power, with a martial appearance and effective genuflection to the guidelines of global capital. But still able to reel off new types of crimes with impunity, red tape and restrictions that simplify the work by dissecting it in advance.In moments of “fatigue” in the struggles, the audience of potential targets of repression expands, almost like a stress test of tolerance, to include those fringes of the movement and social opposition in the broad sense that normally, in Western democratic regimes are perceived as more protected (or rather convince themselves that they are, having traded scraps of freedom and critical thinking for some niche of survival).
Emergency legislation is being modeled without there being an emergency, yet.
It may seem contradictory; logic would dictate greater action, greater repression, but here we are essentially at the point of preventive sterilization. Cutting off the buds before they become a thorny bush, when it is easier to do so, delighting in manipulating what is beginning to emerge, not as a revolutionary movement but as a movement of opinion, indignation, and denunciation.
When it is easier to contain it with batons and tear gas, fines and the buying and selling of the most recoverable components, stick and carrot, gunshots and social media, as needed, to each his own, with a few more licenses.Those who study and work in the field of control know full well that for several years now, the symbolic, ritualistic, informative, and counter-informative aspects of protests have prevailed in Western squares. From the black blocs of Seattle, who targeted shop windows, to Fridays for Future, who prioritized holding up signs for the cameras, from the rhetoric of “don’t believe the media, become the media” to the compulsive use of social media in an unresolved love-hate relationship.
The current protests in Minneapolis against ICE show this, with tragic results: “subversive,” ‘insurrectionist’ high-tech protesters, carrying cell phones to film the misdeeds of these “special forces” who round up adults and children… The police (after technologically tracking migrants and protesters) are more old-fashioned than their opponents, now shooting as they did 100 years ago, at a kneeling protester.
Is this a short circuit in the repression of democratic dissent administered in its purest form, the alarm bell of a change in scenario, or a sign that the transition has already taken place?In Italy, the pandemic has led to a shift from Berlusconi’s glitter and doubloons to Meloni’s insignia. Although the national leaders are unlikely to display martial aplomb, they are in fact promoting warmongering policies, trafficking in arms, and aspiring to post-war reconstruction deals (depending on the bone they are allowed to gnaw on under the table), dusting off the rhetorical paraphernalia of yesteryear, God-Country-Family, defense of borders, etc., etc., but doing so from the screen of a smartphone, the widespread form of political ‘education’ today, in the collapse of the party-electoral system (if we do a few more quick calculations on the percentage of national voters and those in the various European states). This ‘education’ is not rhetorical but necessary in the search for new cannon fodder for new internal and international conflicts: at the moment, we are in the midst of fiction and commercials designed to sell a military career as attractive, with aesthetic suggestions wavering between Top Gun and toy soldiers helping children and the elderly find their way home… soon they will relaunch compulsory military service as ‘formative’ and ‘performative’, ‘smart’ cannon fodder…
However, there is a counter-rhetoric to the poison of war and militarist propaganda, also dating back to that era, created by the distillations of revolutionary currents, by those who were resistant and capable of countering it with atheism and anti-clericalism, internationalism and anti-militarism. This is more relevant than ever, given that, if we raise our gaze for a moment and look beyond the more comfortable representations of these shores, we see that, in addition to war, there is renewed talk of desertion on both sides, Russian and Ukrainian; given that the squares of the world sometimes move of their own accord and the transition from indignation at a corrupt system to irreparable rupture occurs precisely in those generations born and raised on the web and social media, from Nepal to Indonesia.
It is a matter of reversing the perspective and becoming aware, here too, of one’s own role, limitations, shortcomings, and responsibilities in order to free ourselves from postmodern muddle and interclassist vagueness, to recognize the differences between mimetic representations of conflict and real conflicts, to choose whether to exercise solidarity among the oppressed or to be unable to recognize the oppressors, in the game of mirrors of current communication that sometimes uses overexposure, fast scrolling, and the deconstruction of meaning as preventive weapons. And even the most resistant tend to be distracted, dazzled.
Knowing how to recognize oneself and recognize the nature of the conflict at hand would be a small starting point, not a destination.Anna,
January ‘26
Rome, Rebibbia* * *
Contribution by Juan Sorroche from section AS2 of Terni prison for the conference on February 8 in Viterbo
Hello to all, comrades, present at today’s event. Greetings to those who created this space for discussion and gave us prisoners the opportunity to express ourselves in this space, and also for the solidarity you often express.
I am Juan Sorroche, an anarchist prisoner arrested on May 22, 2019, and I am writing from the AS2 section of Terni prison, where I have been incarcerated for six years with a total sentence of 28 years and two trials still ongoing.
I feel compelled to say a few things at this conference, even at the risk of coming across as self-referential and rhetorical. As an anarchist prisoner, I do not write for aesthetic pleasure, but rather with the intention of creating debate and stimulating self-organization and coordination for the struggle. As a prisoner and as an anarchist militant, I have always believed that we must be clear and not hide our opinions and ideological intentions, even in front of judges, holding our heads high and not letting anyone speak for us.
I have always believed in and felt deeply connected to the place where I was born, but not to the land or the place itself, that is, not in a nationalistic sense, but in a cosmopolitan sense, in the culture of internationalist anarchist history, Spanish history. Even before I was aware of what anarchy and anarchism were, my dear grandmother (who believed strongly in God but was a staunch anti-clericalist due to her experiences during the period of insurrection and revolution, and then in the civil war) used to sing me a piece of a CNT song when I was very young. It was a single verse against priests that went something like this: ‘If the priests knew how many beatings they were about to get, they would sing freedom, freedom, freedom’. Then my uncle, who returned to Spain after Franco’s death, lived with us when he was a child and was a role model for me. During the war, he deserted Franco’s army, and they caught him and gave him a choice: be shot or go to Tunisia to fight for them. He chose the latter option, of course, and there he deserted again, risking being shot. He then secretly reached France by ship and made a life for himself there until his return. I could recount many other experiences and stories from my family.
This little digression is to say that I have come to the conclusion that for me, and probably for many individual anarchists and libertarians, beyond the rational aspect, there is also a need to nurture and enliven that of the heart, of the spirit of rebellion.
It is essential and necessary to explore them and observe them continuously with curiosity in order to give us strength of mind, despite prison, suffering, mistrust, and despite all the pessimistic judgments that kill the will of anarchy. And personally, I believe that the soul, the heart that moves each anarchist and libertarian individually, is not a matter of folklore because it tells us many wise things. If we observe sincerely, it asks us questions, it helps us understand ourselves and understand: where do those distant, deep feelings and our primordial impulses of revolt that have lit this flame come from? And it tells us to get out of bed every day and move towards the life-struggle of anarchism. It also tells us how to be anarchists, where that has taken us, and where we want to go. Without regrets.
But above all, it tells us and gives us the will and spirit to believe in ourselves, in Anarchy, and in the revolutionary-libertarian spirit. And it tells us to continue and continue every day, and mainly to listen, understand, and overcome that part of ourselves that crushes us, discourages us, keeps us constantly immobile without understanding our fears, and corrodes us from within, increasing resignation and frustration. All this and much more is what our roots, our hearts, and the spirit that moves each anarchist individually tells us.
And so I believe that my anti-militarist and internationalist-anarchist tendencies run deep. For me, it is a very intimate matter that has been handed down to me in warmth and human love. Those people were able to impose themselves as figures without pretension, and for this very reason they remain essential roots for me, pillars of reference who loved me and whom I loved as a child, roots that must not be lost and that run deep within me.
I cannot feel and understand these complex sensibilities and feelings as separate from these complex rational concepts; for me, they are a holistic Taoist whole, they are integrative, inseparable in a personal and ideological sense.
But be careful, I don’t think it’s just a matter of sensitivity, of anarchist or libertarian spirit!
Because I believe that self-organization is necessary, both as our compass and as our material foundation. Direct libertarian action is needed, accompanied by planning with clear perspectives at different levels, tactical and strategic, discussed in depth by everyone without delegation.
Clarity is essential with the comrades with whom we self-organize, whether they are anarchists, libertarians, or not.
This clarity: that these perspectives can only be achieved through the violent destruction of the state, capitalism, and progressive industrialism in the world.
Of course, comrades, I don’t believe that class struggle is exclusively about violent actions. Nor do I believe that it involves only peaceful and cultural struggles. If anything, it is the convergence of all these multiform struggles and many others; both social struggles involving countless people and minorities, groups, and individuals who engage in direct action, and even those more specific to armed propaganda. It is this diverse and multifaceted convergence that constitutes the real strength, the qualities necessary for class struggle.
We must fight against the miserable interclassist social pacification of the warmongers that exists today in Palestine and in our own contexts, which serves only to lull us to sleep, to transform our consciousness in order to extinguish the struggles of rupture and revolt, and we must self-organize autonomously in the class struggle. Because I do not believe that spontaneous radical social explosions of struggle alone are enough, such as the wonderful days of September 22nd when we “blocked everything” and, mind you, I believe they are still very important and fundamental!
But at this moment in history, we also need the spirit, the soul of the will of the revolutionaries, who must also be connected and prepared in body and materially self-organized as revolutionary-libertarian and autonomous minorities.
Malatesta already said this back in 1915, during the First World War, forcefully asserting concepts that I believe are still very valid today in a context such as the current class struggle, the world war. He stated this in his text, “The Anarchist International and the War,” the so-called Manifesto of the Thirty-Five, published a year before the harmful and deleterious Manifesto of the Sixteen.
I believe, like Malatesta, what he wrote in the text: “Anarchists and War.”“In times of war, anarchists have a very specific personal action to carry out: their action, we might say, is specific in terms of both means and ends. We stay among ourselves and agree to act in groups of three or four. A group of fifteen, twenty, or forty individuals should therefore be divided into four, six, or ten groups, each free from the collective preoccupations of the action.”
Of course, here he is only talking to anarchists. And of course, I believe that this is only a problem that must first be solved by anarchists and libertarians.
However, this provides food for thought and a question to reflect on at the conference. This is by no means a new issue. But I believe it is a priority to address how our various specific spaces and times should be self-organized.
I say this also because I believe it is a serious mistake to confuse specific anarchist and libertarian self-organized spaces and times with other specific non-anarchist ones, without clarifying this. Also because, in my opinion, this only creates confusion and misunderstandings with everyone, anarchists and non-anarchists alike, and does not lead far in the class struggle.
And let me be clear, this does not in any way exclude me from fighting alongside other non-anarchist comrades.
I simply believe that we must be sincere in our self-organization among all of us, anarchists and non-anarchists alike, in order to create different spaces and times with mutual, reciprocal, and clear agreements that are anti-authoritarian.
But I wonder, and I ask at the conference: if we ourselves are not capable of self-organizing autonomously, how can we think we can contribute and support each other in conflicts, in specific struggles, or in the class struggle, bringing real and qualitative strength?
And above all: how can we expect not to find ourselves constantly unprepared and out of step with the times and spaces of struggle if we are not self-organized, without clear projects and tasks, with concrete tactical objectives, and a strategic ideological compass for these specific meetings of ours as a methodological tool that is constantly evolving?
Another issue to address is how to self-organize to defend and attack the major problem within our struggles in Italy that causes and produces the interclassist recovery of social struggles of radical and autonomous revolts of rupture?
I believe that the problem always arises as a consequence of this lack of self-organized spaces and times in the class struggle, leaving gaps without a real defense and attack to counter them with clear objectives, both materially and politically-ideologically.
I believe that all this, this lack, apart from very small and courageous minority components in the world, is one of the main reasons for the inability of our anarchist movement and the general movement of revolutionary rupture to develop struggles articulated towards a real class struggle that meets social struggles and autonomy in the class struggle.
This is the problem: it is not just a matter of analysis, which, incidentally, has been accurate and very good on more than one occasion in our movement, but remains only a theoretical point of view. The point is how to change reality by demonstrating these analyses in the struggle. But I believe that the interpretation of some recent analyses is correct and very useful – as, for me, is the anarchist text La fase nichilista (The Nihilist Phase) by Vetriolo – but we must not fall into inaction, in order to keep pace with the class struggle and make our own real contribution from a revolutionary-libertarian perspective. Because only the integration of propaganda with facts and analysis, and vice versa, is what demonstrates the credibility and real concreteness of such analyses and of revolutionary minorities, which, together with the actions of specific general and international social movements, can change the social context of reality with real qualitative forces in the class.
Of course, analytical concepts are fundamental, and it is especially important to be able to carry out a precise analysis today, but they must have a real, complex, and in fact inseparable and intrinsic link to what Malatesta wrote. The same applies to intrinsic armed propaganda, in an integrative relationship between revolutionary-libertarian minorities and specific general and international movements and the class struggle.
Without this intertwining of practice-theory-theory-practice… and self-organization in reality as a force and in quality, both in time and space, in the long run I believe that analyses, however good and qualitative they may be, such as The Nihilist Phase, remain a simple philosophical point of view.
And, let me be clear, I believe that internationalist movements are valuable and should be considered worthy of interest, and I also believe that it is essential to relate to them for development; they are the lifeblood of the various revolutionary class struggle movements.
But, honestly, when it comes to the revolutionary task, I believe that today these are very, very, very timid, and I would not give them so much emphasis. And, I repeat, I say timid or I would not give them emphasis for the great revolutionary task, which for me must be a libertarian task of breaking away, and above all creating a real balance of power that we should create as revolutionaries, to try to defend ourselves in order to attack the nation-state, capitalism, and progressive and technological industrialism in reality.
But we also need to be frank, debate among ourselves, confront each other, and be self-critical and constructively critical within our own ranks, especially in the face of the “parliamentary cretinism” and democratic reformism that exists today, which, incidentally, is completely counterrevolutionary.
And above all within many of our own movements of struggle, this democratic reformism is interclassist and very strong.
And let’s be honest, this is nothing new. Certain tactical and strategic methods, including armed ones, such as direct attacks on both property and people, are only acceptable to certain individuals, groups, minorities, and activist movements in Italy if they take place in distant “tropical” countries with their folkloric armed guerrilla and partisan warfare. And unfortunately, the same thing is happening again today in Western Asia, as in Palestine, and yesterday with the Kurds, Algerians, Zapatistas, Mapuche, etc., etc. However, above all, they immediately distance themselves, as at the G8 in Genoa, etc., and above all, urge you not to even think of it as a possibility here in terms of the necessary armed guerrilla and partisan warfare, in a context of class struggle, at least not here, where we have a constitutional democracy.
We have already seen this time and time again in the various university ‘waves’ and in various struggles by antagonistic movements in twenty-five years of struggle in Italy, and I do not see why today should be any different without having done the hard political and concrete work of revolutionary struggle and autonomous rupture in the class struggle.
So I repeat: how can we strongly and politically oppose this “parliamentary cretinism” with practices of rupture and autonomy?
I believe that Malatesta already gave us good guidance in 1915.
The Salis case is emblematic, giving us a sense of the situation and telling us a lot about this internalized method of interclassist “parliamentary cretinism,” which is very serious, especially given the social and historical context of war in which we find ourselves! It is particularly serious within our struggle movements, serious for those who have delegated the anti-authoritarian and autonomous class struggle by voting for a party, thereby effectively reinforcing the nation-state, capitalism, technological industrialism, and the interclassist warmongering democratic system, thus severely undermining an already weak real revolutionary and internationalist solidarity.
I believe that not addressing all this clearly as a whole is a big mistake for the struggles.
A hug…
Greetings, anarchy!Juan Sorroche
AS2-Terni – 27/01/2026* * *
Greetings from Action for Palestine Ireland to the initiatives on February 7 and 8 in Viterbo
Action for Palestine Ireland sends its revolutionary greetings to our comrades in Italy. We salute your mobilization against war and repression and your uncompromising stance against imperialism at a time marked by accelerating militarization, censorship, and social control at the heart of imperialism and in its peripheries.
From our perspective in Ireland, the current phase marks an intensification of global contradictions. The escalating Zionist assault on the West Bank and Gaza, the ongoing imperialist attempts at destabilization against Venezuela and Iran, and the widening arc of confrontation led by NATO all point to a deepening of the strategy of permanent war. This strategy requires not only external aggression, but also an intensification of repression on the home front. The coming year will require not only resistance as in the past, but also new forms of international coordination and political clarity among revolutionaries. It is time to build new waves of resistance rooted in a common analysis and a shared struggle.
In Ireland, this war-like reconfiguration is increasingly evident. We have witnessed a marked escalation in the repression of anti-imperialist activities: the brutality of the Garda against demonstrations of solidarity with Palestine and against NATO; violent intimidation of Irish republicans by the Special Branch; and the creation of new repressive precedents within the illegitimate courts of the Irish Free State, which now mirror British trends in sentencing aimed at criminalizing dissent. These developments are not isolated abuses, but expressions of a state preparing to discipline internal opposition as it aligns itself more openly with imperialist war.
A recent example clearly illustrates this concept. Activists from across Ireland organized a secret protest at Shannon Airport, long a logistics hub for US troops and military equipment transiting to imperialist wars. Upon arrival, they were met by senior Garda officers and special units of the investigative police. This preemptive mobilization of the state’s highest repressive apparatus signals an intensification of surveillance on anti-imperialist militants and confirms that Ireland’s supposed military “neutrality” is a fiction. The Irish Free State is actively abandoning even the facade of neutrality in order to integrate more fully into the NATO war machine, while repressing those who denounce and resist this role.
These trends do not bode well for Palestine, nor for the working class and oppressed people in general. However, they also highlight the vulnerabilities of the system. It is precisely when contradictions intensify, when war abroad requires repression at home, that capitalism reveals its weakness. Our task is to prepare for these moments, to organize and act in concert across national borders.
For these reasons, we welcome your mobilizations in Viterbo and your commitment to an internationalist struggle against war and repression.
We hope to strengthen collaboration between our struggles, contributing to a common front against imperialism, Zionist colonialism, and the bourgeois states that support them. Together, through coordination and revolutionary determination, we are committed to transforming resistance into a concrete force.
Solidarity,Action for Palestine Ireland
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=28558 #AnarchistPrisoners #AnnaBeniamino #europe #internationalism #ireland #italy #JuanSorroche #palestineSolidarity
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Always Standing by Juan, Sentenced to 5 Years in the Brescia Trial
On Thursday, January 15, our friend and comrade Juan was sentenced to 5 years for “acts with terrorist intent” (article 280bis) in the Brescia trial for the action against POLGAI. If this conviction were to become final, Juanito’s sentence, currently set for 2045, would be extended even further. Given the fragility of the investigation and the evidence against him, which was consistently contested by the defense, one could have hoped for an acquittal. This was not the case: evidently, the Brescia judges and the lay judges who composed the Assize Court, with their usual cowardice and indifference to the lives of others, did not want to throw away an investigation that had lasted years and cost many thousands of euros, since it had reached the third attempt to attribute responsibility for the action to Juan (and initially also to another comrade, who was later definitively exonerated). For our part, while we await the appeal, we continue our mobilization alongside our Juan: if he is “innocent,” he deserves all our solidarity; if he is “guilty,” he deserves even more!
WE NEVER FORGET OUR COMRADES! FREE JUAN, DOWN WITH THE POLGAI!
Comrades
To continue writing to the comrade:
Juan Antonio Sorroche Fernandez
C.C. of Terni
strada delle Campore 32
05100 TerniBelow is the flyer distributed the following day (at the hearing in L’Aquila where Anan Yaeesh was convicted and elsewhere):
Always alongside Juan, Anan, Ali, and Mansour
Yesterday, January 15, 2025, our friend and comrade Juan was sentenced in the first instance by the Brescia court to an additional 5 years of prison. The act he is accused of is a 2015 bombing in the same city against the POLGAI, a structure that collaborates with police forces in various countries in riot control and counterinsurgency techniques.
When the purveyors of state terror see a small portion of their violence returned, the political police and the judiciary work tirelessly to find those responsible for such an affront—let no one dare challenge the bourgeois and state monopoly on violence!—to the point that this is the third time Juan has been investigated for the same act. This time, the judicial farce has succeeded in convicting our comrade.
What is the ultimate expression of the state monopoly on violence? War. And while the various scientific-military-industrial complexes are dragging us toward World War III—of which the ongoing genocide in Gaza is the most brutal foreshadowing—the rearguard of this total mobilization must remain pacified. This is why there is a crackdown on any form of non-symbolic struggle (think of the repressive measures against demonstrations in solidarity with the Palestinian people, the drastic increase in penalties for roadblocks, for actions opposing major works construction sites, or even for simply distributing texts deemed “inciting”). This is why there are the beatings of students with truncheons or the employer-judicial reprisals against porters. This is why there are the conscription orders for strikes. This is why there are constant investigations against comrades. This is why the 41-bis prison regime applied to Alfredo Cospito. This is why there is an attack on anarchist ideas and publications.
In times of war, the pantomime of guarantees ends. The state shows its face and its hammer. The boundaries between the external and internal fronts become increasingly blurred; the immigrant in struggle is confused with the antagonist, the uprisings in the suburbs push the antimilitarist movements into the belly of the beast.
Today, January 16, the final hearing of the first instance trial against Palestinian prisoner Anan Yaeesh, along with co-defendants Mansour and Ali, is being held in the L’Aquila courthouse, during which the sentencing will likely take place.
Although Anan’s resistance in the Palestinian territories is legitimate even according to the crumbling foundations of international law, and although it is widely known that Palestinian prisoners are systematically tortured in Israeli prisons, the Italian judges classify armed resistance against Zionist genocidal colonialism as “terrorism,” the same charge leveled against Juan for his actions against POLGAI. Let us remember that this organization has been active in Brescia since 1974 (the year of the Piazza della Loggia massacre) and that it collaborates with Israeli police forces. And let us remember that in the province of Brescia (Ghedi) lies a key hub of Western imperialism actively complicit in the endless slaughter of the Palestinian people: a NATO base stocked with nuclear bombs capable of disintegrating entire populations. The circle is complete.
After Juan’s conviction, therefore, in expressing our solidarity and closeness, we cannot help but have the same thought even more strongly in mind:
For a global Intifada of the oppressed. To transform the war of the bosses into a war against the bosses.
Comrades
Here in PDF: Juan-Anan sentences
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=27212 #AnarchistPrisoners #europe #italy #JuanSorroche -
Always Standing by Juan, Sentenced to 5 Years in the Brescia Trial
On Thursday, January 15, our friend and comrade Juan was sentenced to 5 years for “acts with terrorist intent” (article 280bis) in the Brescia trial for the action against POLGAI. If this conviction were to become final, Juanito’s sentence, currently set for 2045, would be extended even further. Given the fragility of the investigation and the evidence against him, which was consistently contested by the defense, one could have hoped for an acquittal. This was not the case: evidently, the Brescia judges and the lay judges who composed the Assize Court, with their usual cowardice and indifference to the lives of others, did not want to throw away an investigation that had lasted years and cost many thousands of euros, since it had reached the third attempt to attribute responsibility for the action to Juan (and initially also to another comrade, who was later definitively exonerated). For our part, while we await the appeal, we continue our mobilization alongside our Juan: if he is “innocent,” he deserves all our solidarity; if he is “guilty,” he deserves even more!
WE NEVER FORGET OUR COMRADES! FREE JUAN, DOWN WITH THE POLGAI!
Comrades
To continue writing to the comrade:
Juan Antonio Sorroche Fernandez
C.C. of Terni
strada delle Campore 32
05100 TerniBelow is the flyer distributed the following day (at the hearing in L’Aquila where Anan Yaeesh was convicted and elsewhere):
Always alongside Juan, Anan, Ali, and Mansour
Yesterday, January 15, 2025, our friend and comrade Juan was sentenced in the first instance by the Brescia court to an additional 5 years of prison. The act he is accused of is a 2015 bombing in the same city against the POLGAI, a structure that collaborates with police forces in various countries in riot control and counterinsurgency techniques.
When the purveyors of state terror see a small portion of their violence returned, the political police and the judiciary work tirelessly to find those responsible for such an affront—let no one dare challenge the bourgeois and state monopoly on violence!—to the point that this is the third time Juan has been investigated for the same act. This time, the judicial farce has succeeded in convicting our comrade.
What is the ultimate expression of the state monopoly on violence? War. And while the various scientific-military-industrial complexes are dragging us toward World War III—of which the ongoing genocide in Gaza is the most brutal foreshadowing—the rearguard of this total mobilization must remain pacified. This is why there is a crackdown on any form of non-symbolic struggle (think of the repressive measures against demonstrations in solidarity with the Palestinian people, the drastic increase in penalties for roadblocks, for actions opposing major works construction sites, or even for simply distributing texts deemed “inciting”). This is why there are the beatings of students with truncheons or the employer-judicial reprisals against porters. This is why there are the conscription orders for strikes. This is why there are constant investigations against comrades. This is why the 41-bis prison regime applied to Alfredo Cospito. This is why there is an attack on anarchist ideas and publications.
In times of war, the pantomime of guarantees ends. The state shows its face and its hammer. The boundaries between the external and internal fronts become increasingly blurred; the immigrant in struggle is confused with the antagonist, the uprisings in the suburbs push the antimilitarist movements into the belly of the beast.
Today, January 16, the final hearing of the first instance trial against Palestinian prisoner Anan Yaeesh, along with co-defendants Mansour and Ali, is being held in the L’Aquila courthouse, during which the sentencing will likely take place.
Although Anan’s resistance in the Palestinian territories is legitimate even according to the crumbling foundations of international law, and although it is widely known that Palestinian prisoners are systematically tortured in Israeli prisons, the Italian judges classify armed resistance against Zionist genocidal colonialism as “terrorism,” the same charge leveled against Juan for his actions against POLGAI. Let us remember that this organization has been active in Brescia since 1974 (the year of the Piazza della Loggia massacre) and that it collaborates with Israeli police forces. And let us remember that in the province of Brescia (Ghedi) lies a key hub of Western imperialism actively complicit in the endless slaughter of the Palestinian people: a NATO base stocked with nuclear bombs capable of disintegrating entire populations. The circle is complete.
After Juan’s conviction, therefore, in expressing our solidarity and closeness, we cannot help but have the same thought even more strongly in mind:
For a global Intifada of the oppressed. To transform the war of the bosses into a war against the bosses.
Comrades
Here in PDF: Juan-Anan sentences
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=27212 #AnarchistPrisoners #europe #italy #JuanSorroche -
BRESCIA: NUOVA UDIENZA PER JUAN SORROCHE. COMPAGNE E COMPAGNI DAVANTI AL TRIBUNALE: “NO ALLA VIDEOCONFERENZA” https://www.radiondadurto.org/2024/12/16/brescia-nuova-udienza-per-juan-sorroche-compagne-e-compagni-davanti-al-tribunale-no-alla-videoconferenza/ #tribunaledibrescia #videoconferenza #juansorroche #NAZIONALI #polgai #News
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BRESCIA: NUOVA UDIENZA PER JUAN SORROCHE. COMPAGNE E COMPAGNI DAVANTI AL TRIBUNALE: “NO ALLA VIDEOCONFERENZA” https://www.radiondadurto.org/2024/12/16/brescia-nuova-udienza-per-juan-sorroche-compagne-e-compagni-davanti-al-tribunale-no-alla-videoconferenza/ #tribunaledibrescia #videoconferenza #juansorroche #NAZIONALI #polgai #News
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BRESCIA: NUOVA UDIENZA PER JUAN SORROCHE. COMPAGNE E COMPAGNI DAVANTI AL TRIBUNALE: “NO ALLA VIDEOCONFERENZA” https://www.radiondadurto.org/2024/12/16/brescia-nuova-udienza-per-juan-sorroche-compagne-e-compagni-davanti-al-tribunale-no-alla-videoconferenza/ #tribunaledibrescia #videoconferenza #juansorroche #NAZIONALI #polgai #News
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BRESCIA: NUOVA UDIENZA PER JUAN SORROCHE. COMPAGNE E COMPAGNI DAVANTI AL TRIBUNALE: “NO ALLA VIDEOCONFERENZA” https://www.radiondadurto.org/2024/12/16/brescia-nuova-udienza-per-juan-sorroche-compagne-e-compagni-davanti-al-tribunale-no-alla-videoconferenza/ #tribunaledibrescia #videoconferenza #juansorroche #NAZIONALI #polgai #News
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Juan Sorroche: Reflection on the General Context of the Causes of the Struggle
#JuanSorroche #AnarchistPrisoners -
Juan Sorroche: Reflection on the General Context of the Causes of the Struggle
#JuanSorroche #AnarchistPrisoners -
Juan Sorroche: Reflection on the General Context of the Causes of the Struggle
#JuanSorroche #AnarchistPrisoners -
Juan Sorroche: Reflection on the General Context of the Causes of the Struggle
#JuanSorroche #AnarchistPrisoners -
Juan Sorroche: Reflection on the General Context of the Causes of the Struggle
#JuanSorroche #AnarchistPrisoners -
Regarding my convictions and trial charges and the nexus of non-systemic revolutionary struggle action practices and “my” meaning of the anarchist vision
“(…) The reality is precisely this complex thing that cannot be traced back to the results of a judicial proceeding. This will always be arbitrary and will be based not on evidence but on force, not on logic but on domination. Difficult reasoning? Maybe so, but reasoning that once done can never be forgotten” [Published with the title “Noterelle su Sacco e Vanzetti. In margine a un convegno di studi”, in “Anarchismo”, n. 63, July 1989, pp. 36-40].
Alfredo Maria Bonanno, A mano armata, Pensiero e azione, Edizioni AnarchismoIn remembrance, and a warm greeting and see you soon comrade Alfredo!
Note:
To facilitate the writing of the text, I chose to use mainly the masculine as a gender ending. Aware of the importance of rejecting and countering gender abuses (as of any kind), I trust in the reader’s understanding so that no one feels discriminated against.
Premise:
Hello to all, compañeras and to all, compañeros
I am Juan Sorroche, an anarchist prisoner arrested on May 22, 2019 and I write from the AS2 section of the Terni prison where I have been locked up for 5 years.
After my heavy sentence on January 26, 2024 in Rome in the Court of Cassation trial for the action against the Lega Nord, a party that was and is part of the government of the Italian State, a strongly racist, misogynistic and xenophobic party.
As an anarchist prisoner I would like to make clear to comrades, revolutionaries, outcasts and oppressed the connection of the causes of the struggle for which I am here in prison today as an anarchist prisoner.
In the first instance, even though the prosecutor had removed the charge of “political massacre” (285), I was sentenced to 28 years in prison plus 3 years of probation. On appeal, almost half of the sentence, I was sentenced to 14 years and 7 months. A few days ago, the Court of Cassation definitively sentenced me to 14 years and 7 months, a significant and exemplary sentence for the attack.
In the first instance, I want to say that I entered prison already having spent a cumulative period of about 8 years behind bars for my struggles in Italy, which is why I escaped into hiding in 2016 to continue living-fighting. Of these 8 years, 4 years are for the “NO TAV trial”. Subsequently, the other 4 years were different trials related to anti-prison and anti-CPR struggles, anti-fascist and anti-democratic struggles, struggles against technologies, GMOs, “environmentalists”, in which I took part, always trying to include the anti-state and anti-capitalist aspect of anarchism in Trentino as well as in different Italian situations. Including the Susa Valley, a path that I had taken in the past years in the NO TAV struggle against one of the projects of capital and the State and the devastating tentacle of the high-speed train. I was arrested, among many others, for the days of struggle and violent clashes of July 3, 2011. During the trial and during my imprisonment at the time, I claimed with a personal statement those days of struggle and the paths of opposition to the TAV and more generally the anti-state and anti-capitalist aspect. I refused the defense in the “NOTAV Trial”, positioning myself anti-juridically even trying to fight in court by refusing the trial, believing that I should not “defend” myself in that judicial theater, and for this I was sentenced to 4 years and 6 months. And I take those decisions with my head held high.
In May 2019, after 2 and a half years on the run, I was arrested together with another comrade accused of having supported my being on the run, and then the comrade was sentenced for aiding and abetting to a year and a half, a sentence that was significant and exemplary as we had not seen each other for years, and it gave us a hint of the new tenor of the trials to come.
When I was arrested, little by little, I became aware of a series of investigations and trials that see me accused of several attacks (with terrorist aims) in Italy:
– the bombs at the headquarters of the Lega Nord in Treviso for the attack of 12/08/2018, regarding the two explosive devices, one exploded and another full of nails discovered by the bomb squad in the form of a trap to carry out the components of the building and the police; these were placed in the headquarters of the Lega Nord in Treviso and were claimed with the claim:
“Let’s hit them at home!!!: (…) to specifically attack racism and exploitation. To strike at the state, capital and its perpetrators. Direct action makes it clear to us why and how. For an internationalist, rebellious, and anarchist solidarity! Solidarity with all prisoners (…). And to all the rebels locked up in the homeland prisons of the world!
Haris Hatzimihelakis Cell/Black International 1881/2018”.– the bomb at the Surveillance Court of Trento 2014. Sentenced in the first instance to 3 years and 2 months, then acquitted on appeal, I must soon go to the Supreme Court. Claimed anonymously: in solidarity and to give voice to the prisoners who struggle with dignity in all prisons and to the anarchist comrades who were in prison isolated in AS2 in Italy and other anarchist prisoners in the world.
– the bomb against the POL GAI (police academy) claimed by cell H, I report some sketches of the published claim:
“(…) as a cell H (C.A.A.) akin to the Black International and we join the call to action for a BLACK DECEMBER. We attacked one of the armed arms of the state. In this “school” cops from all over Italy and other countries are educated. This is a small signal against war. We stand in solidarity with all the people who are fighting against all states and capital. Our thoughts go out to the many comrades who have been repressed, locked up, tortured, or killed in the present and in the past. In solidarity with all the detainees who are struggling.”
This is in the context of the campaign launched by anarchist prisoners in Greece for a Black December, called international in the context of anarchist action in 2015.
A trial that I will begin shortly.
To date, I have accumulated 23 years in prison.
Actions that I agree with because for me they are part of the history of our movement of struggle in non-systemic revolutionary anarchism of action and of the struggle for freedom of all the oppressed in the world. Regardless of whether or not I am responsible for these facts. And I am determined to move forward in my anarchist life in order to live-fight within my limited possibilities as a prisoner.
– General Causes of Struggle and the Connection of Non-Systemic Revolutionary Struggle Practices –
“(…) Our ethics have nothing to do with the morals of this domination society. But we cannot let our enemies speak for us. Rather, to obstruct, crack, subvert the narrative of power, striving to overturn it into our own discourse, which never loses sight of what we hold dear.”
“Solidarity and its ghost”, “Days and nights”“It is always the present that has a transformative look at the past. The past is not immobile in a safe, it is always there at the disposal of the new generations and this was said by a great Jewish intellectual who was Walter Benjamin, it is the struggles of the present that reactivate the sparks of hope of the past, because the past, in its attempts at emancipation, equality, utopia, has remained unfinished, But that unfinished is not buried forever, it can be reactivated today. (…)”.
“The Unfinished Past and the Necessary Courage” (from a speech in the square in Trento, February 2024 in solidarity with the Palestinian people)I believe it is necessary to take a stand and clarify the meaning of the causes of the struggle in anarchism and that have brought me here to prison to try to overturn the description of the authorities and turn it into our own discourse of struggle, given the many times that it has been interpreted and falsified by the state power with so many dogmatic roles that have placed me on me by forcing and fitting roles, hierarchies, and ideologies that were never assumed. As well as the significance of sharing the practices of action of revolutionary struggle for which I continue to be accused today, and for which I have already been sentenced to an exemplary penalty.
I have no regrets about being an individualist anarchist, on the contrary, I am proud. And this, I repeat, regardless of whether or not I am responsible for these events, I continue to share the actions of the anarchist struggle against capital and all racist, imperialist and colonialist states such as Italy, or Spain where I was born. I will give a speech on the general causes of “my” struggle in anarchism in Italy. It is also a struggle for the freedom of all the oppressed, of which I am a part. Because the anarchism of action and the anarchism of insurrectional planning is the galaxy-movement that I have been attending for 25 years. In anarchism of action we have, whether we like it or not, “politically”-socially our spaces, times and methods created over years and years with our struggle, struggle from 150 years of anarchist history, as well as its different perspectives. I have always been careful, I have “studied” as an autodidact, it was only in prison at the age of 46 that I took the title of middle school, and I must say that since I began to read, twenty years ago, over time I have understood that I did it, at the beginning, instinctively, as an instrument of awareness of the man in revolt; This is to say how important theories, books, and our newspapers are in anarchism as a tool, as tools of relationships and experimental knowledge that accompanies the perspective in order to know how to direct action.
I think it is fundamental to understand the methodologies of past experiences in anarchism and of revolutionary experiences or struggles of all times against any form of authority.
And so, apart from my natural curiosity about all things in the universe, I always try to be careful to connect the fundamental roots of our past struggle in anarchism. Which always, it must be said, has been a struggle between the outcasts of the outcasts; The lumpen is the essence of non-systemic and heretical revolutionary anarchism. I believe that the revolt and revolutionary methodologies of the past are essential to know, as our roots, in order to grow and develop in praxis today, in the present, to try to evolve them continuously for the better as well as to try again with our possibilities in libertarian anarchism, a struggle that is, always, against every authoritarian oppressor.
The State and repression often signal to us directly, when they condemn us in an exemplary way, indicating that those actions and in general the actions of attack with their causes of struggle remain qualitatively blunt if they are not accompanied by a projection and libertarian perspectives in the struggle side by side with the exploited and the consequent real forces that must be created.
But it is not always fighting side by side with the exploited in the traditional sense, that is, in the sense of the same space-time, it is not only grouping together and homogenizing in a united front, but also knowing how to create for oneself the struggle with our space-times, and in our space-times, and also knowing how to respect the other space-times in their different diversities of oppressed people who fight against all authoritarianism.
What we need to be aware of about the different struggles is that they are already intrinsically linked to the various anti-authoritarian struggles, they are interconnected with our common needs as oppressed, outcasts, and we must learn to look at it through other lenses that are not the same as those of this civilization. A vision of clear awareness because interconnectedness lies in the very nature of being oppressed and rejected.
But be careful, I don’t forget my contradictions and imperfections. Let’s not forget our contradictions related to our privileges as Westerners, whites, heterosexual cis males: heterosexual is not a fault in itself, but it is when it is the only way imposed by state education that imposes on children this one-way binary on us without leaving us a free choice. All of this is imposed by the family, patriarchal, Christian structure here in the West. And I believe that it is the first link in the chain of privileges and oppressions, the basis that supports hierarchical-state civilization in the West.
Just as we must not forget our different and diversified oppressions, gender, racialization, from the place where we were born and the consequent social class. And we pay close attention in the capitalist economy to the intrinsic unwaged, slave-like and authoritarian labor in the family that has been imposed for centuries on women or other individuals not aligned with the canons of society. The latter, in general, women, more if they are immigrants, lesbians, trans, as well as homosexuals etc. etc.
These should be observed, accepted, compared, and cared for as such in our different oppressions and privileges. I say they should because it is a self-criticism, to the little attention and care I have given and continue to give to it.
Therefore there is an urgent need to know how to create the non-duality of struggle, which is to know how to create by oneself struggle intrinsic to the solidarity care of sensitivity, which is courage and another type of paradigm of conceiving struggle and sensitivity and strength.
It’s what I conceptually call:
My two fundamental pillars of anarchism are the two dragons of anarchy.
Which is a figural image to simplify and try to communicate and explain very complex concepts of struggle and which are for me the inside-outside of individuality with the inside-outside of the collective in anarchist struggle.
– The first dragon has two faces and is like yin with yang.
Yin is the fundamental destruction of this backbone which is our privileges, rooted in us, diverse and diversified.
Yang is the creative aspect and must be accompanied by the continuous creation of ourselves with self-education which is the development of the individual Self, accompanying it to the anarchic Being as an opening to the cosmo-vision to the other, and to everything that surrounds us in general; We, as individuals, are an inseparable part of it.
So it’s clear awareness, it’s striving for liberation all the time. It is an internal revolution of being, and for me personally it is liberation as a practice of continuous mystical-spiritual self-education.
– The other dragon is the organization individually and collectively for the external attack on the systemic and oppressive structure and which produces the different social and material morals as a social organization and destruction of this authoritarian civilization and therefore the consequent struggle to organize for the attack on every hierarchical and authoritarian power.
These two general dragons are at the same time yin-yang and must always walk hand in hand with their organic overall path with the prospect of total liberation.
I believe that this journey with the two dragons is a constant path throughout our life of relationships of the whole and must be constantly balanced and rebalanced. It is an articulated and organic perspective, so if we isolate or remove a part of it, this part is destined to wither because it lives on an alienated life and an illusory life, since it does not receive sap from the rest of the plant, that is, from all these other fundamental factors of living-fighting.
And so I have often noticed that, in state-repression, the state clearly wants to erase the social and “political” context, cut off the sap and naturalize in the oppressed who struggle isolation and fragmentation by alienating us. Depolicizing, denaturalizing us from the natural social context of the actions, struggles, and paths of comrades, alienating us from our contexts and thus conceptually disconnecting them from the struggles of the oppressed of which we are a natural part.
And that it is right not to forget that these actions are not talk but concrete expressions of anarchist solidarity practices for all the oppressed, the last.
The state is aware that there has always been this uncontrollable possibility of contagiousness. That is why it strikes by repressing the rebels and revolutionaries in order to prevent and minimize such uncontrollable possibilities.
The State knows that today in Italy there are no real revolutionary material forces against an infinitely more powerful State. But it knows that the aims, ours, are ideologically right, because they try to create this uncontrollable contagious possibility. However, uncontrollable possibilities must be created by attacking and fighting at the roots of the systemic violence that has been carried out for centuries and centuries by racist-colonialist and capitalist states.
But we must also be honest with ourselves, and aware that the will, the passions of the heart, utopian ideologies are necessary and fundamental. But methodological and material creations, the preparation of the praxis of the real objective and qualitative forces, as an anarchist revolutionary minority, are fundamental, and lacking, in order to be able to give impetus to libertarian struggles, to be aware that these different aspects are inseparable from each other. And this is the need to intertwine the set of practices of struggle, leaflets, newspapers, occupations, urban and partisan guerrilla warfare, as well as to continue to refine analysis and material skills. And so it is that we must fight again and again to ensure that the imbalance is reversed by revolutionary gymnastics.
In addition, the propaganda of practice shows and warns, tells all of us oppressed that the time to act is now. And that the task of every individuality is to struggle to eradicate the very thing we have before our eyes today; the massacres, the genocides of the oppressed at the hands of capitalism and of every state that by nature is racist and imperialist and colonialist.
That is why today solidarity cannot fail to go to the resistance of the oppressed Palestinians who have been resisting Western colonialism with armed guerrilla warfare for 75 years.
Because from October 7 until today in Palestine 30,000 people have been killed under bombs and most of them civilians, many and many children slaughtered. Not to mention the 75-year-old genocide carried out by the Israeli-Zionist state. With the complicity of the capitalist colonialism of the USA and Western European states such as Italy. This is the systemic racism of the state.
Just as the continuous systemic massacres intrinsically naturalized in our eyes, as we see every day in the Mediterranean, are systemic racism of the State. Or in Libya with the great concentration camps, such as on the island of Lesbos in Greece, or in Italy, France, England, Spain, and this is because of the slave capitalist exploitation of the labor of immigrants in the countryside as well as in all the cities of the West and of the whole capitalist globalized world.
Which are the same various military corps that arrested me, that keep me prisoner, and serve to consolidate this racist state in order to keep their power as exploiters unchangeable. They want to wipe out the very high levels of social racism that existed when those revolutionary actions were carried out, as we see today in Italy and in the world, and that all states and capitalism have been fomenting for decades. Just as it is today throughout Italian society, passing it off as something that is devoid of violence, a simple opinion… States and capitalism have always wanted to gloss over these fundamental questions and foment fragmentation, isolation, alienation with the very useful tool of war and the racism that is the struggle between us poor and oppressed: divide and rule.
We Westerners will have to study all this, know it, because we are accomplices of the West with its European colonial movements, bearers of the inspiration of the concept of exterminating and eliminating indigenous people in the world, my Spanish ancestors, where I was born, know something about this, and we should be ashamed of what the Spanish State is.
That is why we must use the privileges that we have acquired through the genocide and the blood of the indigenous people exterminated over the centuries to try to fight against our Western states, forcefully, against the racist ideologies, offspring of all states and of capitalism, imperialism and all the colonial movements that have very deep roots in Western Europe and the state.
That is why yesterday as today we must fight against the ethnic cleansing of the oppressed of Palestine by fighting against our Western states, so we fight against the colonialist State of Israel which has as its ideology Zionism, which is intrinsically racist.
And therefore:
“We cannot talk today about what is happening in Israel and Palestine without talking about Zionism, and in fact it is no accident that so much effort has been put into it by Israel and its supporters, in this as in other countries, to equate anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism and so you will be silenced. Nevertheless, this is the only correct way to represent this story.”
But be careful, because this history is also a history of struggle and resistance of the oppressed Palestinians, and it must be above all ours, of the outcasts who struggle all over the world.
“Therefore it is necessary to go to the roots of the violence that arises from precise ideologies, racist ideologies, and that arises from Western nation states, from capitalism, from which also arises the Zionist ideology at the base of which is the elimination of the natives.”
That is the connection, the core, the causes of the struggle for which I am here in prison today.
The struggle for the destruction of any state, of capitalism, with its consequent wars, genocides, racisms, sexisms, patriarchy, apartheid, every prison, every cage and frontier as well as every hierarchy and authoritarianism of every color and type. That is, for Anarchy.
The specific nexus of the anarchist prisoner to try to contribute and formulate analyses and methodologies in struggle with the relationship of the causes of the general struggle.
“To date, the war against the internal enemy has irremediably overlapped with that against the external enemy, in a single movement for the accumulation of political, economic and cultural dominance that is primarily to the disadvantage of populations and opponents.
In this context, the amalgamation of the anti-mafia and anti-terrorism judiciary (2015) has generated an overwhelming machine that feeds itself with ever new investigations and means available to surveil more and more people or make believe they do so, with the aim of installing fear and creating a vacuum around those who are most directly affected.
Against any distinction between guilty and innocent, which is the pure arbitrariness of the democratic inquisition, supporting the reasons for the revolt and the identities under attack, is a matter of collective self-defense. The increasingly harsh repressive tools that are used against certain categories of people are destined to expand. The expansion of the 41bis regime, the recent history of the repressive instrument of 270 (subversive association), the indictment of Zac for 270 quinquies (self-training), the security package, the Caivano Decree, the extension of surveillance and imprisonment at all levels, are examples of this. In this vein, self-organized unions are accused of criminal association, the struggle of the organized unemployed becomes extortion, street clashes are punished with the Camorra aggravating circumstance, publications or banners censored on charges of incitement to crime or apology for terrorism. The exemption of preventive measures and the device of “special surveillance” – historically used to punish the poor, brigands and anti-fascists – is also one of the many consequences of the fusion of anti-mafia and anti-terrorism apparatuses and of the need to equate the war paraphernalia against organized crime (media, legal, linguistic) against dissidents […].
This system is historically the expression of a deep-rooted culture of suspicion and of the tendency, since the colonization of Southern Italy, to transform the social question, ideals and struggles into judicial-criminal problems.”
– Naples, from a text released during the general strike of February 23 –
– Social surveillance and special surveillance –
And so, as perfectly analyzed above by the Neapolitan comrades, I believe that this is the case with my specific condemnation of the Lega Nord. And as well as the “new” trial that I am about to undergo for 280 (terrorist attack) in Brescia.
Therefore, these trials and convictions not only affect us as specific individuals in themselves, but above all as tactical-strategic dynamics of the Italian State, complicit in the colonial wars in general and specifically for that of Israel in this historical moment with the strategic patrol of the warship in the Red Sea and the huge sale of arms to Israel to defend it, as well as the complicity in the repression and imprisonment by order of Israel in Italy of 3 Palestinians with the use of 270. One locked up in this section of AS2 in Terni. My solidarity goes to them.
And this is where these general repressive instruments come in, with the not-so-veiled orders of the powerful machine of the National District Anti-Terrorism Anti-Mafia Directorate, with exemplary sentences in this historical moment to the internal enemy.
And specifically for the bombs at the headquarters of the Lega Nord in Treviso. With a disproportion of punishment between the facts and the crime, a sentence that is unprecedented in the last decades of the history of the anarchist movement, with the increase in repression and the change in interpretations of existing laws. As with the law of “political massacre”. Just as for the first time the massacre passed in the convictions of Anna Beniamino and Alfredo Cospito, anarchist comrades. To whom goes all my solidarity and esteem. Disproportion is an understatement.
And so it is with the new trial of the bomb against the POL GAI (police academy) with the address and orders of the not-so-veiled D.D.N.A.A. behind the Brescia magistracy. A trial that will begin shortly.
But I don’t want to dwell only on the level of technical analysis of the trial, or repression as bad luck. On the other hand, I would like to highlight the context of the struggle of this action, specifically against the POL GAI, of which I am accused. Regardless of whether or not I am responsible for these facts.
Context for this action, which is a method used in anarchism for a long time and which in this specific case was the Black December campaign launched by anarchist prisoners in Greece and with a worldwide internationalist response of anarchist action in 2015.
And that I would like to mention:
“As a leitmotif of anarchy and direct action, it was able to unite comrades from Greece, Italy, Colombia, Spain, Switzerland, Holland, the U.K., Germany, Mexico, Chile, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, the U.S.A., Uruguay, Australia, Peru, Ecuador and Belgium through many multifaceted actions. Texts by fellow prisoners, counter-information, and propaganda actions, banners in prison wings, militant marches and clashes with the police, fires, bombs and vandalism against enemy targets, initiatives in squats and social centers, publications of anarchist works describing insurrectional experiences and direct action, manuals and theoretical analyses of different visions, All of them have contributed in their own unique way to a polymorphous front of informally organized struggle that internationalizes experiences and goes on the attack.”
Nikos Romanos, “Attack therefore I am”And this is in fact the real context that has been a contribution of living and qualitative anarchist action. Beyond what the magistracy of Brescia will say, which only wants to decontextualize and depoliticize this set of legal and illegal actions of struggle and which have no hierarchical importance for those who contributed to the call of Black December and that the action at the POL GAI of Brescia is not part of it.
Just as they want to decontextualize and depoliticize my anarchism given the many times that the judiciary has interpreted and falsified in the various investigations and judicial venues, such as the “new” investigation and the Brescia trial, with the many dogmatic roles that they have placed on me, because, first, I am not an anarcho-insurrectionist, as they continually parrot, and I reject this figure and this concept because it is imposed by the different prosecutors in different trials as part of a category to be generalized and unified at will to better direct the investigations of the judiciary and the D.D.N.A.A. I am an individualist anarchist, and it is certainly not going to be the prosecutors who will categorize me in a label stigmatized for their own gain.
And so, they have done the same and interpreted at will regarding the different issues of the aperiodic “Beznachalie” that they have taken as evidence, they do the same continuously, interpreting and distorting the texts.
Among other things, a public aperiodic, and not clandestine, occult or shady, as they want to pass off to create an environment of suspicion, and which among other things I have always proudly claimed as part of my ideas and as a means of free propaganda and self-produced by me. And as I wrote publicly in the aperiodical, n.9, sharing with my head held high the method and the campaign of Black December in 2016.
A call that is still a valid method-tool, a qualitative method, and that is part of the entire anarchist movement of action.
It is a method of articulation of all those in the anarchist movement who share it. not a label or an acronym, as the judiciary and the D.D.N.A.A. want to pass by blaming me for roles and dogmatic hierarchies that have never been shared.
These reflections always start from self-criticism. With this I want to state clearly and firmly what I think and am convinced of, but honestly I am not interested in stating my own reasons.
However, I believe that in initiating discussions, proposals and calls, specific or general and which should lead to multifaceted actions, these are discussions, proposals and calls that are lively, and it is important to discuss them among the comrades. Therefore we should be reminded that all comrades who recognize each other are on the same side, therefore not enemies; otherwise, what’s the point of arguing or doing things together?
I believe that when it has been decided to make discussions, proposals and calls it would be very appropriate and advisable to tell us clearly what we want to achieve from these discussions, proposals and calls, and the reasons why we are taking on the informally articulated in anarchism of action. I also believe that in order to start discussions and proposals, it would be necessary to be clear in perspective, which simply means thinking first about the different problems that we can find, or many other things that could be useful, or what actions we do not agree on.
Or because: “if the comrades were to be defended only within the limits of the international anarchist movement, basing propaganda only on the motivations of the anarchists and accepting only those foreign forces that declared themselves willing to remain within the limits of those motivations” (A. M. B).
I believe that this should be done first for the sake of logic and many other unnecessary problems would be avoided. Then I believe that, apart from what A.M.B. emphasizes, that for me it may be good in general, for anarchist comrades and in particular if you do not agree with the actions or the proactiveness of the actions that led to the imprisonment of the comrades. However, if one shares politically the struggles and actions of which they are accused, I believe that we should remember the causes of why the comrades are in prison; of course, if one agrees. In addition, I believe that it is we anarchists who must have our compass and our anarchist projects of praxis firmly in place, and the straight rudder of direct action and rupture against all authority, and not let ourselves be carried away by the various waves. Having this clear, it is obvious that the reformists will act as reformists and the world of the press and entertainment will make a sensationalist show and probably obscuring us spectacularly, even when we are on all the TV in the world; That’s spectacle, it’s fiction, it’s illusion. But should we anarchists be interested in this? Not if we are clear and proceed with our anarchist and revolutionary project, because the real forces are quite different. Otherwise, how do we think we are in a broad revolt or an insurrection and revolution?
And so it would be appropriate to ask ourselves and question ourselves on these proposals, but first among comrades:
“If anarchists do everything they can to broaden their propaganda, to involve the people, to make themselves heard by as many people as possible, how can they then, when the opportunity presents itself, not accept the collaboration of political and intellectual forces that know very well where they want to go?
How to get out of the dilemma? In a simple way, always starting from the thesis that for us the technical fact is secondary, and that if comrades are accused, imprisoned and on certain occasions, even executed, this happens only because they are anarchists, regardless of the objective fact that constitutes an element of procedural debate but that we as revolutionaries are only marginally interested in. We can never lose this point as a central element of the defense political campaign” (A. M. B).
Then, at the same time, we must have our autonomy in anarchism, so that we do not subordinate our perceptions to a centralized structuring. By taking on the proposals and calls, as a method and therefore also as space-time, this is how we support everything that is the development of individual initiatives and of different collectives and groups, so that the individual and collective creativity of the comrades can grow in an inventive and informal way. That being the case, one is not subject to any will of a political tendency. It is the attempt to create bases, as comrades, with a healthy coexistence between the diversities of anarchism of action and to try to have a deepening between different perspectives in anarchism. By striving and acknowledging the sincere contribution of all the different visions of struggle. That should be the goal for me.
To the comrades I say that it is a method of articulation that would have the intention of creating relations of struggle in order to be able to reproduce methodological tools thoughtfully and constantly and assiduously follow the struggles. And don’t abandon paths and situations to which huge revenges are promised in words, and I say in words from experience because then these promises, revenges, and paths almost all fall on deaf ears after the moment of momentary excitement, and when a certain period of time passes, then unfortunately other promises and momentary “fashionable” calls and excitement arrive. And the previous path falls into absolute silence with its promises and revenges. And be careful, because I’m making a self-criticism. And then continuously, here and there, the struggles of the emergency moment, without any real continuity.
I believe that it would suffice to include those that have begun and connect them with a thread to the general causes of the struggle and to the struggles of necessity that come new at the moment, so as to avoid a waste of energy and also for perspective and continuity. As it happens, for example, with the deafening silence for a few months to date regarding the path and the issue of Alfredo’s downgrading from 41bis, against 41bis and the abolition of life imprisonment, because there is another new emergency. And be careful, I am not saying that these new emergencies should not be followed, or that it is not right to engage, quite the contrary. However… I believe that we should carefully seek the appropriate methodological tools, such as the methods used in the aforementioned struggles, so that these characteristics can emerge when we decide in all autonomous action campaigns. And it would be good if it were no longer based on the emergencies of prisoners’ hunger strikes, but on the struggles and issues that have arisen and been collectively decided to use these methods. In this way there would be the opportunity to develop them following our rhythms and not of the emergency and therefore of the circumstances and the rhythm that the State gives us, and thus try to intensify the conflict with a common thread and a perspective.
For me, this is trying in practice to launch concrete perspectives of action that are open and multifaceted for all anarchists of action and the oppressed who want to struggle, to try to articulate and organize informally with other anarchists and non-anarchists.
I believe that by leaving the space open to multiform actions and to all those different anarchist individualities that should prevent them from becoming the “private property” of any specific anarchist tendency, or an exclusive specific anarchist practice of this tendency or that. Instead of what they should become, methodologies and tools for all comrades who want to transform anarchism of action into a real opposition against the system.
And these methods were used in Alfredo’s strike. For L’Aquila, to close the AS2 section or for the call of Black December. This methodological tool was in fact a communication link between different local anarchist and internationalist practices. This is what should be analyzed and reused… all practices: analyse-try-know-reuse given their qualities and usefulness. And, in addition, it has also been possible to extend it to non-anarchist components. And that, from my point of view, is a good thing.
So for me it’s wanting to create these methodological relational tools. And in practice, in these struggles mentioned above, there has been, in each one differently, the creative coexistence of comrades of different origins and ideological conceptions, and thus in fact the dialectical overcoming of tendencies. Such as overcoming the bogging down of theory alone and the sclerotic traffic jam of constantly chasing the emergency. But, comrades, we must try to overcome and create different and inverse dynamics to the “culture” and the environment that exists in anarchism, such as the rooting of ghettos and various ideological parishes with the rarefied environment, because in this way nothing positive comes out. That is my will. And I believe that it should be the will of the comrades who wish to fight in anarchism of action as a non-systemic anarchist and revolutionary minority and who do not want to cement themselves into dogmatism, and try to change and create a new paradigm from the grassroots.
Just as I believe it is important to change our approach to the destruction of the distinction between legal and illegal as a hierarchical conception of what we do or what others do. So as not to go with hindsight to judge or claim with the copyright of the anarchist tendency this or that form of action. It is therefore the practical realization of a nascent perception so that the hierarchies of the means of struggle can be eliminated, but through praxis, action, in the diversity of anarchism. So that every individuality can be in diversity, part of the totality of anarchism of action. And not the continuation of the polarization of anarchism of action.
I like this methodological tool because, in addition to being useful and qualitative, in practice it has characteristics of openness and inclusion, it is not for an exclusive tendency of anarchy, whether new or old, on the contrary, it leaves open to those who have chosen to take on the complex of these calls and proposals so that everyone can act according to the conditions they want and in the ways that each individuality and collectivity chooses to do so. This is informality to me. They seem to me to be the basis of the horizontality of anarchism. And that is not synonymous with not having lively discussions or not criticizing constructively, and even strong criticism. We must also be aware that we cannot homogenize everything, we must also choose with whom, why and how: “because a movement, even a revolutionary one, has its own need for development, certain differences of opinion, certain legitimate reserves, which cannot be put aside all at once” (A.M.B.).
And we know how to do this method, as we have experienced in several specific struggles, or general ones as was Alfredo’s call. For L’Aquila to close the section of AS2 and Dicembre Nero.
Despite the diversity of contexts and specific objectives, it is the same method that was used in Greece, of a handful of prisoners supported by an assembly of comrades that led to the abolition of special prisons, the downsizing of the law against “misrepresentation” during demonstrations and the law on DNA. Not exactly chicken feed. Yet some comrades did not fail to point out the limitations, and that they still exist today in this method. I believe that we need to refine the method, not the limits. And to get out of chasing the usual emergency, and to know how to reproduce different methodological tools thoughtfully.
I believe that it is still a good methodological direction to articulate ourselves, and we have done so more than once pragmatically in a creative coexistence of comrades with different origins and ideological positions and with different conceptions in anarchism of praxis. And the result, positive or negative, whether you like it or not, is the result of all those anarchists who wanted to fight together in diversity to create this. But be careful, these are the real forces that we have been able to create and deploy, no more and no less. And I believe that it is from these that we should start again, analyzing them, refining them, and finally reproducing them methodologically in order to increase them qualitatively.
As a prisoner:
“In the endless hours of the dead and desolate dimension of prison, we often try to analyze those data concerning external realities, despite the few stimuli that reach us. The observation, analysis, use and monitoring of events that take place in a parallel space-time dimension is a condition that should not be treated in a circumscribed way but rather with constant efforts to connect with comrades outside the walls who carry out their struggles against authority.”
Nikos Romanos, “Attack therefore I am”That is why, as an anarchist prisoner, with my limitations I continue to struggle-live with thought and action. Being aware that these analyses and observations of mine are always filtered through the keyhole of the prison cell and can easily be misled by the limits imposed by the isolation of the prison.
But that doesn’t mean we stop trying to do analysis or striving to connect with our comrades and the different struggles. However, without a continuity of reciprocal exchange, of deepening between the outside-inside and the inside-outside, the debates that are relational in fact stagnate and the comrades remain outside the paths and discussions, and the bonds and connections with the inside-outside and outside-inside comrades fail to contribute and formulate methodologies. I believe that these methodological tools of connection with comrades are necessary.
Solidarity with the Palestinian prisoners imprisoned at the hands of Israel’s warmongering states and Italy’s complicity.
Solidarity with the resistance of the oppressed Palestinians who have been resisting Israeli and Western colonialism with armed guerrilla warfare for 75 years.
Solidarity with those who fight against racism, colonialism, apartheid, the war that starts here.
Solidarity with anti-fascists in Hungary.
Solidarity with my comrades who were put on trial for the Brennero.
Solidarity with our comrades Monica Caballero, Francisco Solar and Marcelo Villarroel.
Solidarity to Juan Aliste, Joaquin Garcia and Juan Flores.
Solidarity with the comrades imprisoned in Chile, Greece, Russia, Belarus and Ukraine, revolutionary solidarity!
Solidarity with Mapuche prisoners!
Declassification of Alfredo Cospito from 41bis
Solidarity for Alfredo and Anna.
Against 41bis that annihilates the prisoners locked up.
International solidarity with the prisoners of the social struggle throughout the world.
“We must fight and fight so that the imbalance is stamped out”
for the propagation of revolutionary solidarity practices!
And, whatever path we are taking, always with the heart and for anarchy!
18/03/2024
Terni Prison, AS2Juan Sorroche
[Received by email and posted in https://lanemesi.noblogs.org/post/2024/04/07/juan-sorroche-riflessione-sul-contesto-generale-delle-cause-della-lotta/]
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Regarding my convictions and trial charges and the nexus of non-systemic revolutionary struggle action practices and “my” meaning of the anarchist vision
“(…) The reality is precisely this complex thing that cannot be traced back to the results of a judicial proceeding. This will always be arbitrary and will be based not on evidence but on force, not on logic but on domination. Difficult reasoning? Maybe so, but reasoning that once done can never be forgotten” [Published with the title “Noterelle su Sacco e Vanzetti. In margine a un convegno di studi”, in “Anarchismo”, n. 63, July 1989, pp. 36-40].
Alfredo Maria Bonanno, A mano armata, Pensiero e azione, Edizioni AnarchismoIn remembrance, and a warm greeting and see you soon comrade Alfredo!
Note:
To facilitate the writing of the text, I chose to use mainly the masculine as a gender ending. Aware of the importance of rejecting and countering gender abuses (as of any kind), I trust in the reader’s understanding so that no one feels discriminated against.
Premise:
Hello to all, compañeras and to all, compañeros
I am Juan Sorroche, an anarchist prisoner arrested on May 22, 2019 and I write from the AS2 section of the Terni prison where I have been locked up for 5 years.
After my heavy sentence on January 26, 2024 in Rome in the Court of Cassation trial for the action against the Lega Nord, a party that was and is part of the government of the Italian State, a strongly racist, misogynistic and xenophobic party.
As an anarchist prisoner I would like to make clear to comrades, revolutionaries, outcasts and oppressed the connection of the causes of the struggle for which I am here in prison today as an anarchist prisoner.
In the first instance, even though the prosecutor had removed the charge of “political massacre” (285), I was sentenced to 28 years in prison plus 3 years of probation. On appeal, almost half of the sentence, I was sentenced to 14 years and 7 months. A few days ago, the Court of Cassation definitively sentenced me to 14 years and 7 months, a significant and exemplary sentence for the attack.
In the first instance, I want to say that I entered prison already having spent a cumulative period of about 8 years behind bars for my struggles in Italy, which is why I escaped into hiding in 2016 to continue living-fighting. Of these 8 years, 4 years are for the “NO TAV trial”. Subsequently, the other 4 years were different trials related to anti-prison and anti-CPR struggles, anti-fascist and anti-democratic struggles, struggles against technologies, GMOs, “environmentalists”, in which I took part, always trying to include the anti-state and anti-capitalist aspect of anarchism in Trentino as well as in different Italian situations. Including the Susa Valley, a path that I had taken in the past years in the NO TAV struggle against one of the projects of capital and the State and the devastating tentacle of the high-speed train. I was arrested, among many others, for the days of struggle and violent clashes of July 3, 2011. During the trial and during my imprisonment at the time, I claimed with a personal statement those days of struggle and the paths of opposition to the TAV and more generally the anti-state and anti-capitalist aspect. I refused the defense in the “NOTAV Trial”, positioning myself anti-juridically even trying to fight in court by refusing the trial, believing that I should not “defend” myself in that judicial theater, and for this I was sentenced to 4 years and 6 months. And I take those decisions with my head held high.
In May 2019, after 2 and a half years on the run, I was arrested together with another comrade accused of having supported my being on the run, and then the comrade was sentenced for aiding and abetting to a year and a half, a sentence that was significant and exemplary as we had not seen each other for years, and it gave us a hint of the new tenor of the trials to come.
When I was arrested, little by little, I became aware of a series of investigations and trials that see me accused of several attacks (with terrorist aims) in Italy:
– the bombs at the headquarters of the Lega Nord in Treviso for the attack of 12/08/2018, regarding the two explosive devices, one exploded and another full of nails discovered by the bomb squad in the form of a trap to carry out the components of the building and the police; these were placed in the headquarters of the Lega Nord in Treviso and were claimed with the claim:
“Let’s hit them at home!!!: (…) to specifically attack racism and exploitation. To strike at the state, capital and its perpetrators. Direct action makes it clear to us why and how. For an internationalist, rebellious, and anarchist solidarity! Solidarity with all prisoners (…). And to all the rebels locked up in the homeland prisons of the world!
Haris Hatzimihelakis Cell/Black International 1881/2018”.– the bomb at the Surveillance Court of Trento 2014. Sentenced in the first instance to 3 years and 2 months, then acquitted on appeal, I must soon go to the Supreme Court. Claimed anonymously: in solidarity and to give voice to the prisoners who struggle with dignity in all prisons and to the anarchist comrades who were in prison isolated in AS2 in Italy and other anarchist prisoners in the world.
– the bomb against the POL GAI (police academy) claimed by cell H, I report some sketches of the published claim:
“(…) as a cell H (C.A.A.) akin to the Black International and we join the call to action for a BLACK DECEMBER. We attacked one of the armed arms of the state. In this “school” cops from all over Italy and other countries are educated. This is a small signal against war. We stand in solidarity with all the people who are fighting against all states and capital. Our thoughts go out to the many comrades who have been repressed, locked up, tortured, or killed in the present and in the past. In solidarity with all the detainees who are struggling.”
This is in the context of the campaign launched by anarchist prisoners in Greece for a Black December, called international in the context of anarchist action in 2015.
A trial that I will begin shortly.
To date, I have accumulated 23 years in prison.
Actions that I agree with because for me they are part of the history of our movement of struggle in non-systemic revolutionary anarchism of action and of the struggle for freedom of all the oppressed in the world. Regardless of whether or not I am responsible for these facts. And I am determined to move forward in my anarchist life in order to live-fight within my limited possibilities as a prisoner.
– General Causes of Struggle and the Connection of Non-Systemic Revolutionary Struggle Practices –
“(…) Our ethics have nothing to do with the morals of this domination society. But we cannot let our enemies speak for us. Rather, to obstruct, crack, subvert the narrative of power, striving to overturn it into our own discourse, which never loses sight of what we hold dear.”
“Solidarity and its ghost”, “Days and nights”“It is always the present that has a transformative look at the past. The past is not immobile in a safe, it is always there at the disposal of the new generations and this was said by a great Jewish intellectual who was Walter Benjamin, it is the struggles of the present that reactivate the sparks of hope of the past, because the past, in its attempts at emancipation, equality, utopia, has remained unfinished, But that unfinished is not buried forever, it can be reactivated today. (…)”.
“The Unfinished Past and the Necessary Courage” (from a speech in the square in Trento, February 2024 in solidarity with the Palestinian people)I believe it is necessary to take a stand and clarify the meaning of the causes of the struggle in anarchism and that have brought me here to prison to try to overturn the description of the authorities and turn it into our own discourse of struggle, given the many times that it has been interpreted and falsified by the state power with so many dogmatic roles that have placed me on me by forcing and fitting roles, hierarchies, and ideologies that were never assumed. As well as the significance of sharing the practices of action of revolutionary struggle for which I continue to be accused today, and for which I have already been sentenced to an exemplary penalty.
I have no regrets about being an individualist anarchist, on the contrary, I am proud. And this, I repeat, regardless of whether or not I am responsible for these events, I continue to share the actions of the anarchist struggle against capital and all racist, imperialist and colonialist states such as Italy, or Spain where I was born. I will give a speech on the general causes of “my” struggle in anarchism in Italy. It is also a struggle for the freedom of all the oppressed, of which I am a part. Because the anarchism of action and the anarchism of insurrectional planning is the galaxy-movement that I have been attending for 25 years. In anarchism of action we have, whether we like it or not, “politically”-socially our spaces, times and methods created over years and years with our struggle, struggle from 150 years of anarchist history, as well as its different perspectives. I have always been careful, I have “studied” as an autodidact, it was only in prison at the age of 46 that I took the title of middle school, and I must say that since I began to read, twenty years ago, over time I have understood that I did it, at the beginning, instinctively, as an instrument of awareness of the man in revolt; This is to say how important theories, books, and our newspapers are in anarchism as a tool, as tools of relationships and experimental knowledge that accompanies the perspective in order to know how to direct action.
I think it is fundamental to understand the methodologies of past experiences in anarchism and of revolutionary experiences or struggles of all times against any form of authority.
And so, apart from my natural curiosity about all things in the universe, I always try to be careful to connect the fundamental roots of our past struggle in anarchism. Which always, it must be said, has been a struggle between the outcasts of the outcasts; The lumpen is the essence of non-systemic and heretical revolutionary anarchism. I believe that the revolt and revolutionary methodologies of the past are essential to know, as our roots, in order to grow and develop in praxis today, in the present, to try to evolve them continuously for the better as well as to try again with our possibilities in libertarian anarchism, a struggle that is, always, against every authoritarian oppressor.
The State and repression often signal to us directly, when they condemn us in an exemplary way, indicating that those actions and in general the actions of attack with their causes of struggle remain qualitatively blunt if they are not accompanied by a projection and libertarian perspectives in the struggle side by side with the exploited and the consequent real forces that must be created.
But it is not always fighting side by side with the exploited in the traditional sense, that is, in the sense of the same space-time, it is not only grouping together and homogenizing in a united front, but also knowing how to create for oneself the struggle with our space-times, and in our space-times, and also knowing how to respect the other space-times in their different diversities of oppressed people who fight against all authoritarianism.
What we need to be aware of about the different struggles is that they are already intrinsically linked to the various anti-authoritarian struggles, they are interconnected with our common needs as oppressed, outcasts, and we must learn to look at it through other lenses that are not the same as those of this civilization. A vision of clear awareness because interconnectedness lies in the very nature of being oppressed and rejected.
But be careful, I don’t forget my contradictions and imperfections. Let’s not forget our contradictions related to our privileges as Westerners, whites, heterosexual cis males: heterosexual is not a fault in itself, but it is when it is the only way imposed by state education that imposes on children this one-way binary on us without leaving us a free choice. All of this is imposed by the family, patriarchal, Christian structure here in the West. And I believe that it is the first link in the chain of privileges and oppressions, the basis that supports hierarchical-state civilization in the West.
Just as we must not forget our different and diversified oppressions, gender, racialization, from the place where we were born and the consequent social class. And we pay close attention in the capitalist economy to the intrinsic unwaged, slave-like and authoritarian labor in the family that has been imposed for centuries on women or other individuals not aligned with the canons of society. The latter, in general, women, more if they are immigrants, lesbians, trans, as well as homosexuals etc. etc.
These should be observed, accepted, compared, and cared for as such in our different oppressions and privileges. I say they should because it is a self-criticism, to the little attention and care I have given and continue to give to it.
Therefore there is an urgent need to know how to create the non-duality of struggle, which is to know how to create by oneself struggle intrinsic to the solidarity care of sensitivity, which is courage and another type of paradigm of conceiving struggle and sensitivity and strength.
It’s what I conceptually call:
My two fundamental pillars of anarchism are the two dragons of anarchy.
Which is a figural image to simplify and try to communicate and explain very complex concepts of struggle and which are for me the inside-outside of individuality with the inside-outside of the collective in anarchist struggle.
– The first dragon has two faces and is like yin with yang.
Yin is the fundamental destruction of this backbone which is our privileges, rooted in us, diverse and diversified.
Yang is the creative aspect and must be accompanied by the continuous creation of ourselves with self-education which is the development of the individual Self, accompanying it to the anarchic Being as an opening to the cosmo-vision to the other, and to everything that surrounds us in general; We, as individuals, are an inseparable part of it.
So it’s clear awareness, it’s striving for liberation all the time. It is an internal revolution of being, and for me personally it is liberation as a practice of continuous mystical-spiritual self-education.
– The other dragon is the organization individually and collectively for the external attack on the systemic and oppressive structure and which produces the different social and material morals as a social organization and destruction of this authoritarian civilization and therefore the consequent struggle to organize for the attack on every hierarchical and authoritarian power.
These two general dragons are at the same time yin-yang and must always walk hand in hand with their organic overall path with the prospect of total liberation.
I believe that this journey with the two dragons is a constant path throughout our life of relationships of the whole and must be constantly balanced and rebalanced. It is an articulated and organic perspective, so if we isolate or remove a part of it, this part is destined to wither because it lives on an alienated life and an illusory life, since it does not receive sap from the rest of the plant, that is, from all these other fundamental factors of living-fighting.
And so I have often noticed that, in state-repression, the state clearly wants to erase the social and “political” context, cut off the sap and naturalize in the oppressed who struggle isolation and fragmentation by alienating us. Depolicizing, denaturalizing us from the natural social context of the actions, struggles, and paths of comrades, alienating us from our contexts and thus conceptually disconnecting them from the struggles of the oppressed of which we are a natural part.
And that it is right not to forget that these actions are not talk but concrete expressions of anarchist solidarity practices for all the oppressed, the last.
The state is aware that there has always been this uncontrollable possibility of contagiousness. That is why it strikes by repressing the rebels and revolutionaries in order to prevent and minimize such uncontrollable possibilities.
The State knows that today in Italy there are no real revolutionary material forces against an infinitely more powerful State. But it knows that the aims, ours, are ideologically right, because they try to create this uncontrollable contagious possibility. However, uncontrollable possibilities must be created by attacking and fighting at the roots of the systemic violence that has been carried out for centuries and centuries by racist-colonialist and capitalist states.
But we must also be honest with ourselves, and aware that the will, the passions of the heart, utopian ideologies are necessary and fundamental. But methodological and material creations, the preparation of the praxis of the real objective and qualitative forces, as an anarchist revolutionary minority, are fundamental, and lacking, in order to be able to give impetus to libertarian struggles, to be aware that these different aspects are inseparable from each other. And this is the need to intertwine the set of practices of struggle, leaflets, newspapers, occupations, urban and partisan guerrilla warfare, as well as to continue to refine analysis and material skills. And so it is that we must fight again and again to ensure that the imbalance is reversed by revolutionary gymnastics.
In addition, the propaganda of practice shows and warns, tells all of us oppressed that the time to act is now. And that the task of every individuality is to struggle to eradicate the very thing we have before our eyes today; the massacres, the genocides of the oppressed at the hands of capitalism and of every state that by nature is racist and imperialist and colonialist.
That is why today solidarity cannot fail to go to the resistance of the oppressed Palestinians who have been resisting Western colonialism with armed guerrilla warfare for 75 years.
Because from October 7 until today in Palestine 30,000 people have been killed under bombs and most of them civilians, many and many children slaughtered. Not to mention the 75-year-old genocide carried out by the Israeli-Zionist state. With the complicity of the capitalist colonialism of the USA and Western European states such as Italy. This is the systemic racism of the state.
Just as the continuous systemic massacres intrinsically naturalized in our eyes, as we see every day in the Mediterranean, are systemic racism of the State. Or in Libya with the great concentration camps, such as on the island of Lesbos in Greece, or in Italy, France, England, Spain, and this is because of the slave capitalist exploitation of the labor of immigrants in the countryside as well as in all the cities of the West and of the whole capitalist globalized world.
Which are the same various military corps that arrested me, that keep me prisoner, and serve to consolidate this racist state in order to keep their power as exploiters unchangeable. They want to wipe out the very high levels of social racism that existed when those revolutionary actions were carried out, as we see today in Italy and in the world, and that all states and capitalism have been fomenting for decades. Just as it is today throughout Italian society, passing it off as something that is devoid of violence, a simple opinion… States and capitalism have always wanted to gloss over these fundamental questions and foment fragmentation, isolation, alienation with the very useful tool of war and the racism that is the struggle between us poor and oppressed: divide and rule.
We Westerners will have to study all this, know it, because we are accomplices of the West with its European colonial movements, bearers of the inspiration of the concept of exterminating and eliminating indigenous people in the world, my Spanish ancestors, where I was born, know something about this, and we should be ashamed of what the Spanish State is.
That is why we must use the privileges that we have acquired through the genocide and the blood of the indigenous people exterminated over the centuries to try to fight against our Western states, forcefully, against the racist ideologies, offspring of all states and of capitalism, imperialism and all the colonial movements that have very deep roots in Western Europe and the state.
That is why yesterday as today we must fight against the ethnic cleansing of the oppressed of Palestine by fighting against our Western states, so we fight against the colonialist State of Israel which has as its ideology Zionism, which is intrinsically racist.
And therefore:
“We cannot talk today about what is happening in Israel and Palestine without talking about Zionism, and in fact it is no accident that so much effort has been put into it by Israel and its supporters, in this as in other countries, to equate anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism and so you will be silenced. Nevertheless, this is the only correct way to represent this story.”
But be careful, because this history is also a history of struggle and resistance of the oppressed Palestinians, and it must be above all ours, of the outcasts who struggle all over the world.
“Therefore it is necessary to go to the roots of the violence that arises from precise ideologies, racist ideologies, and that arises from Western nation states, from capitalism, from which also arises the Zionist ideology at the base of which is the elimination of the natives.”
That is the connection, the core, the causes of the struggle for which I am here in prison today.
The struggle for the destruction of any state, of capitalism, with its consequent wars, genocides, racisms, sexisms, patriarchy, apartheid, every prison, every cage and frontier as well as every hierarchy and authoritarianism of every color and type. That is, for Anarchy.
The specific nexus of the anarchist prisoner to try to contribute and formulate analyses and methodologies in struggle with the relationship of the causes of the general struggle.
“To date, the war against the internal enemy has irremediably overlapped with that against the external enemy, in a single movement for the accumulation of political, economic and cultural dominance that is primarily to the disadvantage of populations and opponents.
In this context, the amalgamation of the anti-mafia and anti-terrorism judiciary (2015) has generated an overwhelming machine that feeds itself with ever new investigations and means available to surveil more and more people or make believe they do so, with the aim of installing fear and creating a vacuum around those who are most directly affected.
Against any distinction between guilty and innocent, which is the pure arbitrariness of the democratic inquisition, supporting the reasons for the revolt and the identities under attack, is a matter of collective self-defense. The increasingly harsh repressive tools that are used against certain categories of people are destined to expand. The expansion of the 41bis regime, the recent history of the repressive instrument of 270 (subversive association), the indictment of Zac for 270 quinquies (self-training), the security package, the Caivano Decree, the extension of surveillance and imprisonment at all levels, are examples of this. In this vein, self-organized unions are accused of criminal association, the struggle of the organized unemployed becomes extortion, street clashes are punished with the Camorra aggravating circumstance, publications or banners censored on charges of incitement to crime or apology for terrorism. The exemption of preventive measures and the device of “special surveillance” – historically used to punish the poor, brigands and anti-fascists – is also one of the many consequences of the fusion of anti-mafia and anti-terrorism apparatuses and of the need to equate the war paraphernalia against organized crime (media, legal, linguistic) against dissidents […].
This system is historically the expression of a deep-rooted culture of suspicion and of the tendency, since the colonization of Southern Italy, to transform the social question, ideals and struggles into judicial-criminal problems.”
– Naples, from a text released during the general strike of February 23 –
– Social surveillance and special surveillance –
And so, as perfectly analyzed above by the Neapolitan comrades, I believe that this is the case with my specific condemnation of the Lega Nord. And as well as the “new” trial that I am about to undergo for 280 (terrorist attack) in Brescia.
Therefore, these trials and convictions not only affect us as specific individuals in themselves, but above all as tactical-strategic dynamics of the Italian State, complicit in the colonial wars in general and specifically for that of Israel in this historical moment with the strategic patrol of the warship in the Red Sea and the huge sale of arms to Israel to defend it, as well as the complicity in the repression and imprisonment by order of Israel in Italy of 3 Palestinians with the use of 270. One locked up in this section of AS2 in Terni. My solidarity goes to them.
And this is where these general repressive instruments come in, with the not-so-veiled orders of the powerful machine of the National District Anti-Terrorism Anti-Mafia Directorate, with exemplary sentences in this historical moment to the internal enemy.
And specifically for the bombs at the headquarters of the Lega Nord in Treviso. With a disproportion of punishment between the facts and the crime, a sentence that is unprecedented in the last decades of the history of the anarchist movement, with the increase in repression and the change in interpretations of existing laws. As with the law of “political massacre”. Just as for the first time the massacre passed in the convictions of Anna Beniamino and Alfredo Cospito, anarchist comrades. To whom goes all my solidarity and esteem. Disproportion is an understatement.
And so it is with the new trial of the bomb against the POL GAI (police academy) with the address and orders of the not-so-veiled D.D.N.A.A. behind the Brescia magistracy. A trial that will begin shortly.
But I don’t want to dwell only on the level of technical analysis of the trial, or repression as bad luck. On the other hand, I would like to highlight the context of the struggle of this action, specifically against the POL GAI, of which I am accused. Regardless of whether or not I am responsible for these facts.
Context for this action, which is a method used in anarchism for a long time and which in this specific case was the Black December campaign launched by anarchist prisoners in Greece and with a worldwide internationalist response of anarchist action in 2015.
And that I would like to mention:
“As a leitmotif of anarchy and direct action, it was able to unite comrades from Greece, Italy, Colombia, Spain, Switzerland, Holland, the U.K., Germany, Mexico, Chile, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, the U.S.A., Uruguay, Australia, Peru, Ecuador and Belgium through many multifaceted actions. Texts by fellow prisoners, counter-information, and propaganda actions, banners in prison wings, militant marches and clashes with the police, fires, bombs and vandalism against enemy targets, initiatives in squats and social centers, publications of anarchist works describing insurrectional experiences and direct action, manuals and theoretical analyses of different visions, All of them have contributed in their own unique way to a polymorphous front of informally organized struggle that internationalizes experiences and goes on the attack.”
Nikos Romanos, “Attack therefore I am”And this is in fact the real context that has been a contribution of living and qualitative anarchist action. Beyond what the magistracy of Brescia will say, which only wants to decontextualize and depoliticize this set of legal and illegal actions of struggle and which have no hierarchical importance for those who contributed to the call of Black December and that the action at the POL GAI of Brescia is not part of it.
Just as they want to decontextualize and depoliticize my anarchism given the many times that the judiciary has interpreted and falsified in the various investigations and judicial venues, such as the “new” investigation and the Brescia trial, with the many dogmatic roles that they have placed on me, because, first, I am not an anarcho-insurrectionist, as they continually parrot, and I reject this figure and this concept because it is imposed by the different prosecutors in different trials as part of a category to be generalized and unified at will to better direct the investigations of the judiciary and the D.D.N.A.A. I am an individualist anarchist, and it is certainly not going to be the prosecutors who will categorize me in a label stigmatized for their own gain.
And so, they have done the same and interpreted at will regarding the different issues of the aperiodic “Beznachalie” that they have taken as evidence, they do the same continuously, interpreting and distorting the texts.
Among other things, a public aperiodic, and not clandestine, occult or shady, as they want to pass off to create an environment of suspicion, and which among other things I have always proudly claimed as part of my ideas and as a means of free propaganda and self-produced by me. And as I wrote publicly in the aperiodical, n.9, sharing with my head held high the method and the campaign of Black December in 2016.
A call that is still a valid method-tool, a qualitative method, and that is part of the entire anarchist movement of action.
It is a method of articulation of all those in the anarchist movement who share it. not a label or an acronym, as the judiciary and the D.D.N.A.A. want to pass by blaming me for roles and dogmatic hierarchies that have never been shared.
These reflections always start from self-criticism. With this I want to state clearly and firmly what I think and am convinced of, but honestly I am not interested in stating my own reasons.
However, I believe that in initiating discussions, proposals and calls, specific or general and which should lead to multifaceted actions, these are discussions, proposals and calls that are lively, and it is important to discuss them among the comrades. Therefore we should be reminded that all comrades who recognize each other are on the same side, therefore not enemies; otherwise, what’s the point of arguing or doing things together?
I believe that when it has been decided to make discussions, proposals and calls it would be very appropriate and advisable to tell us clearly what we want to achieve from these discussions, proposals and calls, and the reasons why we are taking on the informally articulated in anarchism of action. I also believe that in order to start discussions and proposals, it would be necessary to be clear in perspective, which simply means thinking first about the different problems that we can find, or many other things that could be useful, or what actions we do not agree on.
Or because: “if the comrades were to be defended only within the limits of the international anarchist movement, basing propaganda only on the motivations of the anarchists and accepting only those foreign forces that declared themselves willing to remain within the limits of those motivations” (A. M. B).
I believe that this should be done first for the sake of logic and many other unnecessary problems would be avoided. Then I believe that, apart from what A.M.B. emphasizes, that for me it may be good in general, for anarchist comrades and in particular if you do not agree with the actions or the proactiveness of the actions that led to the imprisonment of the comrades. However, if one shares politically the struggles and actions of which they are accused, I believe that we should remember the causes of why the comrades are in prison; of course, if one agrees. In addition, I believe that it is we anarchists who must have our compass and our anarchist projects of praxis firmly in place, and the straight rudder of direct action and rupture against all authority, and not let ourselves be carried away by the various waves. Having this clear, it is obvious that the reformists will act as reformists and the world of the press and entertainment will make a sensationalist show and probably obscuring us spectacularly, even when we are on all the TV in the world; That’s spectacle, it’s fiction, it’s illusion. But should we anarchists be interested in this? Not if we are clear and proceed with our anarchist and revolutionary project, because the real forces are quite different. Otherwise, how do we think we are in a broad revolt or an insurrection and revolution?
And so it would be appropriate to ask ourselves and question ourselves on these proposals, but first among comrades:
“If anarchists do everything they can to broaden their propaganda, to involve the people, to make themselves heard by as many people as possible, how can they then, when the opportunity presents itself, not accept the collaboration of political and intellectual forces that know very well where they want to go?
How to get out of the dilemma? In a simple way, always starting from the thesis that for us the technical fact is secondary, and that if comrades are accused, imprisoned and on certain occasions, even executed, this happens only because they are anarchists, regardless of the objective fact that constitutes an element of procedural debate but that we as revolutionaries are only marginally interested in. We can never lose this point as a central element of the defense political campaign” (A. M. B).
Then, at the same time, we must have our autonomy in anarchism, so that we do not subordinate our perceptions to a centralized structuring. By taking on the proposals and calls, as a method and therefore also as space-time, this is how we support everything that is the development of individual initiatives and of different collectives and groups, so that the individual and collective creativity of the comrades can grow in an inventive and informal way. That being the case, one is not subject to any will of a political tendency. It is the attempt to create bases, as comrades, with a healthy coexistence between the diversities of anarchism of action and to try to have a deepening between different perspectives in anarchism. By striving and acknowledging the sincere contribution of all the different visions of struggle. That should be the goal for me.
To the comrades I say that it is a method of articulation that would have the intention of creating relations of struggle in order to be able to reproduce methodological tools thoughtfully and constantly and assiduously follow the struggles. And don’t abandon paths and situations to which huge revenges are promised in words, and I say in words from experience because then these promises, revenges, and paths almost all fall on deaf ears after the moment of momentary excitement, and when a certain period of time passes, then unfortunately other promises and momentary “fashionable” calls and excitement arrive. And the previous path falls into absolute silence with its promises and revenges. And be careful, because I’m making a self-criticism. And then continuously, here and there, the struggles of the emergency moment, without any real continuity.
I believe that it would suffice to include those that have begun and connect them with a thread to the general causes of the struggle and to the struggles of necessity that come new at the moment, so as to avoid a waste of energy and also for perspective and continuity. As it happens, for example, with the deafening silence for a few months to date regarding the path and the issue of Alfredo’s downgrading from 41bis, against 41bis and the abolition of life imprisonment, because there is another new emergency. And be careful, I am not saying that these new emergencies should not be followed, or that it is not right to engage, quite the contrary. However… I believe that we should carefully seek the appropriate methodological tools, such as the methods used in the aforementioned struggles, so that these characteristics can emerge when we decide in all autonomous action campaigns. And it would be good if it were no longer based on the emergencies of prisoners’ hunger strikes, but on the struggles and issues that have arisen and been collectively decided to use these methods. In this way there would be the opportunity to develop them following our rhythms and not of the emergency and therefore of the circumstances and the rhythm that the State gives us, and thus try to intensify the conflict with a common thread and a perspective.
For me, this is trying in practice to launch concrete perspectives of action that are open and multifaceted for all anarchists of action and the oppressed who want to struggle, to try to articulate and organize informally with other anarchists and non-anarchists.
I believe that by leaving the space open to multiform actions and to all those different anarchist individualities that should prevent them from becoming the “private property” of any specific anarchist tendency, or an exclusive specific anarchist practice of this tendency or that. Instead of what they should become, methodologies and tools for all comrades who want to transform anarchism of action into a real opposition against the system.
And these methods were used in Alfredo’s strike. For L’Aquila, to close the AS2 section or for the call of Black December. This methodological tool was in fact a communication link between different local anarchist and internationalist practices. This is what should be analyzed and reused… all practices: analyse-try-know-reuse given their qualities and usefulness. And, in addition, it has also been possible to extend it to non-anarchist components. And that, from my point of view, is a good thing.
So for me it’s wanting to create these methodological relational tools. And in practice, in these struggles mentioned above, there has been, in each one differently, the creative coexistence of comrades of different origins and ideological conceptions, and thus in fact the dialectical overcoming of tendencies. Such as overcoming the bogging down of theory alone and the sclerotic traffic jam of constantly chasing the emergency. But, comrades, we must try to overcome and create different and inverse dynamics to the “culture” and the environment that exists in anarchism, such as the rooting of ghettos and various ideological parishes with the rarefied environment, because in this way nothing positive comes out. That is my will. And I believe that it should be the will of the comrades who wish to fight in anarchism of action as a non-systemic anarchist and revolutionary minority and who do not want to cement themselves into dogmatism, and try to change and create a new paradigm from the grassroots.
Just as I believe it is important to change our approach to the destruction of the distinction between legal and illegal as a hierarchical conception of what we do or what others do. So as not to go with hindsight to judge or claim with the copyright of the anarchist tendency this or that form of action. It is therefore the practical realization of a nascent perception so that the hierarchies of the means of struggle can be eliminated, but through praxis, action, in the diversity of anarchism. So that every individuality can be in diversity, part of the totality of anarchism of action. And not the continuation of the polarization of anarchism of action.
I like this methodological tool because, in addition to being useful and qualitative, in practice it has characteristics of openness and inclusion, it is not for an exclusive tendency of anarchy, whether new or old, on the contrary, it leaves open to those who have chosen to take on the complex of these calls and proposals so that everyone can act according to the conditions they want and in the ways that each individuality and collectivity chooses to do so. This is informality to me. They seem to me to be the basis of the horizontality of anarchism. And that is not synonymous with not having lively discussions or not criticizing constructively, and even strong criticism. We must also be aware that we cannot homogenize everything, we must also choose with whom, why and how: “because a movement, even a revolutionary one, has its own need for development, certain differences of opinion, certain legitimate reserves, which cannot be put aside all at once” (A.M.B.).
And we know how to do this method, as we have experienced in several specific struggles, or general ones as was Alfredo’s call. For L’Aquila to close the section of AS2 and Dicembre Nero.
Despite the diversity of contexts and specific objectives, it is the same method that was used in Greece, of a handful of prisoners supported by an assembly of comrades that led to the abolition of special prisons, the downsizing of the law against “misrepresentation” during demonstrations and the law on DNA. Not exactly chicken feed. Yet some comrades did not fail to point out the limitations, and that they still exist today in this method. I believe that we need to refine the method, not the limits. And to get out of chasing the usual emergency, and to know how to reproduce different methodological tools thoughtfully.
I believe that it is still a good methodological direction to articulate ourselves, and we have done so more than once pragmatically in a creative coexistence of comrades with different origins and ideological positions and with different conceptions in anarchism of praxis. And the result, positive or negative, whether you like it or not, is the result of all those anarchists who wanted to fight together in diversity to create this. But be careful, these are the real forces that we have been able to create and deploy, no more and no less. And I believe that it is from these that we should start again, analyzing them, refining them, and finally reproducing them methodologically in order to increase them qualitatively.
As a prisoner:
“In the endless hours of the dead and desolate dimension of prison, we often try to analyze those data concerning external realities, despite the few stimuli that reach us. The observation, analysis, use and monitoring of events that take place in a parallel space-time dimension is a condition that should not be treated in a circumscribed way but rather with constant efforts to connect with comrades outside the walls who carry out their struggles against authority.”
Nikos Romanos, “Attack therefore I am”That is why, as an anarchist prisoner, with my limitations I continue to struggle-live with thought and action. Being aware that these analyses and observations of mine are always filtered through the keyhole of the prison cell and can easily be misled by the limits imposed by the isolation of the prison.
But that doesn’t mean we stop trying to do analysis or striving to connect with our comrades and the different struggles. However, without a continuity of reciprocal exchange, of deepening between the outside-inside and the inside-outside, the debates that are relational in fact stagnate and the comrades remain outside the paths and discussions, and the bonds and connections with the inside-outside and outside-inside comrades fail to contribute and formulate methodologies. I believe that these methodological tools of connection with comrades are necessary.
Solidarity with the Palestinian prisoners imprisoned at the hands of Israel’s warmongering states and Italy’s complicity.
Solidarity with the resistance of the oppressed Palestinians who have been resisting Israeli and Western colonialism with armed guerrilla warfare for 75 years.
Solidarity with those who fight against racism, colonialism, apartheid, the war that starts here.
Solidarity with anti-fascists in Hungary.
Solidarity with my comrades who were put on trial for the Brennero.
Solidarity with our comrades Monica Caballero, Francisco Solar and Marcelo Villarroel.
Solidarity to Juan Aliste, Joaquin Garcia and Juan Flores.
Solidarity with the comrades imprisoned in Chile, Greece, Russia, Belarus and Ukraine, revolutionary solidarity!
Solidarity with Mapuche prisoners!
Declassification of Alfredo Cospito from 41bis
Solidarity for Alfredo and Anna.
Against 41bis that annihilates the prisoners locked up.
International solidarity with the prisoners of the social struggle throughout the world.
“We must fight and fight so that the imbalance is stamped out”
for the propagation of revolutionary solidarity practices!
And, whatever path we are taking, always with the heart and for anarchy!
18/03/2024
Terni Prison, AS2Juan Sorroche
[Received by email and posted in https://lanemesi.noblogs.org/post/2024/04/07/juan-sorroche-riflessione-sul-contesto-generale-delle-cause-della-lotta/]
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Pequeño análisis de contexto de mi última condena de 14 años y 7 meses en apelación, en el periodo de luchad e solidaridad con Alfredo Cospito, y que a mi parecer se ha articulado y vinculado con mi condena.
Y una pequeña reflexión sobre el delito de “masacre política”Quiero analizar brevemente el contexto de mi última condena de 14 años y 7 meses en fase de apelación. Porque creo, y estoy convencido que en la reducción también han influido el clima de lucha que hemos creado así como el clima general de tensión y atención que había en Italia sobre nuestros juicios, también durante mi apelación en Venecia. Me interesa analizar más concretamente tanto las dinámicas nuestras en cuanto anarquistas en ese contexto y recorrido de lucha, como las dinámicas del método empleado.
Teniendo presente que soy un prisionero, por lo tanto tengo mis limitaciones y puedo estar equivocado en mis análisis.
Y dejando claro que el recorrido de lucha no sólo ha sido llevado a cabo por anarquistas.
Creo que este recorrido específico de lucha, el modo de afrontarlo en cuanto anarquistas, y el método de lucha utilizado, ha sido cualitativo. Es un buen indicio metodológico.
Tenemos que estar fieros y orgullosos.
Asimismo, también ha habido cuestiones negativas, pero prefiero verlas como un método del que sacar enseñanzas qué no reproducir o como afilarlas y superarlas y mejorar.
De todos modos, por índole prefiero desarrollar los positivos, que ha habido, y son muchos. Claro que no creo que sean la panacea para todos nuestros males.
Aunque, tendremos que ser conscientes de que entre todos nosotros tenemos muchas concepciones distintas dentro del anarquismo de praxis, e incluirlas, articularlas y coexistir no es fácil, al contrario.
Pero creo que en ese periodo nos hemos articulado, y lo hemos hecho de forma pragmática en una coexistencia creativa de compañeros con múltiples orígenes y posiciones ideológicas y con múltiples concepciones del anarquismo de praxis. Y el resultado, en lo positivo como en lo negativo, nos guste o no, es el resultado de todos los anarquistas que han querido luchar juntos en la diversidad para dar solidaridad a un compañero que estaba en huelga de hambre dispuesto a arriesgarlo todo, y, cierto, también por otras tantas cuestiones de lucha. Pero atención, esas son las fuerzas reales que hemos sabido crear y poner en campo, ni más ni menos.
Y creo que es a partir de estas que se debería recomenzar, analizándolas, afinándolas, para luego reproducirlas metodológicamente y así mejorarlas cualitativamente.
O bien podemos seguir negativamente lamentándonos y discutiendo continuamente los unos con los otros de las carencias y de los límites ajenos, y seguir repitiendo que las fuerzas son escasas. O que estos métodos y medios son nuestros y esos vuestros y así hasta el infinito. Podemos seguir dando vueltas y vueltas todo lo que queramos, pero esas son las fuerzas reales, y quedarnos estancados en la negatividad quejándonos los unos de los otros no las aumentará, es más, estas fuerzas no crecen ni se consolidan solas.
Ciertamente prefiero la índole positiva, y, repito, la prefiero y me quedo con ella; además, creo que es más práctica.
Mucho más que la negativa y que las discusiones en restrospectiva. Que hoy me provocan la sensación de falta de realización, por el hecho que poco después de la lucha hemos caído en una vuelta a la normalidad.
Pero creo que hay que ser conscientes cuando partimos de consideraciones y del reconocimiento de la lucha que hemos decidido afrontar juntos en la diversidad y en el reconocerse con humildemente como anarquistas con todas nuestras diferencias.
Como anarquistas está en nuestra voluntad, y lo afrontaremos siempre con diversos métodos, medios y proyectualidad. Es cierto que muchos de nosotros no vivimos las mismas condiciones, ni compartimos los mismos análisis y posiciones, sean tácticas o estratégicas.
Pero habiendo decidido afrontar el recorrido de lucha, al menos tendremos que analizar como lo realizamos y qué métodos han sido válidos en las experiencias de lucha reales en la práctica. Y cómo en la articulación y la organización también hay dinámicas de praxis comunes y sobre todo homogéneas, y esto frente a nuestra multiplicidad real en la práctica, que desafían la misma homogenización dela acumulación de fuerzas. Por esto el debate debería continuar a través del intercambio de reflexiones y propuestas según el concepto de multiformidad, con el fin de enriquecer y desarrollar la lucha y el entero movimiento anarquista de acción.
Claro que, tanto para los recorridos de lucha como para los métodos utilizados, no hay que ni minimizar ni disminuir lo que se ha realizado como prácticas del anarquismo. Tampoco lo contrario, enfatizar o exagerarlos ideológicamente transformándolos en roles circunscritos, sean recorridos, métodos, o roles que creamos de nuevas subjetividades, convirtiéndolos en el nuevo sujeto revolucionario a adorar. Porque las ideologizaciones de los roles de los revolucionarios aíslan a los sujetos ideologizados del resto poniéndolos en un pedestal; al ideologizarlos nos desresponsabilizamos y descargamos todo el peso de la responsabilidad de la lucha, en el aspecto represivo, y además se aísla al sujeto de las dinámicas generales de la lucha real de ruptura antiautoritaria.
Sería necesario entender y analizar, entrelazando con la práctica, cómo se conectan y se amplían ciertas dinámicas de lucha, porque se han conseguido abrir grietas. O entender que hay un estancamiento, que no hay continuidad y se revierten hasta desaparecer.
Porque la específica en solidaridad con Alfredo ha sido intensa e internacionalista y se ha ampliado hacia fuera, con acciones directas de día y acciones directas de noche, con acciones simbólicas, momentos de calle, iniciativas variadas, huelgas de hambre, escritos y demás de prisioneros anarquistas y no del mundo.
También es cierto, y no hay que olvidarlo, que la lucha no sólo la han llevado a cabo anarquistas. Y esto es positivo.
Un conflicto, que quede claro, aunque sumamente limitado, a mi parecer digno e intenso. Más allá de no haber logrado casi ninguno de los objetivos objetivos específicos que nos habíamos propuesto en la lucha de solidaridad con Alfredo.
Pero con la reducción de nuestras condenas, y eso, tiene que quedar claro, ha sido consecuencia de la lucha creada por todos nosotros, anarquistas y no. Pero no ha terminado… somos nosotros los anarquistas quienes hemos de tener como brújula nuestra proyectualidad anarquista de praxis y el timón firme de la acción directa y de la ruptura contra toda autoridad. Teniendo esto claro, es obvio que los reformistas harán de reformistas y el mundo de la prensa y del espectáculo crearán espectáculo sensacionalista basura y probablemente nos harán sombra incluso estando en todas las televisiones del mundo; eso es el espectáculo, ficción, es ilusión. ¿Pero a los anarquistas nos debe interesar esto? No si tenemos clara nuestra proyectualidad anarquista y revolucionaria y procedemos con ella, porque las fuerzas reales son bien distintas.
Lo que me interesa como anarquista es defender la radicalidad de nuestras luchas, que debe garantizarse incluso en el caso de exigencias parciales, como la salida de Alfredo del 41 bis, o la abolición de la cadena perpetua…, y no perder nunca de vista los objetivos que podemos y debemos fijarnos con las razones sociales de nuestra acción anarquista. Es la radicalidad del actuar, de la propaganda, de la agitación, poniendo siempre en la balanza nuestra ética antagonista anárquica como brújula, con sus contradicciones, y rechazando totalmente cualquier maniobra que venga del dominio y que no consideremos clara para nuestros principios. Estos son algunos de los anticuerpos para reafirmar que nuestra lucha es por la destrucción de la autoridad y seguir luchando y luchando… con la anarquía como fin.Reflexiones sobre el delito de “masacre política”
El Estado está adoptando la táctica estratégica de intentar silenciarnos por completo. Con condenas literalmente ejemplares para sepultarnos de por vida con décadas y décadas de prisión. La posibilidad de cadena perpetua sin posibilidad de reducciones ha estado ahí para los compañeros anarquistas Anna Beniamino y Alfredo Cospito, con una desproporción entre los hechos y el delito, condenas sin precedentes en las últimas décadas de historia del movimiento anarquista, con el aumento de la represión y el cambio en la interpretación de las leyes existentes. Como con la ley de “masacre política”. Como la recalificación de la casación enviando a Anna y Alfredo al Tribunal de Turín para el agravamiento de la condena por el ataque explosivo de Fossano (CN) de “masacre política” (art. 285).
Igual que es evidente la desproporción de los cargos de “masacre política” y de atentado con finalidad de terrorismo para mí, Juan Sorroche, por la acusación del atentado en relación con dos artefactos explosivos en la sede de la Lega de Treviso. El fiscal retiró la acusación de “masacre política”, pero la condena resultó en 28 años más tres de libertad vigilada, acogida en su totalidad por el juez en primera instancia por la finalidad terrorismo.
Antes de mis condenas, en la audiencia del 17 de abril de 2022 declaré:«(…) Una acusación muy grave e infundada (la de “strage politica”) para crear un clima y un contexto de emergencia con un juicio ejemplar. Al subir el listón al máximo nivel de gravedad con el delito de masacre, consiguen pasar a un segundo plano los delitos de terrorismo, creando así la posibilidad de aplicarlos más fácilmente con condenas elevadísimas.
Esta es hoy una táctica concreta (centralizada y coordenada por la D.N.A.A.), común en las magistraturas de antiterrorismo en diversos juicios contra anarquistas que luchan. (…)»Diferente con el proceso de Anna y Alfredo, que ha pasado con grave precedente la acusación de”masacre política” con una desproporción respecto a lo que aconteció materialmente; y atención, no es un juego de un fiscal que trata de hacer carrera, sino un aumento táctico-estratégico de la represión del Estado italiano a partir de la poderosa institución, sanguijuela tentacular, de la Dirección Nacional Antimafia y Antiterrorismo, además de extender el 41 bis y querer cerrar la partida con el área anarquista que, más allá de las fuerzas reales, no se ha prestado a compromisos o arrepentimientos. Esto también se inserta en el cuadro general del aumento de la represión del Estado por la reestructuración capitalista mundial, justificado en principio por la pandemia y ahora por las guerras imperialistas con todas las constricciones que conllevan. Todo ello en un silencio total de oposiciones y de luchas reales en Italia.
Por eso creo que nuestras condenas no sólo llegan para golpearnos a nosotros como individuos concretos, sino sobre todo como dinámica táctica-estratégica del Estado italiano en este momento histórico que escasean las luchas, para sepultar y prevenir la lucha de clases contra la autoridad y llevarla a su completa desaparición, lanzando advertencias a quien intenta ir más allá del mero activismo democrático, a quien construye e intenta crear una mínima fuerza real de ruptura revolucionaria. Tendremos que afrontar estas dinámicas que nos golpean de forma general y no como individuos. Creo que la principal finalidad de la cárcel es alejarnos de nuestros contextos de lucha, de nuestras relaciones y fragmentarnos en cuanto anarquistas y revolucionarios para aislar y debilitar nuestras aspiraciones de lucha y nuestras individualidades en revuelta. Unir nuestras fuerzas para apoyar una y otra vez instancias específicas incluyendo una visión de crítica general al sistema de dominio estatal-capitalista creo que es una buena forma de juntarnos y redescubrir nuestras capacidades para el conflicto.«Hay que luchar para truncar la desproporción»
¡Por la propagación de las prácticas de solidaridad revolucionarias!
Y, sea cual sea el camino que tomemos, ¡siempre con el corazón y por la Anarquía!– Juan Sorroche –
c.c. Terni- AS2 – 01/01/2024PDF: considerazioni-juan
Fuente: ilrovescio.info
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Pequeño análisis de contexto de mi última condena de 14 años y 7 meses en apelación, en el periodo de luchad e solidaridad con Alfredo Cospito, y que a mi parecer se ha articulado y vinculado con mi condena.
Y una pequeña reflexión sobre el delito de “masacre política”Quiero analizar brevemente el contexto de mi última condena de 14 años y 7 meses en fase de apelación. Porque creo, y estoy convencido que en la reducción también han influido el clima de lucha que hemos creado así como el clima general de tensión y atención que había en Italia sobre nuestros juicios, también durante mi apelación en Venecia. Me interesa analizar más concretamente tanto las dinámicas nuestras en cuanto anarquistas en ese contexto y recorrido de lucha, como las dinámicas del método empleado.
Teniendo presente que soy un prisionero, por lo tanto tengo mis limitaciones y puedo estar equivocado en mis análisis.
Y dejando claro que el recorrido de lucha no sólo ha sido llevado a cabo por anarquistas.
Creo que este recorrido específico de lucha, el modo de afrontarlo en cuanto anarquistas, y el método de lucha utilizado, ha sido cualitativo. Es un buen indicio metodológico.
Tenemos que estar fieros y orgullosos.
Asimismo, también ha habido cuestiones negativas, pero prefiero verlas como un método del que sacar enseñanzas qué no reproducir o como afilarlas y superarlas y mejorar.
De todos modos, por índole prefiero desarrollar los positivos, que ha habido, y son muchos. Claro que no creo que sean la panacea para todos nuestros males.
Aunque, tendremos que ser conscientes de que entre todos nosotros tenemos muchas concepciones distintas dentro del anarquismo de praxis, e incluirlas, articularlas y coexistir no es fácil, al contrario.
Pero creo que en ese periodo nos hemos articulado, y lo hemos hecho de forma pragmática en una coexistencia creativa de compañeros con múltiples orígenes y posiciones ideológicas y con múltiples concepciones del anarquismo de praxis. Y el resultado, en lo positivo como en lo negativo, nos guste o no, es el resultado de todos los anarquistas que han querido luchar juntos en la diversidad para dar solidaridad a un compañero que estaba en huelga de hambre dispuesto a arriesgarlo todo, y, cierto, también por otras tantas cuestiones de lucha. Pero atención, esas son las fuerzas reales que hemos sabido crear y poner en campo, ni más ni menos.
Y creo que es a partir de estas que se debería recomenzar, analizándolas, afinándolas, para luego reproducirlas metodológicamente y así mejorarlas cualitativamente.
O bien podemos seguir negativamente lamentándonos y discutiendo continuamente los unos con los otros de las carencias y de los límites ajenos, y seguir repitiendo que las fuerzas son escasas. O que estos métodos y medios son nuestros y esos vuestros y así hasta el infinito. Podemos seguir dando vueltas y vueltas todo lo que queramos, pero esas son las fuerzas reales, y quedarnos estancados en la negatividad quejándonos los unos de los otros no las aumentará, es más, estas fuerzas no crecen ni se consolidan solas.
Ciertamente prefiero la índole positiva, y, repito, la prefiero y me quedo con ella; además, creo que es más práctica.
Mucho más que la negativa y que las discusiones en restrospectiva. Que hoy me provocan la sensación de falta de realización, por el hecho que poco después de la lucha hemos caído en una vuelta a la normalidad.
Pero creo que hay que ser conscientes cuando partimos de consideraciones y del reconocimiento de la lucha que hemos decidido afrontar juntos en la diversidad y en el reconocerse con humildemente como anarquistas con todas nuestras diferencias.
Como anarquistas está en nuestra voluntad, y lo afrontaremos siempre con diversos métodos, medios y proyectualidad. Es cierto que muchos de nosotros no vivimos las mismas condiciones, ni compartimos los mismos análisis y posiciones, sean tácticas o estratégicas.
Pero habiendo decidido afrontar el recorrido de lucha, al menos tendremos que analizar como lo realizamos y qué métodos han sido válidos en las experiencias de lucha reales en la práctica. Y cómo en la articulación y la organización también hay dinámicas de praxis comunes y sobre todo homogéneas, y esto frente a nuestra multiplicidad real en la práctica, que desafían la misma homogenización dela acumulación de fuerzas. Por esto el debate debería continuar a través del intercambio de reflexiones y propuestas según el concepto de multiformidad, con el fin de enriquecer y desarrollar la lucha y el entero movimiento anarquista de acción.
Claro que, tanto para los recorridos de lucha como para los métodos utilizados, no hay que ni minimizar ni disminuir lo que se ha realizado como prácticas del anarquismo. Tampoco lo contrario, enfatizar o exagerarlos ideológicamente transformándolos en roles circunscritos, sean recorridos, métodos, o roles que creamos de nuevas subjetividades, convirtiéndolos en el nuevo sujeto revolucionario a adorar. Porque las ideologizaciones de los roles de los revolucionarios aíslan a los sujetos ideologizados del resto poniéndolos en un pedestal; al ideologizarlos nos desresponsabilizamos y descargamos todo el peso de la responsabilidad de la lucha, en el aspecto represivo, y además se aísla al sujeto de las dinámicas generales de la lucha real de ruptura antiautoritaria.
Sería necesario entender y analizar, entrelazando con la práctica, cómo se conectan y se amplían ciertas dinámicas de lucha, porque se han conseguido abrir grietas. O entender que hay un estancamiento, que no hay continuidad y se revierten hasta desaparecer.
Porque la específica en solidaridad con Alfredo ha sido intensa e internacionalista y se ha ampliado hacia fuera, con acciones directas de día y acciones directas de noche, con acciones simbólicas, momentos de calle, iniciativas variadas, huelgas de hambre, escritos y demás de prisioneros anarquistas y no del mundo.
También es cierto, y no hay que olvidarlo, que la lucha no sólo la han llevado a cabo anarquistas. Y esto es positivo.
Un conflicto, que quede claro, aunque sumamente limitado, a mi parecer digno e intenso. Más allá de no haber logrado casi ninguno de los objetivos objetivos específicos que nos habíamos propuesto en la lucha de solidaridad con Alfredo.
Pero con la reducción de nuestras condenas, y eso, tiene que quedar claro, ha sido consecuencia de la lucha creada por todos nosotros, anarquistas y no. Pero no ha terminado… somos nosotros los anarquistas quienes hemos de tener como brújula nuestra proyectualidad anarquista de praxis y el timón firme de la acción directa y de la ruptura contra toda autoridad. Teniendo esto claro, es obvio que los reformistas harán de reformistas y el mundo de la prensa y del espectáculo crearán espectáculo sensacionalista basura y probablemente nos harán sombra incluso estando en todas las televisiones del mundo; eso es el espectáculo, ficción, es ilusión. ¿Pero a los anarquistas nos debe interesar esto? No si tenemos clara nuestra proyectualidad anarquista y revolucionaria y procedemos con ella, porque las fuerzas reales son bien distintas.
Lo que me interesa como anarquista es defender la radicalidad de nuestras luchas, que debe garantizarse incluso en el caso de exigencias parciales, como la salida de Alfredo del 41 bis, o la abolición de la cadena perpetua…, y no perder nunca de vista los objetivos que podemos y debemos fijarnos con las razones sociales de nuestra acción anarquista. Es la radicalidad del actuar, de la propaganda, de la agitación, poniendo siempre en la balanza nuestra ética antagonista anárquica como brújula, con sus contradicciones, y rechazando totalmente cualquier maniobra que venga del dominio y que no consideremos clara para nuestros principios. Estos son algunos de los anticuerpos para reafirmar que nuestra lucha es por la destrucción de la autoridad y seguir luchando y luchando… con la anarquía como fin.Reflexiones sobre el delito de “masacre política”
El Estado está adoptando la táctica estratégica de intentar silenciarnos por completo. Con condenas literalmente ejemplares para sepultarnos de por vida con décadas y décadas de prisión. La posibilidad de cadena perpetua sin posibilidad de reducciones ha estado ahí para los compañeros anarquistas Anna Beniamino y Alfredo Cospito, con una desproporción entre los hechos y el delito, condenas sin precedentes en las últimas décadas de historia del movimiento anarquista, con el aumento de la represión y el cambio en la interpretación de las leyes existentes. Como con la ley de “masacre política”. Como la recalificación de la casación enviando a Anna y Alfredo al Tribunal de Turín para el agravamiento de la condena por el ataque explosivo de Fossano (CN) de “masacre política” (art. 285).
Igual que es evidente la desproporción de los cargos de “masacre política” y de atentado con finalidad de terrorismo para mí, Juan Sorroche, por la acusación del atentado en relación con dos artefactos explosivos en la sede de la Lega de Treviso. El fiscal retiró la acusación de “masacre política”, pero la condena resultó en 28 años más tres de libertad vigilada, acogida en su totalidad por el juez en primera instancia por la finalidad terrorismo.
Antes de mis condenas, en la audiencia del 17 de abril de 2022 declaré:«(…) Una acusación muy grave e infundada (la de “strage politica”) para crear un clima y un contexto de emergencia con un juicio ejemplar. Al subir el listón al máximo nivel de gravedad con el delito de masacre, consiguen pasar a un segundo plano los delitos de terrorismo, creando así la posibilidad de aplicarlos más fácilmente con condenas elevadísimas.
Esta es hoy una táctica concreta (centralizada y coordenada por la D.N.A.A.), común en las magistraturas de antiterrorismo en diversos juicios contra anarquistas que luchan. (…)»Diferente con el proceso de Anna y Alfredo, que ha pasado con grave precedente la acusación de”masacre política” con una desproporción respecto a lo que aconteció materialmente; y atención, no es un juego de un fiscal que trata de hacer carrera, sino un aumento táctico-estratégico de la represión del Estado italiano a partir de la poderosa institución, sanguijuela tentacular, de la Dirección Nacional Antimafia y Antiterrorismo, además de extender el 41 bis y querer cerrar la partida con el área anarquista que, más allá de las fuerzas reales, no se ha prestado a compromisos o arrepentimientos. Esto también se inserta en el cuadro general del aumento de la represión del Estado por la reestructuración capitalista mundial, justificado en principio por la pandemia y ahora por las guerras imperialistas con todas las constricciones que conllevan. Todo ello en un silencio total de oposiciones y de luchas reales en Italia.
Por eso creo que nuestras condenas no sólo llegan para golpearnos a nosotros como individuos concretos, sino sobre todo como dinámica táctica-estratégica del Estado italiano en este momento histórico que escasean las luchas, para sepultar y prevenir la lucha de clases contra la autoridad y llevarla a su completa desaparición, lanzando advertencias a quien intenta ir más allá del mero activismo democrático, a quien construye e intenta crear una mínima fuerza real de ruptura revolucionaria. Tendremos que afrontar estas dinámicas que nos golpean de forma general y no como individuos. Creo que la principal finalidad de la cárcel es alejarnos de nuestros contextos de lucha, de nuestras relaciones y fragmentarnos en cuanto anarquistas y revolucionarios para aislar y debilitar nuestras aspiraciones de lucha y nuestras individualidades en revuelta. Unir nuestras fuerzas para apoyar una y otra vez instancias específicas incluyendo una visión de crítica general al sistema de dominio estatal-capitalista creo que es una buena forma de juntarnos y redescubrir nuestras capacidades para el conflicto.«Hay que luchar para truncar la desproporción»
¡Por la propagación de las prácticas de solidaridad revolucionarias!
Y, sea cual sea el camino que tomemos, ¡siempre con el corazón y por la Anarquía!– Juan Sorroche –
c.c. Terni- AS2 – 01/01/2024PDF: considerazioni-juan
Fuente: ilrovescio.info
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Pequeño análisis de contexto de mi última condena de 14 años y 7 meses en apelación, en el periodo de luchad e solidaridad con Alfredo Cospito, y que a mi parecer se ha articulado y vinculado con mi condena.
Y una pequeña reflexión sobre el delito de “masacre política”Quiero analizar brevemente el contexto de mi última condena de 14 años y 7 meses en fase de apelación. Porque creo, y estoy convencido que en la reducción también han influido el clima de lucha que hemos creado así como el clima general de tensión y atención que había en Italia sobre nuestros juicios, también durante mi apelación en Venecia. Me interesa analizar más concretamente tanto las dinámicas nuestras en cuanto anarquistas en ese contexto y recorrido de lucha, como las dinámicas del método empleado.
Teniendo presente que soy un prisionero, por lo tanto tengo mis limitaciones y puedo estar equivocado en mis análisis.
Y dejando claro que el recorrido de lucha no sólo ha sido llevado a cabo por anarquistas.
Creo que este recorrido específico de lucha, el modo de afrontarlo en cuanto anarquistas, y el método de lucha utilizado, ha sido cualitativo. Es un buen indicio metodológico.
Tenemos que estar fieros y orgullosos.
Asimismo, también ha habido cuestiones negativas, pero prefiero verlas como un método del que sacar enseñanzas qué no reproducir o como afilarlas y superarlas y mejorar.
De todos modos, por índole prefiero desarrollar los positivos, que ha habido, y son muchos. Claro que no creo que sean la panacea para todos nuestros males.
Aunque, tendremos que ser conscientes de que entre todos nosotros tenemos muchas concepciones distintas dentro del anarquismo de praxis, e incluirlas, articularlas y coexistir no es fácil, al contrario.
Pero creo que en ese periodo nos hemos articulado, y lo hemos hecho de forma pragmática en una coexistencia creativa de compañeros con múltiples orígenes y posiciones ideológicas y con múltiples concepciones del anarquismo de praxis. Y el resultado, en lo positivo como en lo negativo, nos guste o no, es el resultado de todos los anarquistas que han querido luchar juntos en la diversidad para dar solidaridad a un compañero que estaba en huelga de hambre dispuesto a arriesgarlo todo, y, cierto, también por otras tantas cuestiones de lucha. Pero atención, esas son las fuerzas reales que hemos sabido crear y poner en campo, ni más ni menos.
Y creo que es a partir de estas que se debería recomenzar, analizándolas, afinándolas, para luego reproducirlas metodológicamente y así mejorarlas cualitativamente.
O bien podemos seguir negativamente lamentándonos y discutiendo continuamente los unos con los otros de las carencias y de los límites ajenos, y seguir repitiendo que las fuerzas son escasas. O que estos métodos y medios son nuestros y esos vuestros y así hasta el infinito. Podemos seguir dando vueltas y vueltas todo lo que queramos, pero esas son las fuerzas reales, y quedarnos estancados en la negatividad quejándonos los unos de los otros no las aumentará, es más, estas fuerzas no crecen ni se consolidan solas.
Ciertamente prefiero la índole positiva, y, repito, la prefiero y me quedo con ella; además, creo que es más práctica.
Mucho más que la negativa y que las discusiones en restrospectiva. Que hoy me provocan la sensación de falta de realización, por el hecho que poco después de la lucha hemos caído en una vuelta a la normalidad.
Pero creo que hay que ser conscientes cuando partimos de consideraciones y del reconocimiento de la lucha que hemos decidido afrontar juntos en la diversidad y en el reconocerse con humildemente como anarquistas con todas nuestras diferencias.
Como anarquistas está en nuestra voluntad, y lo afrontaremos siempre con diversos métodos, medios y proyectualidad. Es cierto que muchos de nosotros no vivimos las mismas condiciones, ni compartimos los mismos análisis y posiciones, sean tácticas o estratégicas.
Pero habiendo decidido afrontar el recorrido de lucha, al menos tendremos que analizar como lo realizamos y qué métodos han sido válidos en las experiencias de lucha reales en la práctica. Y cómo en la articulación y la organización también hay dinámicas de praxis comunes y sobre todo homogéneas, y esto frente a nuestra multiplicidad real en la práctica, que desafían la misma homogenización dela acumulación de fuerzas. Por esto el debate debería continuar a través del intercambio de reflexiones y propuestas según el concepto de multiformidad, con el fin de enriquecer y desarrollar la lucha y el entero movimiento anarquista de acción.
Claro que, tanto para los recorridos de lucha como para los métodos utilizados, no hay que ni minimizar ni disminuir lo que se ha realizado como prácticas del anarquismo. Tampoco lo contrario, enfatizar o exagerarlos ideológicamente transformándolos en roles circunscritos, sean recorridos, métodos, o roles que creamos de nuevas subjetividades, convirtiéndolos en el nuevo sujeto revolucionario a adorar. Porque las ideologizaciones de los roles de los revolucionarios aíslan a los sujetos ideologizados del resto poniéndolos en un pedestal; al ideologizarlos nos desresponsabilizamos y descargamos todo el peso de la responsabilidad de la lucha, en el aspecto represivo, y además se aísla al sujeto de las dinámicas generales de la lucha real de ruptura antiautoritaria.
Sería necesario entender y analizar, entrelazando con la práctica, cómo se conectan y se amplían ciertas dinámicas de lucha, porque se han conseguido abrir grietas. O entender que hay un estancamiento, que no hay continuidad y se revierten hasta desaparecer.
Porque la específica en solidaridad con Alfredo ha sido intensa e internacionalista y se ha ampliado hacia fuera, con acciones directas de día y acciones directas de noche, con acciones simbólicas, momentos de calle, iniciativas variadas, huelgas de hambre, escritos y demás de prisioneros anarquistas y no del mundo.
También es cierto, y no hay que olvidarlo, que la lucha no sólo la han llevado a cabo anarquistas. Y esto es positivo.
Un conflicto, que quede claro, aunque sumamente limitado, a mi parecer digno e intenso. Más allá de no haber logrado casi ninguno de los objetivos objetivos específicos que nos habíamos propuesto en la lucha de solidaridad con Alfredo.
Pero con la reducción de nuestras condenas, y eso, tiene que quedar claro, ha sido consecuencia de la lucha creada por todos nosotros, anarquistas y no. Pero no ha terminado… somos nosotros los anarquistas quienes hemos de tener como brújula nuestra proyectualidad anarquista de praxis y el timón firme de la acción directa y de la ruptura contra toda autoridad. Teniendo esto claro, es obvio que los reformistas harán de reformistas y el mundo de la prensa y del espectáculo crearán espectáculo sensacionalista basura y probablemente nos harán sombra incluso estando en todas las televisiones del mundo; eso es el espectáculo, ficción, es ilusión. ¿Pero a los anarquistas nos debe interesar esto? No si tenemos clara nuestra proyectualidad anarquista y revolucionaria y procedemos con ella, porque las fuerzas reales son bien distintas.
Lo que me interesa como anarquista es defender la radicalidad de nuestras luchas, que debe garantizarse incluso en el caso de exigencias parciales, como la salida de Alfredo del 41 bis, o la abolición de la cadena perpetua…, y no perder nunca de vista los objetivos que podemos y debemos fijarnos con las razones sociales de nuestra acción anarquista. Es la radicalidad del actuar, de la propaganda, de la agitación, poniendo siempre en la balanza nuestra ética antagonista anárquica como brújula, con sus contradicciones, y rechazando totalmente cualquier maniobra que venga del dominio y que no consideremos clara para nuestros principios. Estos son algunos de los anticuerpos para reafirmar que nuestra lucha es por la destrucción de la autoridad y seguir luchando y luchando… con la anarquía como fin.Reflexiones sobre el delito de “masacre política”
El Estado está adoptando la táctica estratégica de intentar silenciarnos por completo. Con condenas literalmente ejemplares para sepultarnos de por vida con décadas y décadas de prisión. La posibilidad de cadena perpetua sin posibilidad de reducciones ha estado ahí para los compañeros anarquistas Anna Beniamino y Alfredo Cospito, con una desproporción entre los hechos y el delito, condenas sin precedentes en las últimas décadas de historia del movimiento anarquista, con el aumento de la represión y el cambio en la interpretación de las leyes existentes. Como con la ley de “masacre política”. Como la recalificación de la casación enviando a Anna y Alfredo al Tribunal de Turín para el agravamiento de la condena por el ataque explosivo de Fossano (CN) de “masacre política” (art. 285).
Igual que es evidente la desproporción de los cargos de “masacre política” y de atentado con finalidad de terrorismo para mí, Juan Sorroche, por la acusación del atentado en relación con dos artefactos explosivos en la sede de la Lega de Treviso. El fiscal retiró la acusación de “masacre política”, pero la condena resultó en 28 años más tres de libertad vigilada, acogida en su totalidad por el juez en primera instancia por la finalidad terrorismo.
Antes de mis condenas, en la audiencia del 17 de abril de 2022 declaré:«(…) Una acusación muy grave e infundada (la de “strage politica”) para crear un clima y un contexto de emergencia con un juicio ejemplar. Al subir el listón al máximo nivel de gravedad con el delito de masacre, consiguen pasar a un segundo plano los delitos de terrorismo, creando así la posibilidad de aplicarlos más fácilmente con condenas elevadísimas.
Esta es hoy una táctica concreta (centralizada y coordenada por la D.N.A.A.), común en las magistraturas de antiterrorismo en diversos juicios contra anarquistas que luchan. (…)»Diferente con el proceso de Anna y Alfredo, que ha pasado con grave precedente la acusación de”masacre política” con una desproporción respecto a lo que aconteció materialmente; y atención, no es un juego de un fiscal que trata de hacer carrera, sino un aumento táctico-estratégico de la represión del Estado italiano a partir de la poderosa institución, sanguijuela tentacular, de la Dirección Nacional Antimafia y Antiterrorismo, además de extender el 41 bis y querer cerrar la partida con el área anarquista que, más allá de las fuerzas reales, no se ha prestado a compromisos o arrepentimientos. Esto también se inserta en el cuadro general del aumento de la represión del Estado por la reestructuración capitalista mundial, justificado en principio por la pandemia y ahora por las guerras imperialistas con todas las constricciones que conllevan. Todo ello en un silencio total de oposiciones y de luchas reales en Italia.
Por eso creo que nuestras condenas no sólo llegan para golpearnos a nosotros como individuos concretos, sino sobre todo como dinámica táctica-estratégica del Estado italiano en este momento histórico que escasean las luchas, para sepultar y prevenir la lucha de clases contra la autoridad y llevarla a su completa desaparición, lanzando advertencias a quien intenta ir más allá del mero activismo democrático, a quien construye e intenta crear una mínima fuerza real de ruptura revolucionaria. Tendremos que afrontar estas dinámicas que nos golpean de forma general y no como individuos. Creo que la principal finalidad de la cárcel es alejarnos de nuestros contextos de lucha, de nuestras relaciones y fragmentarnos en cuanto anarquistas y revolucionarios para aislar y debilitar nuestras aspiraciones de lucha y nuestras individualidades en revuelta. Unir nuestras fuerzas para apoyar una y otra vez instancias específicas incluyendo una visión de crítica general al sistema de dominio estatal-capitalista creo que es una buena forma de juntarnos y redescubrir nuestras capacidades para el conflicto.«Hay que luchar para truncar la desproporción»
¡Por la propagación de las prácticas de solidaridad revolucionarias!
Y, sea cual sea el camino que tomemos, ¡siempre con el corazón y por la Anarquía!– Juan Sorroche –
c.c. Terni- AS2 – 01/01/2024PDF: considerazioni-juan
Fuente: ilrovescio.info
-
Pequeño análisis de contexto de mi última condena de 14 años y 7 meses en apelación, en el periodo de luchad e solidaridad con Alfredo Cospito, y que a mi parecer se ha articulado y vinculado con mi condena.
Y una pequeña reflexión sobre el delito de “masacre política”Quiero analizar brevemente el contexto de mi última condena de 14 años y 7 meses en fase de apelación. Porque creo, y estoy convencido que en la reducción también han influido el clima de lucha que hemos creado así como el clima general de tensión y atención que había en Italia sobre nuestros juicios, también durante mi apelación en Venecia. Me interesa analizar más concretamente tanto las dinámicas nuestras en cuanto anarquistas en ese contexto y recorrido de lucha, como las dinámicas del método empleado.
Teniendo presente que soy un prisionero, por lo tanto tengo mis limitaciones y puedo estar equivocado en mis análisis.
Y dejando claro que el recorrido de lucha no sólo ha sido llevado a cabo por anarquistas.
Creo que este recorrido específico de lucha, el modo de afrontarlo en cuanto anarquistas, y el método de lucha utilizado, ha sido cualitativo. Es un buen indicio metodológico.
Tenemos que estar fieros y orgullosos.
Asimismo, también ha habido cuestiones negativas, pero prefiero verlas como un método del que sacar enseñanzas qué no reproducir o como afilarlas y superarlas y mejorar.
De todos modos, por índole prefiero desarrollar los positivos, que ha habido, y son muchos. Claro que no creo que sean la panacea para todos nuestros males.
Aunque, tendremos que ser conscientes de que entre todos nosotros tenemos muchas concepciones distintas dentro del anarquismo de praxis, e incluirlas, articularlas y coexistir no es fácil, al contrario.
Pero creo que en ese periodo nos hemos articulado, y lo hemos hecho de forma pragmática en una coexistencia creativa de compañeros con múltiples orígenes y posiciones ideológicas y con múltiples concepciones del anarquismo de praxis. Y el resultado, en lo positivo como en lo negativo, nos guste o no, es el resultado de todos los anarquistas que han querido luchar juntos en la diversidad para dar solidaridad a un compañero que estaba en huelga de hambre dispuesto a arriesgarlo todo, y, cierto, también por otras tantas cuestiones de lucha. Pero atención, esas son las fuerzas reales que hemos sabido crear y poner en campo, ni más ni menos.
Y creo que es a partir de estas que se debería recomenzar, analizándolas, afinándolas, para luego reproducirlas metodológicamente y así mejorarlas cualitativamente.
O bien podemos seguir negativamente lamentándonos y discutiendo continuamente los unos con los otros de las carencias y de los límites ajenos, y seguir repitiendo que las fuerzas son escasas. O que estos métodos y medios son nuestros y esos vuestros y así hasta el infinito. Podemos seguir dando vueltas y vueltas todo lo que queramos, pero esas son las fuerzas reales, y quedarnos estancados en la negatividad quejándonos los unos de los otros no las aumentará, es más, estas fuerzas no crecen ni se consolidan solas.
Ciertamente prefiero la índole positiva, y, repito, la prefiero y me quedo con ella; además, creo que es más práctica.
Mucho más que la negativa y que las discusiones en restrospectiva. Que hoy me provocan la sensación de falta de realización, por el hecho que poco después de la lucha hemos caído en una vuelta a la normalidad.
Pero creo que hay que ser conscientes cuando partimos de consideraciones y del reconocimiento de la lucha que hemos decidido afrontar juntos en la diversidad y en el reconocerse con humildemente como anarquistas con todas nuestras diferencias.
Como anarquistas está en nuestra voluntad, y lo afrontaremos siempre con diversos métodos, medios y proyectualidad. Es cierto que muchos de nosotros no vivimos las mismas condiciones, ni compartimos los mismos análisis y posiciones, sean tácticas o estratégicas.
Pero habiendo decidido afrontar el recorrido de lucha, al menos tendremos que analizar como lo realizamos y qué métodos han sido válidos en las experiencias de lucha reales en la práctica. Y cómo en la articulación y la organización también hay dinámicas de praxis comunes y sobre todo homogéneas, y esto frente a nuestra multiplicidad real en la práctica, que desafían la misma homogenización dela acumulación de fuerzas. Por esto el debate debería continuar a través del intercambio de reflexiones y propuestas según el concepto de multiformidad, con el fin de enriquecer y desarrollar la lucha y el entero movimiento anarquista de acción.
Claro que, tanto para los recorridos de lucha como para los métodos utilizados, no hay que ni minimizar ni disminuir lo que se ha realizado como prácticas del anarquismo. Tampoco lo contrario, enfatizar o exagerarlos ideológicamente transformándolos en roles circunscritos, sean recorridos, métodos, o roles que creamos de nuevas subjetividades, convirtiéndolos en el nuevo sujeto revolucionario a adorar. Porque las ideologizaciones de los roles de los revolucionarios aíslan a los sujetos ideologizados del resto poniéndolos en un pedestal; al ideologizarlos nos desresponsabilizamos y descargamos todo el peso de la responsabilidad de la lucha, en el aspecto represivo, y además se aísla al sujeto de las dinámicas generales de la lucha real de ruptura antiautoritaria.
Sería necesario entender y analizar, entrelazando con la práctica, cómo se conectan y se amplían ciertas dinámicas de lucha, porque se han conseguido abrir grietas. O entender que hay un estancamiento, que no hay continuidad y se revierten hasta desaparecer.
Porque la específica en solidaridad con Alfredo ha sido intensa e internacionalista y se ha ampliado hacia fuera, con acciones directas de día y acciones directas de noche, con acciones simbólicas, momentos de calle, iniciativas variadas, huelgas de hambre, escritos y demás de prisioneros anarquistas y no del mundo.
También es cierto, y no hay que olvidarlo, que la lucha no sólo la han llevado a cabo anarquistas. Y esto es positivo.
Un conflicto, que quede claro, aunque sumamente limitado, a mi parecer digno e intenso. Más allá de no haber logrado casi ninguno de los objetivos objetivos específicos que nos habíamos propuesto en la lucha de solidaridad con Alfredo.
Pero con la reducción de nuestras condenas, y eso, tiene que quedar claro, ha sido consecuencia de la lucha creada por todos nosotros, anarquistas y no. Pero no ha terminado… somos nosotros los anarquistas quienes hemos de tener como brújula nuestra proyectualidad anarquista de praxis y el timón firme de la acción directa y de la ruptura contra toda autoridad. Teniendo esto claro, es obvio que los reformistas harán de reformistas y el mundo de la prensa y del espectáculo crearán espectáculo sensacionalista basura y probablemente nos harán sombra incluso estando en todas las televisiones del mundo; eso es el espectáculo, ficción, es ilusión. ¿Pero a los anarquistas nos debe interesar esto? No si tenemos clara nuestra proyectualidad anarquista y revolucionaria y procedemos con ella, porque las fuerzas reales son bien distintas.
Lo que me interesa como anarquista es defender la radicalidad de nuestras luchas, que debe garantizarse incluso en el caso de exigencias parciales, como la salida de Alfredo del 41 bis, o la abolición de la cadena perpetua…, y no perder nunca de vista los objetivos que podemos y debemos fijarnos con las razones sociales de nuestra acción anarquista. Es la radicalidad del actuar, de la propaganda, de la agitación, poniendo siempre en la balanza nuestra ética antagonista anárquica como brújula, con sus contradicciones, y rechazando totalmente cualquier maniobra que venga del dominio y que no consideremos clara para nuestros principios. Estos son algunos de los anticuerpos para reafirmar que nuestra lucha es por la destrucción de la autoridad y seguir luchando y luchando… con la anarquía como fin.Reflexiones sobre el delito de “masacre política”
El Estado está adoptando la táctica estratégica de intentar silenciarnos por completo. Con condenas literalmente ejemplares para sepultarnos de por vida con décadas y décadas de prisión. La posibilidad de cadena perpetua sin posibilidad de reducciones ha estado ahí para los compañeros anarquistas Anna Beniamino y Alfredo Cospito, con una desproporción entre los hechos y el delito, condenas sin precedentes en las últimas décadas de historia del movimiento anarquista, con el aumento de la represión y el cambio en la interpretación de las leyes existentes. Como con la ley de “masacre política”. Como la recalificación de la casación enviando a Anna y Alfredo al Tribunal de Turín para el agravamiento de la condena por el ataque explosivo de Fossano (CN) de “masacre política” (art. 285).
Igual que es evidente la desproporción de los cargos de “masacre política” y de atentado con finalidad de terrorismo para mí, Juan Sorroche, por la acusación del atentado en relación con dos artefactos explosivos en la sede de la Lega de Treviso. El fiscal retiró la acusación de “masacre política”, pero la condena resultó en 28 años más tres de libertad vigilada, acogida en su totalidad por el juez en primera instancia por la finalidad terrorismo.
Antes de mis condenas, en la audiencia del 17 de abril de 2022 declaré:«(…) Una acusación muy grave e infundada (la de “strage politica”) para crear un clima y un contexto de emergencia con un juicio ejemplar. Al subir el listón al máximo nivel de gravedad con el delito de masacre, consiguen pasar a un segundo plano los delitos de terrorismo, creando así la posibilidad de aplicarlos más fácilmente con condenas elevadísimas.
Esta es hoy una táctica concreta (centralizada y coordenada por la D.N.A.A.), común en las magistraturas de antiterrorismo en diversos juicios contra anarquistas que luchan. (…)»Diferente con el proceso de Anna y Alfredo, que ha pasado con grave precedente la acusación de”masacre política” con una desproporción respecto a lo que aconteció materialmente; y atención, no es un juego de un fiscal que trata de hacer carrera, sino un aumento táctico-estratégico de la represión del Estado italiano a partir de la poderosa institución, sanguijuela tentacular, de la Dirección Nacional Antimafia y Antiterrorismo, además de extender el 41 bis y querer cerrar la partida con el área anarquista que, más allá de las fuerzas reales, no se ha prestado a compromisos o arrepentimientos. Esto también se inserta en el cuadro general del aumento de la represión del Estado por la reestructuración capitalista mundial, justificado en principio por la pandemia y ahora por las guerras imperialistas con todas las constricciones que conllevan. Todo ello en un silencio total de oposiciones y de luchas reales en Italia.
Por eso creo que nuestras condenas no sólo llegan para golpearnos a nosotros como individuos concretos, sino sobre todo como dinámica táctica-estratégica del Estado italiano en este momento histórico que escasean las luchas, para sepultar y prevenir la lucha de clases contra la autoridad y llevarla a su completa desaparición, lanzando advertencias a quien intenta ir más allá del mero activismo democrático, a quien construye e intenta crear una mínima fuerza real de ruptura revolucionaria. Tendremos que afrontar estas dinámicas que nos golpean de forma general y no como individuos. Creo que la principal finalidad de la cárcel es alejarnos de nuestros contextos de lucha, de nuestras relaciones y fragmentarnos en cuanto anarquistas y revolucionarios para aislar y debilitar nuestras aspiraciones de lucha y nuestras individualidades en revuelta. Unir nuestras fuerzas para apoyar una y otra vez instancias específicas incluyendo una visión de crítica general al sistema de dominio estatal-capitalista creo que es una buena forma de juntarnos y redescubrir nuestras capacidades para el conflicto.«Hay que luchar para truncar la desproporción»
¡Por la propagación de las prácticas de solidaridad revolucionarias!
Y, sea cual sea el camino que tomemos, ¡siempre con el corazón y por la Anarquía!– Juan Sorroche –
c.c. Terni- AS2 – 01/01/2024PDF: considerazioni-juan
Fuente: ilrovescio.info
-
El 26 de enero en Roma tendrá lugar el proceso de casación en mi contra por la acción en la Lega de Treviso.
– En primera instancia, incluso habiendo retirado el fiscal la acusación de strage política*, me condenaron a 28 años de cárcel mas 3 de libertad vigilada.
– En fase de apelación me condenaron a 14 años y 7 meses, reduciéndola casi a la mitad.
Los fiscales han recurrido en Casación para agravar el delito y poder volver a la condena de 28 años y 3 de libertad vigilada, o peor.
Mi abogado también ha recurrido, dada la sentencia de 14 años y 7 meses, que no es pequeña.
Como protesta contra la videoconferencia, no estaré presente en ninguna de las audiencias del proceso por la acción en la Lega de Treviso, tal como declaré en el juicio de primera instancia. Cosa que he mantenido hasta hoy.
Como dije en mi declaración ante el tribunal de Treviso el 11/06/2022:«Es por esto que ni este juicio ni ningún Estado me representan, vistas las repetidos masacres de los oprimidos, de los cuales formo parte, y las continuas falsificaciones y manipulaciones de las que el Estado es responsable.
Por esto hoy revindico mi identidad de anarquista, que tiene razones profundas, políticas y sociales, de un siglo y medio de lucha en contra del Estado stragista*. Un anarquismo rebelde, de praxis y de lucha, un anarquismo individual que va más allá de vuestras hipócritas falsedades. Mi conciencia de lo que es el Estado stragista no puede ser manipulada porque desde hace muchos años mi individualidad no se refleja en ninguna Autoridad, y mucho menos en el Estado. He renegado, rechazado el Estado desde hace muchos años. Desde que tengo conciencia de mi anarquismo no confío en nada que se ponga por encima de mí.
La única relación que tengo con el Estado es con su fuerza que me encierra aquí. No confío en ninguno de vuestros fantasmas representados por el Derecho y por la hipócrita frase que la ley es igual para todos, no soy estúpido.
Hoy de forma absoluta rechazo esta farsa estatal, rechazo este tribunal y cualquier veredicto, ya sea de culpabilidad o inocencia. Hoy declaro que para mi este juicio se ha acabado, y no volveréis a ver mi imagen.»Por eso llamo a todos los compañeros que quieran realizar una enérgica presencia con motivo de mi juicio y mostrar solidaridad.
O bien lo que cada individualidad quiera, con la creatividad como único límite.
En cualquier caso me gustaría hacer una pequeña puntualización en el contexto de mi última condena de 14 años y 7 meses. Creo que la reducción de mi condena también se ha debido al clima de lucha que hemos creado juntos, todos nosotros, anarquistas y no, en el periodo de lucha de solidaridad con Alfredo, lo que a mi parecer está relacionado con mi condena. Esta reducción también se debe a la lucha que hemos creado y al clima general de tensión y atención sobre nuestros procesos judiciales en Italia, y también pues durante la apelación en Venecia.«Hay que luchar para destrozar la desproporción»
¡Por la propagación de las prácticas de solidaridad revolucionarias!
Y, sea cual sea el camino que tomemos, ¡siempre con el corazón y por la Anarquía!
– Juan Sorroche –
c.c. Terni – AS2 – 04/01/2024* * *
Trento responde:
La Lega apoya a Israel, paremos el genocidio
Como puede leerse en la llamada de Juan, el 26 de este mes es una fase importante de la odisea de nuestro compañero.
A unos pasos de la participación global en la guerra, en medio de un genocidio del que se conocen las atrocidades, los medios, los motivos, no tenemos dudas de que el capitalismo es guerra y el racismo uno de sus instrumentos.
Sin la deshumanización de los palestinos no se podrían llevar a cabo masacres tan despiadadas, sin la propaganda político/religiosa de la supremacía de los hebreos del partido del Knéset los soldados del IDF no podrían hacer todo lo que hacen.
A pocos días del inicio de los bombardeos intensivos realizados con Gospel (el sistema de inteligencia artificial del IDF que identifica los objetivos para la limpieza étnica de los palestinos) sobre Gaza, que siguieron a las strage en los asentamientos* israelíes del 7 de octubre, en Milán Salvini y su caballeros, incluido Fugatti, presidente de la provincia de Trento, organizaron una manifestación «en apoyo de Israel» y por la defensa de los valores occidentales. Lo cual no sorprende. Sólo confirma lo que ya sabemos de La Lega: que es un partido de racistas útil a la consolidación de los intereses de la OTAN, y que luchar contra ella es justo.
Por lo tanto se vuelve actual la acción de ataque contra la sede de La Lega en Villorba así como también necesaria la solidaridad con el acusado.La resistencia palestina se está expresando contra la ocupación sionista: desde Gaza a Cisjordania y en todo el mundo a través de quienes solidarizan, dejando de un lado las diferencias (y rivalidades) de los diversos grupos armados y no, sin criminalizar y/o denigrar las diversas formas de lucha que se han desarrollado a lo largo de muchas décadas.
Con este espíritu, de cara al 26 de enero, invitamos a denunciar la complicidad de La Lega (y de sus aliados del gobierno) con Israel y el genocidio de los palestinos, en sintonía con sus políticas de stragi de los migrantes en el mediterráneo, en los CPR y de los presos en las cárceles.En Trento, el 25 de enero estaremos frente a la sede de La Lega, en solidaridad con Juan, en solidaridad con quien lucha contra el racismo, el colonialismo, el apartheid, las fronteras, la guerra que comienza aquí.
Traducido de: ilrovescio.info
ndt
* Estado stragista: responsable de masacres (stragi), de violencia indiscriminada.
** Assentamiento no como el simple hecho de asentarse en un lugar. Véase la siguiente acepción: Instalación provisional de colonos o cultivadores en tierras no habitadas o cuyos habitantes son desplazados. -
El 26 de enero en Roma tendrá lugar el proceso de casación en mi contra por la acción en la Lega de Treviso.
– En primera instancia, incluso habiendo retirado el fiscal la acusación de strage política*, me condenaron a 28 años de cárcel mas 3 de libertad vigilada.
– En fase de apelación me condenaron a 14 años y 7 meses, reduciéndola casi a la mitad.
Los fiscales han recurrido en Casación para agravar el delito y poder volver a la condena de 28 años y 3 de libertad vigilada, o peor.
Mi abogado también ha recurrido, dada la sentencia de 14 años y 7 meses, que no es pequeña.
Como protesta contra la videoconferencia, no estaré presente en ninguna de las audiencias del proceso por la acción en la Lega de Treviso, tal como declaré en el juicio de primera instancia. Cosa que he mantenido hasta hoy.
Como dije en mi declaración ante el tribunal de Treviso el 11/06/2022:«Es por esto que ni este juicio ni ningún Estado me representan, vistas las repetidos masacres de los oprimidos, de los cuales formo parte, y las continuas falsificaciones y manipulaciones de las que el Estado es responsable.
Por esto hoy revindico mi identidad de anarquista, que tiene razones profundas, políticas y sociales, de un siglo y medio de lucha en contra del Estado stragista*. Un anarquismo rebelde, de praxis y de lucha, un anarquismo individual que va más allá de vuestras hipócritas falsedades. Mi conciencia de lo que es el Estado stragista no puede ser manipulada porque desde hace muchos años mi individualidad no se refleja en ninguna Autoridad, y mucho menos en el Estado. He renegado, rechazado el Estado desde hace muchos años. Desde que tengo conciencia de mi anarquismo no confío en nada que se ponga por encima de mí.
La única relación que tengo con el Estado es con su fuerza que me encierra aquí. No confío en ninguno de vuestros fantasmas representados por el Derecho y por la hipócrita frase que la ley es igual para todos, no soy estúpido.
Hoy de forma absoluta rechazo esta farsa estatal, rechazo este tribunal y cualquier veredicto, ya sea de culpabilidad o inocencia. Hoy declaro que para mi este juicio se ha acabado, y no volveréis a ver mi imagen.»Por eso llamo a todos los compañeros que quieran realizar una enérgica presencia con motivo de mi juicio y mostrar solidaridad.
O bien lo que cada individualidad quiera, con la creatividad como único límite.
En cualquier caso me gustaría hacer una pequeña puntualización en el contexto de mi última condena de 14 años y 7 meses. Creo que la reducción de mi condena también se ha debido al clima de lucha que hemos creado juntos, todos nosotros, anarquistas y no, en el periodo de lucha de solidaridad con Alfredo, lo que a mi parecer está relacionado con mi condena. Esta reducción también se debe a la lucha que hemos creado y al clima general de tensión y atención sobre nuestros procesos judiciales en Italia, y también pues durante la apelación en Venecia.«Hay que luchar para destrozar la desproporción»
¡Por la propagación de las prácticas de solidaridad revolucionarias!
Y, sea cual sea el camino que tomemos, ¡siempre con el corazón y por la Anarquía!
– Juan Sorroche –
c.c. Terni – AS2 – 04/01/2024* * *
Trento responde:
La Lega apoya a Israel, paremos el genocidio
Como puede leerse en la llamada de Juan, el 26 de este mes es una fase importante de la odisea de nuestro compañero.
A unos pasos de la participación global en la guerra, en medio de un genocidio del que se conocen las atrocidades, los medios, los motivos, no tenemos dudas de que el capitalismo es guerra y el racismo uno de sus instrumentos.
Sin la deshumanización de los palestinos no se podrían llevar a cabo masacres tan despiadadas, sin la propaganda político/religiosa de la supremacía de los hebreos del partido del Knéset los soldados del IDF no podrían hacer todo lo que hacen.
A pocos días del inicio de los bombardeos intensivos realizados con Gospel (el sistema de inteligencia artificial del IDF que identifica los objetivos para la limpieza étnica de los palestinos) sobre Gaza, que siguieron a las strage en los asentamientos* israelíes del 7 de octubre, en Milán Salvini y su caballeros, incluido Fugatti, presidente de la provincia de Trento, organizaron una manifestación «en apoyo de Israel» y por la defensa de los valores occidentales. Lo cual no sorprende. Sólo confirma lo que ya sabemos de La Lega: que es un partido de racistas útil a la consolidación de los intereses de la OTAN, y que luchar contra ella es justo.
Por lo tanto se vuelve actual la acción de ataque contra la sede de La Lega en Villorba así como también necesaria la solidaridad con el acusado.La resistencia palestina se está expresando contra la ocupación sionista: desde Gaza a Cisjordania y en todo el mundo a través de quienes solidarizan, dejando de un lado las diferencias (y rivalidades) de los diversos grupos armados y no, sin criminalizar y/o denigrar las diversas formas de lucha que se han desarrollado a lo largo de muchas décadas.
Con este espíritu, de cara al 26 de enero, invitamos a denunciar la complicidad de La Lega (y de sus aliados del gobierno) con Israel y el genocidio de los palestinos, en sintonía con sus políticas de stragi de los migrantes en el mediterráneo, en los CPR y de los presos en las cárceles.En Trento, el 25 de enero estaremos frente a la sede de La Lega, en solidaridad con Juan, en solidaridad con quien lucha contra el racismo, el colonialismo, el apartheid, las fronteras, la guerra que comienza aquí.
Traducido de: ilrovescio.info
ndt
* Estado stragista: responsable de masacres (stragi), de violencia indiscriminada.
** Assentamiento no como el simple hecho de asentarse en un lugar. Véase la siguiente acepción: Instalación provisional de colonos o cultivadores en tierras no habitadas o cuyos habitantes son desplazados. -
El 26 de enero en Roma tendrá lugar el proceso de casación en mi contra por la acción en la Lega de Treviso.
– En primera instancia, incluso habiendo retirado el fiscal la acusación de strage política*, me condenaron a 28 años de cárcel mas 3 de libertad vigilada.
– En fase de apelación me condenaron a 14 años y 7 meses, reduciéndola casi a la mitad.
Los fiscales han recurrido en Casación para agravar el delito y poder volver a la condena de 28 años y 3 de libertad vigilada, o peor.
Mi abogado también ha recurrido, dada la sentencia de 14 años y 7 meses, que no es pequeña.
Como protesta contra la videoconferencia, no estaré presente en ninguna de las audiencias del proceso por la acción en la Lega de Treviso, tal como declaré en el juicio de primera instancia. Cosa que he mantenido hasta hoy.
Como dije en mi declaración ante el tribunal de Treviso el 11/06/2022:«Es por esto que ni este juicio ni ningún Estado me representan, vistas las repetidos masacres de los oprimidos, de los cuales formo parte, y las continuas falsificaciones y manipulaciones de las que el Estado es responsable.
Por esto hoy revindico mi identidad de anarquista, que tiene razones profundas, políticas y sociales, de un siglo y medio de lucha en contra del Estado stragista*. Un anarquismo rebelde, de praxis y de lucha, un anarquismo individual que va más allá de vuestras hipócritas falsedades. Mi conciencia de lo que es el Estado stragista no puede ser manipulada porque desde hace muchos años mi individualidad no se refleja en ninguna Autoridad, y mucho menos en el Estado. He renegado, rechazado el Estado desde hace muchos años. Desde que tengo conciencia de mi anarquismo no confío en nada que se ponga por encima de mí.
La única relación que tengo con el Estado es con su fuerza que me encierra aquí. No confío en ninguno de vuestros fantasmas representados por el Derecho y por la hipócrita frase que la ley es igual para todos, no soy estúpido.
Hoy de forma absoluta rechazo esta farsa estatal, rechazo este tribunal y cualquier veredicto, ya sea de culpabilidad o inocencia. Hoy declaro que para mi este juicio se ha acabado, y no volveréis a ver mi imagen.»Por eso llamo a todos los compañeros que quieran realizar una enérgica presencia con motivo de mi juicio y mostrar solidaridad.
O bien lo que cada individualidad quiera, con la creatividad como único límite.
En cualquier caso me gustaría hacer una pequeña puntualización en el contexto de mi última condena de 14 años y 7 meses. Creo que la reducción de mi condena también se ha debido al clima de lucha que hemos creado juntos, todos nosotros, anarquistas y no, en el periodo de lucha de solidaridad con Alfredo, lo que a mi parecer está relacionado con mi condena. Esta reducción también se debe a la lucha que hemos creado y al clima general de tensión y atención sobre nuestros procesos judiciales en Italia, y también pues durante la apelación en Venecia.«Hay que luchar para destrozar la desproporción»
¡Por la propagación de las prácticas de solidaridad revolucionarias!
Y, sea cual sea el camino que tomemos, ¡siempre con el corazón y por la Anarquía!
– Juan Sorroche –
c.c. Terni – AS2 – 04/01/2024* * *
Trento responde:
La Lega apoya a Israel, paremos el genocidio
Como puede leerse en la llamada de Juan, el 26 de este mes es una fase importante de la odisea de nuestro compañero.
A unos pasos de la participación global en la guerra, en medio de un genocidio del que se conocen las atrocidades, los medios, los motivos, no tenemos dudas de que el capitalismo es guerra y el racismo uno de sus instrumentos.
Sin la deshumanización de los palestinos no se podrían llevar a cabo masacres tan despiadadas, sin la propaganda político/religiosa de la supremacía de los hebreos del partido del Knéset los soldados del IDF no podrían hacer todo lo que hacen.
A pocos días del inicio de los bombardeos intensivos realizados con Gospel (el sistema de inteligencia artificial del IDF que identifica los objetivos para la limpieza étnica de los palestinos) sobre Gaza, que siguieron a las strage en los asentamientos* israelíes del 7 de octubre, en Milán Salvini y su caballeros, incluido Fugatti, presidente de la provincia de Trento, organizaron una manifestación «en apoyo de Israel» y por la defensa de los valores occidentales. Lo cual no sorprende. Sólo confirma lo que ya sabemos de La Lega: que es un partido de racistas útil a la consolidación de los intereses de la OTAN, y que luchar contra ella es justo.
Por lo tanto se vuelve actual la acción de ataque contra la sede de La Lega en Villorba así como también necesaria la solidaridad con el acusado.La resistencia palestina se está expresando contra la ocupación sionista: desde Gaza a Cisjordania y en todo el mundo a través de quienes solidarizan, dejando de un lado las diferencias (y rivalidades) de los diversos grupos armados y no, sin criminalizar y/o denigrar las diversas formas de lucha que se han desarrollado a lo largo de muchas décadas.
Con este espíritu, de cara al 26 de enero, invitamos a denunciar la complicidad de La Lega (y de sus aliados del gobierno) con Israel y el genocidio de los palestinos, en sintonía con sus políticas de stragi de los migrantes en el mediterráneo, en los CPR y de los presos en las cárceles.En Trento, el 25 de enero estaremos frente a la sede de La Lega, en solidaridad con Juan, en solidaridad con quien lucha contra el racismo, el colonialismo, el apartheid, las fronteras, la guerra que comienza aquí.
Traducido de: ilrovescio.info
ndt
* Estado stragista: responsable de masacres (stragi), de violencia indiscriminada.
** Assentamiento no como el simple hecho de asentarse en un lugar. Véase la siguiente acepción: Instalación provisional de colonos o cultivadores en tierras no habitadas o cuyos habitantes son desplazados. -
El 26 de enero en Roma tendrá lugar el proceso de casación en mi contra por la acción en la Lega de Treviso.
– En primera instancia, incluso habiendo retirado el fiscal la acusación de strage política*, me condenaron a 28 años de cárcel mas 3 de libertad vigilada.
– En fase de apelación me condenaron a 14 años y 7 meses, reduciéndola casi a la mitad.
Los fiscales han recurrido en Casación para agravar el delito y poder volver a la condena de 28 años y 3 de libertad vigilada, o peor.
Mi abogado también ha recurrido, dada la sentencia de 14 años y 7 meses, que no es pequeña.
Como protesta contra la videoconferencia, no estaré presente en ninguna de las audiencias del proceso por la acción en la Lega de Treviso, tal como declaré en el juicio de primera instancia. Cosa que he mantenido hasta hoy.
Como dije en mi declaración ante el tribunal de Treviso el 11/06/2022:«Es por esto que ni este juicio ni ningún Estado me representan, vistas las repetidos masacres de los oprimidos, de los cuales formo parte, y las continuas falsificaciones y manipulaciones de las que el Estado es responsable.
Por esto hoy revindico mi identidad de anarquista, que tiene razones profundas, políticas y sociales, de un siglo y medio de lucha en contra del Estado stragista*. Un anarquismo rebelde, de praxis y de lucha, un anarquismo individual que va más allá de vuestras hipócritas falsedades. Mi conciencia de lo que es el Estado stragista no puede ser manipulada porque desde hace muchos años mi individualidad no se refleja en ninguna Autoridad, y mucho menos en el Estado. He renegado, rechazado el Estado desde hace muchos años. Desde que tengo conciencia de mi anarquismo no confío en nada que se ponga por encima de mí.
La única relación que tengo con el Estado es con su fuerza que me encierra aquí. No confío en ninguno de vuestros fantasmas representados por el Derecho y por la hipócrita frase que la ley es igual para todos, no soy estúpido.
Hoy de forma absoluta rechazo esta farsa estatal, rechazo este tribunal y cualquier veredicto, ya sea de culpabilidad o inocencia. Hoy declaro que para mi este juicio se ha acabado, y no volveréis a ver mi imagen.»Por eso llamo a todos los compañeros que quieran realizar una enérgica presencia con motivo de mi juicio y mostrar solidaridad.
O bien lo que cada individualidad quiera, con la creatividad como único límite.
En cualquier caso me gustaría hacer una pequeña puntualización en el contexto de mi última condena de 14 años y 7 meses. Creo que la reducción de mi condena también se ha debido al clima de lucha que hemos creado juntos, todos nosotros, anarquistas y no, en el periodo de lucha de solidaridad con Alfredo, lo que a mi parecer está relacionado con mi condena. Esta reducción también se debe a la lucha que hemos creado y al clima general de tensión y atención sobre nuestros procesos judiciales en Italia, y también pues durante la apelación en Venecia.«Hay que luchar para destrozar la desproporción»
¡Por la propagación de las prácticas de solidaridad revolucionarias!
Y, sea cual sea el camino que tomemos, ¡siempre con el corazón y por la Anarquía!
– Juan Sorroche –
c.c. Terni – AS2 – 04/01/2024* * *
Trento responde:
La Lega apoya a Israel, paremos el genocidio
Como puede leerse en la llamada de Juan, el 26 de este mes es una fase importante de la odisea de nuestro compañero.
A unos pasos de la participación global en la guerra, en medio de un genocidio del que se conocen las atrocidades, los medios, los motivos, no tenemos dudas de que el capitalismo es guerra y el racismo uno de sus instrumentos.
Sin la deshumanización de los palestinos no se podrían llevar a cabo masacres tan despiadadas, sin la propaganda político/religiosa de la supremacía de los hebreos del partido del Knéset los soldados del IDF no podrían hacer todo lo que hacen.
A pocos días del inicio de los bombardeos intensivos realizados con Gospel (el sistema de inteligencia artificial del IDF que identifica los objetivos para la limpieza étnica de los palestinos) sobre Gaza, que siguieron a las strage en los asentamientos* israelíes del 7 de octubre, en Milán Salvini y su caballeros, incluido Fugatti, presidente de la provincia de Trento, organizaron una manifestación «en apoyo de Israel» y por la defensa de los valores occidentales. Lo cual no sorprende. Sólo confirma lo que ya sabemos de La Lega: que es un partido de racistas útil a la consolidación de los intereses de la OTAN, y que luchar contra ella es justo.
Por lo tanto se vuelve actual la acción de ataque contra la sede de La Lega en Villorba así como también necesaria la solidaridad con el acusado.La resistencia palestina se está expresando contra la ocupación sionista: desde Gaza a Cisjordania y en todo el mundo a través de quienes solidarizan, dejando de un lado las diferencias (y rivalidades) de los diversos grupos armados y no, sin criminalizar y/o denigrar las diversas formas de lucha que se han desarrollado a lo largo de muchas décadas.
Con este espíritu, de cara al 26 de enero, invitamos a denunciar la complicidad de La Lega (y de sus aliados del gobierno) con Israel y el genocidio de los palestinos, en sintonía con sus políticas de stragi de los migrantes en el mediterráneo, en los CPR y de los presos en las cárceles.En Trento, el 25 de enero estaremos frente a la sede de La Lega, en solidaridad con Juan, en solidaridad con quien lucha contra el racismo, el colonialismo, el apartheid, las fronteras, la guerra que comienza aquí.
Traducido de: ilrovescio.info
ndt
* Estado stragista: responsable de masacres (stragi), de violencia indiscriminada.
** Assentamiento no como el simple hecho de asentarse en un lugar. Véase la siguiente acepción: Instalación provisional de colonos o cultivadores en tierras no habitadas o cuyos habitantes son desplazados. -
Italy: Sabotage of Electric Car Charging Stations in Solidarity with Anarchists Alfredo Cospito, Anna Beniamino, and Juan Sorroche.
We learn from the media that at least seven electric vehicle chargers, located in various places in Lecce, have been sabotaged and rendered unusable by foam. On some of the columns were found the inscription “For Alfredo, Anna, Juan,” in reference to the imprisoned anarchists on hunger strike against the 41 bis prison regime and the hostile life sentence (Alfredo Cospito, imprisoned under 41 bis in Bancali Prison in Sassari, has been on hunger strike to the bitter end since Oct. 20, Anna Beniamino has been on hunger strike in solidarity since Nov. 7, while Juan Sorroche has been on strike for a month, from Oct. 25 to Nov. 24). According to local media reports, the sabotage took place “starting from at least last Friday [Dec. 2].”
From Earth First Journal:
#AnarchistPrisoners #Solidarity #Sabotage #AlfredoCospito #AnnaBeniamino #JuanSorroche
-
Italy: Sabotage of Electric Car Charging Stations in Solidarity with Anarchists Alfredo Cospito, Anna Beniamino, and Juan Sorroche.
We learn from the media that at least seven electric vehicle chargers, located in various places in Lecce, have been sabotaged and rendered unusable by foam. On some of the columns were found the inscription “For Alfredo, Anna, Juan,” in reference to the imprisoned anarchists on hunger strike against the 41 bis prison regime and the hostile life sentence (Alfredo Cospito, imprisoned under 41 bis in Bancali Prison in Sassari, has been on hunger strike to the bitter end since Oct. 20, Anna Beniamino has been on hunger strike in solidarity since Nov. 7, while Juan Sorroche has been on strike for a month, from Oct. 25 to Nov. 24). According to local media reports, the sabotage took place “starting from at least last Friday [Dec. 2].”
From Earth First Journal:
#AnarchistPrisoners #Solidarity #Sabotage #AlfredoCospito #AnnaBeniamino #JuanSorroche
-
⚫CONTRA EL RÉGIMEN CARCELARIO DE AISLAMIENTO 41BIS EN LAS PRISIONES ITALIANAS. Alfredo Cóspito, Juan Sorroche, Ivan Alocco, Anna Beniamino. LIBERACIÓN TOTAL!
#internacionalismoanticarcelario
#solidaridadconalfredocospito #juansorroche #ivanalocco #annabeniamino @BuscandoKalle -
⚫CONTRA EL RÉGIMEN CARCELARIO DE AISLAMIENTO 41BIS EN LAS PRISIONES ITALIANAS. Alfredo Cóspito, Juan Sorroche, Ivan Alocco, Anna Beniamino. LIBERACIÓN TOTAL!
#internacionalismoanticarcelario
#solidaridadconalfredocospito #juansorroche #ivanalocco #annabeniamino @BuscandoKalle -
⚫CONTRA EL RÉGIMEN CARCELARIO DE AISLAMIENTO 41BIS EN LAS PRISIONES ITALIANAS. Alfredo Cóspito, Juan Sorroche, Ivan Alocco, Anna Beniamino. LIBERACIÓN TOTAL!
#internacionalismoanticarcelario
#solidaridadconalfredocospito #juansorroche #ivanalocco #annabeniamino @BuscandoKalle -
⚫CONTRA EL RÉGIMEN CARCELARIO DE AISLAMIENTO 41BIS EN LAS PRISIONES ITALIANAS. Alfredo Cóspito, Juan Sorroche, Ivan Alocco, Anna Beniamino. LIBERACIÓN TOTAL!
#internacionalismoanticarcelario
#solidaridadconalfredocospito #juansorroche #ivanalocco #annabeniamino @BuscandoKalle