#eln — Public Fediverse posts

Colombia on the brink: ELN guerrilla group prepares for return to war

https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2026/aug/07/colombia-on-the-brink-eln-guerrilla-group-prepares-for-return-to-war

> As Abelardo de la Espriella takes office as president vowing a new military offensive, the country’s last leftwing rebels are getting ready to fight back

#Colombia #eln

Colombia on the brink: ELN guerrilla group prepares for return to war

https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2026/aug/07/colombia-on-the-brink-eln-guerrilla-group-prepares-for-return-to-war

> As Abelardo de la Espriella takes office as president vowing a new military offensive, the country’s last leftwing rebels are getting ready to fight back

#Colombia #eln

ELN: Communique for Attacks on Police

COMMUNIQUE TO THE PUBLIC OPINION

Our greetings and recognition to the Colombian people

Our struggle is still valid, fair and legitimate after these 62 years of resistance to the designs of the empire and the rancid economic and political caste that has governed the country for more than 200 years, who have stolen the wealth in favor of a few and rejoicing in the cordons of poverty and misery that live in the large urban centers of our Colombia. To continue with its purposes and guarantee its privileges, it is not strange that the North American empire gave its approval for the fascist paramilitary and mafia member Abelardo de la Espriella to become president with his Patriot Plan 2.0, which will fill the streets and fields with an incalculable bloodbath and insane violence.

In urban cities and towns, the counterinsurgency design occurs through different gangs manipulated by the police, who control the people in various ways, such as child sexual exploitation, human trafficking, micro-trafficking, among others.

It is in this context that Mr. Abelardo de la Espriella, faithful representative of narco-paramilism and national mafias, assumes what will be a new presidential term, the National Urban War Front Commander in Chief Camilo Torres Restrepo of the NATIONAL LIBERATION ARMY (ELN), in the framework of the resistance and the revolutionary armed struggle, executes military actions against the installations of the DENOR. a place where the Center for Control, Monitoring and Repression against the Northern People of Santander (CEFOP) operates and where the DIJIN, DIPOL, DIPAN also operate.

We make public the following War Report:

1. On July 28 at 4:12 pm, in the Puerto Lleras neighborhood, the white armored van with QKL-431 plates was hit with an explosive, where according to intelligence information that was handled in advance, Major José Luis Vargas Manrique, commander of the Puerto Santander police station, was traveling, who traveled 1 or 2 days a week to the city of Cúcuta, accompanied by some patrolmen who were part of his security scheme. As a result: an armored truck that is out of service due to the damage caused. 2 police officers with minor injuries due to stunning. Our units manage to withdraw without any incident.

2. On August 1 at 3:15 am, special commandos from the FGUN of the ELN fired an artillery vehicle against the DENORT facilities. As a result: destruction of CEFOP (Operational Fusion Center) number 5. More than 10 police officers injured, including several seriously. Destruction of six police dormitories. 10 PONAL vehicles destroyed. Damage to the façade of BBVA and a high-end vehicle dealership. DIJIN, DIPOL, DIPAN operate in these facilities. Our units retreated without incident.

We call on the community in general to remove the military garrisons from urban centers, this violates the Political Constitution of Colombia and International Humanitarian Law.

We reaffirm our unwavering commitment to fight for a just and sovereign Colombia.

Colombia… for the workers!
Not one step back… liberation or death!

NATIONAL URBAN WAR FRONT
COMMANDER IN CHIEF CAMILO TORRES RESTREPO

NATIONAL LIBERATION ARMY
August 2026

Source: https://insurgenciaurbana-eln.net/comunicado-a-la-opinion-publica-21/

📣 News Digest #RDM in #NaturalScience Week 31, 2026!

This time with #RSpace, @PSDI, @egonw and an invitation to the next Ask The Elephant session. Enjoy reading.

https://thefairelephant.com/news_digest_archive/news-digest-rdm-in-natural-science-week-31-2026/

#FAIRElephantNews #RDM #ELN #AI #ResearchDataManagement #FAIRdata

📣 News Digest #RDM in #NaturalScience Week 31, 2026!

This time with #RSpace, @PSDI, @egonw and an invitation to the next Ask The Elephant session. Enjoy reading.

https://thefairelephant.com/news_digest_archive/news-digest-rdm-in-natural-science-week-31-2026/

#FAIRElephantNews #RDM #ELN #AI #ResearchDataManagement #FAIRdata

Lees tip -> Aankomend president Colombia stelt gewapende groepen ultimatum | De verkozen Colombiaanse president Abelardo de la Espriella geeft gewapende groepen één maand om zich over te geven en kondigt een harde landelijke veiligheidskoers aan. | #ELN #FARC #megagevangenissen #ClandelGolfo #drugskartels #AbelardodelaEspriella #Colombia #narcoterrorisme #Cocaïne |

https://hbpmedia.nl/?p=8856

Current Battles in Catatumbo – ELN

Northeastern War Front

This July, fighting continues between ELN guerrillas and troops from the Army’s Vulcano Task Force, based in Tibú. These troops are also operating against the population of Catatumbo through the so-called “Band of 33.”

The “Band of 33” continues to serve the war plans of the state Army’s Vulcano Task Force, which has deployed it from Las Mercedes, Tibú, and between kilometers 19 and 25 of the road to La Gabarra. This is the area where fighting continues with the guerrillas of the ELN’s Northeastern War Front, Commander-in-Chief Manuel Pérez Martínez.

• 4: At 9:00 PM, in a commando operation against the finance chief of the 33rd Gang, alias Jhon Cabeza, he was seriously wounded and received assistance from troops of the Army’s Vulcano Task Force, who evacuated him by a military helicopter.
• 9: We bombed the administrative facilities of the Tibú airport with drones, leaving them partially destroyed. This airport terminal had been used as a logistical base for the movement, recruitment, and evacuation of casualties from the 33rd Gang, with the protection of the Army’s Vulcano Task Force.
• 10: At 10:30 AM, in the municipality of San Martín, in southern Cesar, we attacked a position held by the narcoparamilitaries known as the Conquistadores de la Sierra Nevada (Conquerors of the Sierra Nevada), where we captured a wounded paramilitary member.
• 12: At 7:00 a.m., in the Ligerones village of the municipality of La Playa de Belén, Norte de Santander, we attacked a position held by the 33rd Street gang, resulting in the capture of one paramilitary member. We recovered a motorcycle, a Glock pistol, and cash from him.
• 16: At 1:15 p.m., in Tibú, we conducted a ramp bombardment against the Army’s Vulcano Task Force headquarters. The base suffered severe damage to its facilities, and casualties are unknown.
• 16: At 9:00 p.m., we repelled a drone attack carried out by the Army and the 33rd Street gang against our units in the 20 de Julio village of the municipality of Tibú.
• 16: We conducted an aerial bombardment against the 33rd Street gang, targeting their positions in the 20 de Julio, Filo Paraco, and Filo Seco villages of the municipality of Tibú, destroying several of their bunkers.
• 16: During the night, we launched an aerial bombardment against the 33rd Battalion’s positions at Filo Paraco and Orú, in the municipality of Tibú.
• 17: At 6:00 a.m., we attacked the National Police station in the municipality of El Carmen, Norte de Santander, resulting in one death.
• 17: At 6:00 a.m., we attacked the National Police station in Guamalito, in the municipality of El Carmen. The results are unknown.

Source: https://eln-voces.net/2026/07/27/los-combates-actuales-en-el-catatumbo/

🟡 DroneBombing | 5/10
🇨🇴

ELN drones bomb FARC dissidents in Catatumbo, Colombia
ELN fighters used a DJI commercial drone fitted with an improvised high-explosive mortar bomb to strike FARC dissident positions.

#OSINT #NewsGroup #Colombia #ELN #DroneWarfare #Catatumbo

Your research data is often too big to live inside your notebook. RSpace connects to your institution's file stores, so you can reference files where they live instead of copying them, keep your notes and data provenance intact, and still bundle everything into a portable export for sharing or deposit.

Read more in our new guide: when to link vs upload, admin setup for SMB / SFTP / iRODS / S3, and linked files in exports.

👉 https://documentation.researchspace.com/l/en/article/spus06mb0n-connecting-rspace-to-institutional-file-stores

#FAIRdata #ResearchDataManagement #ELN

Tracking the History of the Colombian ELN. Interview with Comandante Nicoás Rodríguez (II)

June 15, 2026

Second part of Aureliano Carbonell’s interview with Commander Nicolás Rodríguez Bautista, one of the founders of the National Liberation Army in Colombia.

Aureliano: What happened to the military during the years of the crisis?

Nicolás: Military activity decreased substantially from 1974 to 1979. However, even though military action was scarce during the crisis, there were important events that justified its continuation:

In the mid-1970s, an urban commando unit killed General Ramón Arturo Rincón Quiñones, Inspector General of the Armed Forces.

In 1976, the police station in Santa Rosa del Sur, Bolívar Department, was attacked and subdued, and the weapons were recovered.

Also in 1976, a military base belonging to the Tarqui Battalion in Tarazá, Antioquia, was attacked, resulting in six casualties.

The Camilo Torres Front, which had been almost annihilated in 1967, re-established itself in the Eastern Cordillera, and in 1976 it seized the village of Sabana de Novillos in Cesar Department. At the end of 1978, the municipal capital of Convención, in Norte de Santander, was also taken, the police station was seized, its weapons recovered, and the population rallied.

Small-scale armed propaganda actions were carried out in the city.

EMERGING FROM THE CRISIS

When did the situation begin to change?

In 1978, we managed to hold the First Meeting of Leaders, which brought together the heads of the urban and rural structures. The first collective leadership was elected, a plan to restructure the Organization was drawn up, and Leninist principles of organization were adopted. On the military front, as already mentioned, the capture of the municipality of Convención at the end of that year was carried out with complete success, which had a very positive impact internally, on the morale of our people, and on the process of recovery and development.

However, difficulties were not without their challenges. During these efforts, a faction emerged calling itself the National Coordinating Commission, attempting a demobilization strategy. Thanks to our swift action, this faction failed to achieve its objectives. Its conduct was made clear to the rest of the organization, and those responsible fled.

The efforts to rebuild continued amidst severe economic hardship, communication problems, and enemy activity, but nothing could stop us.

In these significant efforts to connect with grassroots movements, establish a structure based on Leninist organizational principles, achieve collective leadership through democratic processes, and safeguard internal unity, the clear leadership of Comandante Manuel Pérez Martínez emerged.

THE CITY

What was the situation in urban areas during those years?

During the most difficult times, the ELN crisis was much more severe in rural areas than in the cities. During those years, we faced many difficulties in communication between urban and rural areas. However, urban groups managed to sustain themselves and grow, especially after 1976, developing urban structures in most cities. Their work centered around student struggles, the organization of workers’ unions, and working-class neighborhoods. They were crucial in overcoming the crisis.

A NEW MOMENT. EXPANSION AND DEVELOPMENT.

How long will this crisis last?

The following years, the late 1970s and early 1980s, have been referred to internally as the years of “overcoming the crisis.” From then until the beginning of the first decade of the 2000s, it was a time of expansion, of progress in all areas, and of greater political and mass influence in the country.

The presidents during those years were, in order: Turbay Ayala (1978–1982), Belisario Betancur (1982–1986), Virgilio Barco (1986–1990), César Gaviria (1990–1994), Ernesto Samper (1994–1998), and Andrés Pastrana (1998–2002).

From the “Meeting of Leaders,” December 1978-January 1979, we arrived in 1983 at the First National Meeting of Leaders, “Heroes and Martyrs of Anorí.” This meeting appointed a National Directorate of 9 members and Comandante Manuel Pérez as its political leader. From there, in 1986, we reached another, more representative, democratic space: the First National Assembly, “Camilo Torres Restrepo,” which we later referred to as the first Congress of the Organization. There, we considered that the crisis had been overcome.

That Assembly represents a development in internal political life. It establishes the obligation to operate with national, local, and sectoral work plans, reaffirms the Leninist principles of organization, and implements greater levels of internal democracy and collective leadership at all levels.

By that time, there was already a stable and active National Directorate, but the Assembly further strengthened that national leadership and the Central Executive Committee (COCE) as the permanent executive body. It reaffirmed political and organizational work, and therefore mass mobilization, as an integral part of our overall dynamic and as a basic component of organizational work. Likewise, military approaches and goals were strengthened, reaffirming political-military integration. The Assembly also succeeded in strengthening and enhancing internal unity; by then, we were a larger organization with greater territorial reach.

FROM 1986 ONWARD

What would you highlight as the most important development in the years following that first congress? That is, in the last 40 years, from 1986 onward—quite a long time?

I’ll be very brief, just a few highlights:

– We gained a national vision, and it is on this basis that we build and develop national work plans.

– We advanced in understanding Marxist-Leninist theory. It became firmly established as our ideological guide, and a greater and more conscious effort was made to apply it in practice.

– Ideologically, we achieved greater and more widespread training of cadres at various levels, aided by the systematic development of schools at different levels and on various topics, as well as other training spaces.

– We successfully held and developed the organization’s Congresses as democratic forums where the general line, the overall plan, and the National Directorate are defined, as well as the Plenary Sessions of the National Directorate.

– We achieved significant military developments, understanding that in warfare, there are advances and setbacks; it is never a linear process. There are moments of great progress, but also others of difficulties and setbacks, influenced by multiple external and internal factors. We also achieved, on several occasions, a good balance and complementarity between military activity and political needs.

– In general terms, we managed to address the financial needs for developing national plans and achieving the established goals using austerity measures.

– We established what we call War Fronts within the organizational structure. These fronts cover large regions and encompass the urban structures within them, the various guerrilla fronts, and the regular and irregular units directly attached to the overall command of the larger region—that is, the War Front Directorate. Within this structure, as at the national level, there is also a mass mobilization structure, a regional general staff, and an ideological department.

-In the cities, we moved from urban logistical support networks to proper urban structures, which, like their rural counterparts, carry out political and organizational work and military activity. They have their own leadership, no longer depending on a rural front, and like the rural fronts, are integrated into the War Front, along with the other structures.

-At the Fifth Congress, we formed a national mass leadership, which, like the General Staff and the Ideological Department, reports directly to the National Directorate and has its own structure.

-We created the International Front, giving concrete form to the principle of our internationalist identity, to interact with other revolutionaries and people who are friends of the revolutionary and/or socialist struggle around the world.

-The Third Congress of the ELN officially and unanimously decided to categorically disassociate itself from drug trafficking, and this decision has been ratified in subsequent congresses.

– Driven by political and ideological conviction and a love of unity, together with the leaders of the MIR-Patria Libre and the PRT, a historic merger took place, giving rise in 1987 to the Camilista Union ELN. Later, along with other insurgent forces, we joined the National Guerrilla Coordinating Committee and then the Simón Bolívar Coordinating Committee, in which the entire Colombian insurgency participated.

–We proposed to the country and to our adversary the “humanization of war,” and subsequently incorporated International Humanitarian Law into our domestic legislation, developing provisions concerning internal conflicts within countries.

–These political reflections led us, as with other guerrilla organizations, to establish spaces and dialogue tables with the governments in power, developing our own approach and conception of a “political solution,” including the participation of society and the necessary transformations.

– On the military front, in addition to the irregular guerrilla structures, we transitioned to the formation of regular Company and Battalion structures, without losing sight of the irregular nature of the strategic conception and its tactical application. We also moved from actions carried out by each War Front to national military campaigns.

– In 1986, we created the National Special Forces and Special Troops, which were integrated into the War Fronts.

MANUEL PÉREZ

Finally, knowing that Commander Manuel Pérez died in 1998, I would like to ask you about the role he played during those years of crisis and its overcoming?

The ELN carries within its political being the recognition of Commander-in-Chief Manuel Pérez Martínez for having exercised clear leadership both in the path to overcoming the crisis and in the developments achieved afterward. It is precisely because of his leadership and the role he played and continued to play that the First Congress assigned him political responsibility, which he exercised with exemplary integrity until his death in 1998.

He was a clear example in the various facets of the revolutionary cadre, and from there, his moral authority among other leaders and subordinates stemmed from this.

His leadership in achieving the first leadership events, from 1978 until the Third Congress, which he led, confirms his undeniable role as a leader and guide in the ELN.

If anyone in the ELN were looking for a prototype of an ELN cadre and militant, they would not hesitate to take Commander Manuel Pérez Martínez as their model.

By Aureliano Carbonell

Source: https://vocesenlucha.com/recorriendo-historia-eln-comandante-nicolas-rodriguez-ii/

Lies Against the ELN

Fraternal greetings to the people of Catatumbo and Northeastern Colombia.

The onslaught against Catatumbo and the application of the counterinsurgency doctrine by the Colombian State, guided by the United States, rests on three fundamental pillars for the obedient development of actions against the territory: paramilitarism, disinformation, and impunity. Weaving an alliance that operates militarily, they lie, manipulate, and cover up their actions to try to maintain a presence in the region.

Among the disinformation and media manipulation practices promoted by the Armed Forces and the Ministry of Defense, a strategy of fake news and staged events regarding anti-narcotics operations is being implemented, in which they seek to implicate the Northeastern War Front of the ELN.

In carrying out these fabricated media operations, they report each week on an alleged drug processing lab, which they immediately link to the ELN. Unable to prove these accusations, they resort to repeating the same lie over and over to create a sense of truth among the population. This is an old tactic employed by the Nazis in the mid-20th century. In all the news reports issued by the military, their announcements always remain mere “allegations” that are never objectively clarified.

Given the impossibility of a military defeat, the task that the US empire has entrusted to the Colombian government is to delegitimize the ELN. Thus, the President and the Minister of Defense direct the publication of fabricated stories, such as the alleged labs found in Bochalema, Bucarasica, El Zulia, Durania, and San Cayetano.

The foreign intelligence agencies, which manage and profit from this business, know perfectly well that we have no connection whatsoever with drug trafficking. However, they try to delegitimize our struggle and fabricate reasons for military intervention and the devastation of our territories. They may destroy all the cocaine processing labs, but since they don’t belong to the ELN and have nothing to do with them, the ELN will remain unaffected, as is already evident. It will all be seen as a lie repeated a thousand times.

The Northeastern War Front, Commander-in-Chief Manuel Pérez Martínez of the ELN, ratifies and reaffirms its categorical disassociation from drug trafficking. In this way, we deny any attempt to link us to drug labs, processing, or trafficking. We will continue defending our territory against the threats that seek to destroy it.

Colombia… for the workers!

Not one step back… Liberation or Death!

Northeastern War Front

Commander-in-Chief Manuel Pérez Martínez

Mountains of Northeastern Colombia

July 16, 2026

ELN: The Majority of Colombians Support Social Justice and Sovereignty

The outgoing government squandered the opportunity with the ELN to advance on the path to peace with social justice, with the active participation of society. It brazenly broke agreements and reverted to the old narrative of demobilization and disarmament, ultimately favoring both new and old paramilitarism and perpetuating counterinsurgency plans.

Today, we are going through a dark moment in Colombia’s history, with a new president who claims to be a follower of Donald Trump, the most sinister president the US has ever had. He insults and threatens to replicate in the country the atrocities and disasters perpetrated by his idol, in order to instill fear and paralyze free expression and citizen mobilization.

Of the 41 million Colombians eligible to vote, more than 15 million abstained, and nearly 13 million—almost the same number who voted for De la Espriella—reject the aggression, the plundering, and the subordination to a foreign power, as these are unacceptable policies for a democratic and sovereign nation.

As can be seen, many more than half of the voters aspire to a democratic and just country, one that overcomes the limitations of the outgoing government and will confront the right wing’s resistance to change.

Millions continue the struggle for a social order that grants dignity to the majority, a non-mafia-controlled economy that serves the people and does not destroy Mother Earth, a truly democratic political system, and a sovereign nation that relates to the rest of the world on equal terms. This is the peace with social justice for which the Colombian people will continue to fight.

On this 62nd anniversary of the ELN’s founding, we reaffirm that we are and will always be “Always with the People” and at their service, and we join the torrent of popular and democratic forces that will fight against the threats repeatedly issued by the president who will take office on August 7th.

We stand for a New Country and, to pave the way for peace, we call upon all social and political forces to build a National Agreement to guide the mobilization and the struggle to stop Trump’s infamous plans against Colombia, which the new president has announced he will implement. Peace is a strategic objective for the ELN, not as surrender or submission, but as the result of agreements between the warring parties.

Colombia… for the workers!

Not one step back… liberation or death!

National Directorate

National Liberation Army

Mountains of Colombia

July 4, 2026

Source: https://eln-voces.net/2026/07/06/la-mayoria-de-colombianos-estamos-por-justicia-social-y-soberania/

📣 News Digest #RDM in #NaturalScience Week 27, 2026!

Today with @FAIRmat, @punch4nfdi, @DAPHNE4NFDI, @nfdi4earth and @PSDI. Enjoy reading.

https://thefairelephant.com/news_digest_archive/news-digest-rdm-in-natural-science-week-27-2026/

#FAIRElephantNews #RDM #ELN #FAIR #ResearchDataManagement #DataLiteracy

📣 News Digest #RDM in #NaturalScience Week 27, 2026!

Today with @FAIRmat, @punch4nfdi, @DAPHNE4NFDI, @nfdi4earth and @PSDI. Enjoy reading.

https://thefairelephant.com/news_digest_archive/news-digest-rdm-in-natural-science-week-27-2026/

#FAIRElephantNews #RDM #ELN #FAIR #ResearchDataManagement #DataLiteracy

The Small Difference — ELN

Whoever denies his past will be someone without history, without community or territory, and will only have individualism as his future. This has happened with Donald Trump and Marco Rubio, both from immigrant families, but today furious enemies of those seeking a better future in the United States, a destiny that has been widely spread throughout the world, as “the American dream”, now a denied fantasy.

If we add to this the “spirit” of Hernán Cortés or Francisco Pizarro, we will be able to understand what is happening today. Without realizing it we went back to the past. Both ended up occupying other people’s territories, kidnapping and murdering “native rulers” 500 years ago, to the glory of the empire or the Spanish King and to the misfortune of the Amerindian peoples, who were plundered with blood and fire.

The “faith of Christ” was used then, today the “Western democracy”, but they still kill and loot. At the same time that the king or the empire is enriched, so is one’s own pocket. Once the First World War (1914-1918) ended with the League of Nations, predecessor of the UN, the foundations for peace and the reorganization of international relations were laid out, in whose efforts the then President of the United States Woodrow Wilson (1913-1921) worked.

Although Wilson was no ‘sweet expert’, he was a slaver to death and carried out any number of military interventions in other countries such as: Mexico, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, the Philippines, Nicaragua and Panama, among others. But also in China and Russia in support of the counterrevolution. Despite this resume, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1919. What is eloquent about this story is to point out that in this phase of his international policy, Wilson came to say that: the self-determination of nations was something more than a “simple expression.”

A “slaver slaver” recognizing self-determination, before the UN existed. Today, despite its existence and being contemplated in International Law, both Trump and Rubio are unaware of it and are in favor of the destruction of all institutions. This past week, Marco Rubio in a hearing before the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee lashed out against Cuba, his family’s country of origin: “The island continues to host a considerable amount of intelligence facilities, for the collection of information on behalf of China and Russia.” Could it be that the United States does not have spy facilities in Europe and all other continents to conspire against everyone?

By elementary political logic it is known and understood that with “what I do” I authorize “others to do the same”, that is the norm, even above the law. Rubio later points out: “In general terms, it is now a region full of allies of the United States, leaders sympathetic to the United States, and a favorable orientation toward the United States.” Then it becomes clear that it is about looking for allies, only that the United States can do it and the others cannot.

Like someone who says “the law of the funnel”, “I can and others can’t”, how nice. From what Rubio says, he doesn’t know the history or he is further back than the past itself. Wilson, despite being a “slave driver,” noted more than a century ago: “national aspirations must be respected. Nowadays people have no reason to accept more domination or government than comes from their own consent.” Could it be that Trump and Rubio know the story? They ‘give a five’.

Maybe we will have to wait a few years, maybe not many, and they will be recognized as what they are, the Cortés and Pizarro of the 21st century, with the difference that the bloodthirsty Spanish conquerors came from the old world to do atrocities to peoples strange to them; On the other hand, Trump and Rubio, being from immigrant families, pursue similar things in the United States, and from that strange country, they harm the rest of the world. It’s the small difference.

Antonio Garcie
Source: ELN

President Ajeno – ELN

Colombia frente a su viejo dilema: el mensaje de las urnas | vía #CIPERChile

https://www.ciperchile.cl/2026/06/23/colombia-frente-a-su-viejo-dilema-el-mensaje-de-las-urnas/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=colombia-frente-a-su-viejo-dilema-el-mensaje-de-las-urnas

#abelardodelaespriella #colombia #columna #eln #farc #gustavopetro #iváncepeda

📣 News Digest #RDM in #NaturalScience Week 25, 2026!

Today with #eLabFTW (@deltablot), @FAIRmat, [email protected], @nfdi4earth, @punch4nfdi and #RSpace. Enjoy reading.

https://thefairelephant.com/news_digest_archive/news-digest-rdm-in-natural-science-week-25-2026/

#FAIRElephantNews #RDM #FAIRdata #ELN #ResearchDataManagement

Lots of generalist ELNs "support chemistry". In practice that means merely displaying structures, while the actual work happens elsewhere. We took a different path: an open chemistry engine (Ketcher, OpenBabel, Indigo) that gives us and our community the agency to build real chemistry workflows, in the notebook and beyond.
https://www.researchspace.com/blog/chemistry-in-rspace

#OpenSource #Chemistry #ELN #RDM

Lots of generalist ELNs "support chemistry". In practice that means merely displaying structures, while the actual work happens elsewhere. We took a different path: an open chemistry engine (Ketcher, OpenBabel, Indigo) that gives us and our community the agency to build real chemistry workflows, in the notebook and beyond.
https://www.researchspace.com/blog/chemistry-in-rspace

#OpenSource #Chemistry #ELN #RDM

Tracing the History of the Colombian ELN: An Interview with Comandante Nicolás Rodríguez Bautista (Part I)

June 6, 2026

Nicolás Rodríguez is one of the founders of the National Liberation Army (ELN) in Colombia. He was part of the group of 17 comrades who undertook the so-called “first march” in 1964 and participated in the guerrilla seizure of the town of Simacota, Santander—an action that introduced the ELN to the country and the world. He served as the leader responsible for military operations from 1984 until 1998, when Commander Manuel Pérez died; Rodríguez then assumed the role of political leader and First Commander of the organization, a responsibility he held until 2021, when the Central Command accepted his resignation.

Given his background and experience, in this interview we asked him about the organization’s history and the ELN’s military operations during its early years.

STARTING OUT AS A GUERRILLA FORCE

Aureliano: What were the military activities and experiences like in those early years?

Nicolás: Between 1964—the year of our inception—and 1969, our military activity was driven by the need to ensure our development while avoiding blows that could annihilate us. At that time, we faced two major challenges: establishing a foothold and making ourselves known. Consequently, it was essential to plan our military actions and guerrilla life in a way that guaranteed a high probability of success.

Operations during that period were also influenced by the aim and necessity of seizing weapons from the enemy; at the time, we possessed none, nor did we have the funds to purchase them. We carried out numerous small-scale actions with that specific objective in mind.

In those days, we lived in deep clandestinity, which meant that support from the rural population was limited. Whenever the enemy discovered our location, they would launch major operations against us, during which military forces exerted intense pressure and intimidation on the civilian population through killings, disappearances, and imprisonments. For safety reasons, we never stayed inside the houses; contact with the local farmers took place outside, in secret and with every precaution observed.

Despite this, we suffered some very severe blows during those years.

The most significant and momentous event was the death in combat of the priest Camilo Torres on February 15, 1966. He was the most important grassroots leader in Colombia; his loss was a tremendous blow to us and to the Colombian people.

That same year, the army wiped out one of our guerrilla units—resulting in the deaths of nine comrades—in San Gilito (in the municipality of Simacota, Santander). Among the fallen were Miguel Pimienta Cotes, a student leader from the Industrial University of Santander, and two other students from the same university.

On March 9, 1967, we carried out a military action against the “payroll train” on the Atlantic Railway line. Six police officers were killed in the operation, and we seized their weapons. The event garnered significant media attention thanks to an extensive report—featuring live footage—published by the Mexican magazine *Sucesos*, which covered both the incident and the ELN. This footage was captured by Mexican journalist Mario Renato Menéndez and his photographer, Armando Salgado.

The enemy’s response was swift; they launched a massive operation against us that forced us to withdraw from the Opón River area in Santander.

SOCIAL UNREST DURING THOSE YEARS

What was the social situation like during those years?

At that time, the country was experiencing a climate of intense social unrest—much like the rest of Latin America—characterized by a major surge in grassroots struggles. That atmosphere, combined with the revolutionary fervor sparked across the continent by the Cuban Revolution, greatly helped us absorb those blows and continue our development. It was the presidency of Carlos Lleras Restrepo (1966–1970); that government’s promise regarding agrarian reform had not been fulfilled, and the Asociación Nacional de Usuarios campesinos—initially promoted by the government itself—was beginning to radicalize and distance itself from the administration, while putting into practice the slogan “land for those who work it” through land occupations. Public universities were hotbeds of revolutionary activity, and workers were also mounting significant protest actions.

Amidst this upsurge in popular struggles, leftist forces maintained a significant presence, and sectors of the intelligentsia sympathized with revolutionary ideas. The influence of Camilo Torres was palpable within student organizations, where support for the revolution and for the guerrilla groups emerging at the time—the FARC, the EPL, and the ELN—was clearly visible. Guerrilla groups were forming across the continent, and a crisis of governability was evident in many Latin American countries.

AFTER THE INITIAL YEARS OF ESTABLISHMENT

From what I understand, after ’69, significant developments were achieved, especially in the military sphere.

The boundaries between the previous period and the new one are imprecise in time; they are changing situations that appear without much fanfare, imperceptible at the time. It is only with time that they become visible, when we reconstruct, periodize, and theorize about history.

After ’69, with greater establishment and growth achieved, development made us less vulnerable to a devastating blow.

From ’70 to ’74 (during the government of Misael Pastrana), we managed to expand into new areas: Northeast Antioquia (Amalfi, Yali, Vegachi, El Bagre), southern Bolívar (San Pablo, Simití, Santa Rosa, Morales, Río Viejo), across the Magdalena River, to the Northeast, through Sabana de Torres, Rionegro-Santander, with a new Front, the Camilo Torres.

During those years (1969-1973), we achieved a more sustained military presence through small-scale operations that provided us with experience; these were years of continuous growth.

In early 1972, the municipality of San Pablo, in the Department of Bolívar, was captured. Subsequently, the column led by Manuel and Antonio Vásquez, which was moving west of the Cauca River in search of a settlement, carried out several successful, almost simultaneous military actions that had national significance: the guerrilla takeovers of the villages of Otú, El Tigre, and Santa Isabel in Remedios (Antioquia).

In April of that year, an ambush was carried out against the Army, resulting in the deaths of 7 soldiers. On September 14, in another region, San Vicente de Chucuri (Santander), another column under the command of Commander Luis José Solano Sepúlveda carried out an ambush in which 4 soldiers were killed, including Captain Rogelio Correa. A major and three soldiers were also wounded.

On January 24, 1973, after an ambush against the army in the village of La Viscaina, Barrancabermeja, Luis José Solano died in a senseless accident. On April 9 of that same year, the column he commanded carried out an ambush in the village of Guayabito, Cimitarra, Santander, where 6 soldiers were killed and three more were wounded.

At that time, the ELN’s rural guerrilla force was divided into three columns: one operating in San Vicente (Santander), where Commander Luis J. Solano had recently been killed; another in southern Bolívar, led by Commander Fabio Vásquez; and the third in northeastern Antioquia, commanded by Commanders Manuel and Antonio Vásquez.

In late 1973 or early 1974, three prominent Medellín businessmen, Ángel Villa and the Mora de la Hoz brothers, were kidnapped. This represented a significant financial windfall, which until then had been scarce for us.

IN THE CITIES

What was the urban situation like during those years?

In 1972, most of the urban network, more than 150 comrades, were captured after Commander Fabio’s backpack was found near the “La Inanea” ravine in the Department of Bolívar, following a battle in June of that year. The backpack contained detailed records and information on the comrades who comprised the network.

THE COUNTRY AT THAT TIME

What was the country like during those years?

It was the government of Misael Pastrana Borrero (1970-1974), and the mass movement continued to grow. During those years, there were significant mobilizations of workers, including those of oil workers with the USO (Workers’ Union), as well as student mobilizations. There was also a major surge in land occupations by the peasant movement, organized through the Asociación Nacional de Usuarios Campesinos (ANUC), under the slogan “land for those who work it.”

In the Latin American context, the struggle of the people also continued to grow, and various guerrilla groups persisted and emerged across the continent, including those in the Southern Cone and Central America. We remember the Tupamaros, the PRT-ERP, the Montoneros, and others.

THE CRISIS. THE YEAR OF MOURNING

Then came what has been called the crisis. What does that mean?

1973-74 were years of mourning for us. On January 24, 1973, Commander Luis José Solano Sepúlveda, a comrade among the most prominent figures in the early days of the ELN, died in an accident involving explosives. He was a man of conviction, with guerrilla experience and military capabilities. He came from the Liberal guerrillas of Rangel in Santander, which were formed in the 1950s after the assassination of Gaitán.

We had already suffered a major blow because at the end of 1972, a large number of our urban comrades were arrested when Commander Fabio’s backpack fell into enemy hands during a losing battle in the Inanea ravine of Santa Rosa del Sur in Bolívar state. There, the enemy found a notebook containing information about the urban structures.

In September 1973, the enemy launched its largest encirclement of the ELN, “Operation Anorí,” during which the column of Commanders Manuel and Antonio Vásquez, comprised of approximately 100 guerrillas, was annihilated. Manuel and Antonio fell in combat on October 18 of that year.

In November, after deserting, Ricardo Lara Parada, who had been second-in-command of the ELN, was arrested by the Army.

At the beginning of 1974, as part of the same Operation Anorí, Isidro fell in the Middle Magdalena region. He was the commander of a guerrilla column and had become a rural guerrilla in 1965 after training in communications in Cuba. He was a young man from a working-class background in Bogotá.

Likewise, on February 20 of that same year, 1974, we suffered a very hard blow when Father Domingo Laín died in combat in El Bagre (Antioquia). In the middle of that same year, Jaime Andrade Sosa, a prominent guerrilla fighter, member of the urban leadership, and student leader at the UIS (Industrial University of Santander), was killed.

In July, at the so-called Anacoreto Ravine Assembly in northeastern Antioquia, under the command of Commander Fabio, three comrades from the urban network, known as Los Bertulfos, were executed.

At the end of that year, Commander Fabio Vásquez left for Cuba in poor health.

THE ONGOING CRISIS

All of the above foreshadows and reveals what is known within the organization as the years of crisis. What was this crisis like?

These events I have mentioned, and others, expressed a situation of crisis, but among us there was no awareness of its true origins, and it was attributed to personal failings or errors.

Recognizing that these problems were political deviations or errors in ideological and political conception was the process of the crisis, and acknowledging and accepting it was what we defined as the crisis and its overcoming.

The situation couldn’t have been more complicated. The crisis emerged and erupted with full force, and the ELN at that time had no leadership, because by then the command was held by a single individual, and Commander Fabio was in Cuba with serious health problems.

When he left for Cuba, he put me in charge of coordinating the Organization’s activities and sending him detailed reports so that he could formulate the guidelines, and that’s what we did.

In 1975, an internal political upheaval shook us all.

A group of nearly 20 comrades, from urban backgrounds and recently joining the rural guerrilla movement, argued that the ELN required such a profound restructuring that it was necessary to dismantle the rural guerrilla movement in the countryside, integrate its members into mass mobilization, and launch a major political movement that, through its development, would give rise to new guerrilla structures in both urban and rural areas, rooted in the masses.

Since this proposal did not reflect the majority sentiment within the ELN, the comrades left the countryside and returned to the city, where their internal debates led to their fragmentation without achieving a cohesive revolutionary project.

Between their presenting their positions and their return to the city, there was almost a year of intense political discussions, engaging and heated debates that brought together tensions with identities and differences, which I would summarize as follows:

New proposals highlighting identities and differences:

1- It is essential to replace our status as an army and, therefore, the vertical and single-person leadership.

Accordingly, we must define our character as a political organization and elect a collective leadership through a democratic process. Until this is achieved, the current leadership is dissolved and suspended.

Consequently, any decision will be made by majority vote in a permanent assembly, which we will maintain from this moment forward.

This approach was shared by all, indicating that this was the direction we should take, but it was a process that required collaboration with our comrades in both the rural and urban guerrilla movements, because for only one faction to assume this responsibility was premature and arbitrary.

While several comrades from the Reassessment group agreed that the solution should be a process, others were adamant that everything should happen at once, and having everyone within a single structure created internal tension.

In the ongoing discussions, the distinction between the Official Sector and the Reassessment Sector was adopted to formally record our identities and differences.

2- We are outside and disconnected from the mass movement. It is necessary to connect with this movement, and this requires disbanding the guerrilla groups and integrating them into the movement.

While agreeing with the above, the official sector believes that, as with everything before, this was a process, and they did not support disbanding the rural structures. Instead, they believed that the urban structures should be integrated into the urban mass movement, and that the rural guerrilla groups should be required to carry out mass mobilization work in the areas where they operate.

3- The Reassertion faction believes that Fabio Vásquez should be expelled from the ELN because he has caused serious harm to the ELN’s internal affairs by committing crimes that must be punished.

The official faction believes that Fabio should be informed of the internal discussions and that, until an ELN assembly defines his situation, we cannot take the measures proposed by the Reassertion faction.

As time passed, tensions increased, and the internal dynamics became more difficult because the more radical members of the Reassertion faction implemented practices of permanent assembly and disregarded directives, including those related to guard duty, schedules, and other daily operations. Even though not all members of the Reassertion faction were involved, the situation heightened tensions and negatively impacted the overall atmosphere.

To worsen the situation, an enemy operation began to penetrate the area where we were located.

I met with the three highest-ranking and most authoritative members of the Reassessment group and explained to them that the enemy’s actions, combined with the internal situation, presented a very delicate reality given the imminence of combat.

We agreed that the best course of action was for the Reassessment members to return to the city, with the aim of continuing discussions with the Organization.

Fortunately, they all left for the city without incident.

Unfortunately, soon, amidst their debates and contradictions, the Reassessment group as a structure dispersed.

Two of their members, a general commander and a mid-level commander, later joined the ELN.

The debates initiated with the Reassessment group continued within the Organization, and virtually all of the fundamental points later became cornerstones of our development.

To be continued…

By Aureliano Carbonell

Source: https://vocesenlucha.com/historia-del-eln-comandante-nicolas-i/

📣 News Digest #RDM in #NaturalScience Week 23, 2026!

Today with @FAIRmat, @NFDI4Cat, @NFDI4Chem and @nfdi4earth. Enjoy reading.

https://thefairelephant.com/news_digest_archive/news-digest-rdm-in-natural-science-weeks-23-2026/

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📣 News Digest #RDM in #NaturalScience Week 23, 2026!

Today with @FAIRmat, @NFDI4Cat, @NFDI4Chem and @nfdi4earth. Enjoy reading.

https://thefairelephant.com/news_digest_archive/news-digest-rdm-in-natural-science-weeks-23-2026/

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In our latest blog post, a biochemistry PhD shares how RSpace templates and forms improved their research documentation through structured entries, faster documentation, searchable records across 3 years of PhD work.

Their templates are now available in a new community template repository along with other examples for documents, inventory items and vocabularies for use in real research workflows.

https://www.researchspace.com/blog/rspace-templates-and-forms

#ELN #ResearchDataManagement #Templates

📣 News Digest #RDM in #NaturalScience Weeks 21 & 22, 2026!

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https://thefairelephant.com/news_digest_archive/news-digest-rdm-in-natural-science-weeks-21-22-2026/

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📣 News Digest #RDM in #NaturalScience Weeks 21 & 22, 2026!

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Colombia: reportan masacre de seis personas en Norte de Santander

https://web.brid.gy/r/https://www.telesurtv.net/colombia-masacre-norte-santander/

📣 News Digest #RDM in #NaturalScience Week 20, 2026!

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📣 News Digest #RDM in #NaturalScience Week 20, 2026!

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🟢 MilitaryOperation | 7/10
🇨🇴

Colombia conducts operation against ELN in Catatumbo
Colombian security forces carried out an aerial and ground assault operation in Tibú targeting the ELN's Central Command security structure operating in the Catatumbo region near the Venezuelan border. The operation dismantled a key ELN unit responsible for protecting and transporting senior commanders.

#OSINT #NewsGroup #Colombia #ELN #Counterterrorism

📣 News Digest #RDM in #NaturalScience Week 18, 2026!

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https://thefairelephant.com/news_digest_archive/news-digest-rdm-in-natural-science-week-18-2026/

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