#yesallwomen — Public Fediverse posts

It's always "not all men" until it happens and suddenly she is being asked why she didn't use 23453 prevention measures just in case.

#notallmen #hypocrisy #yesallwomen #toomanymen

Journalism’s Role in Moral Narratives and Synopsis of Clergy-Related Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/26

I recently addressed a Croatian Christian association via a virtual conference on clergy-related abuse, emphasizing journalism’s essential role as a watchdog in exposing institutional misconduct. I argued that victims should be the primary voices, institutions secondary, with journalists facilitating balanced narratives. I urged acknowledgment of abuse without condemning entire denominations, advocating evidence-based investigations, interfaith dialogue, and robust reforms to protect victims and faith integrity.

Citing historical scandals and cultural movements as context, I stressed that transparency and accountability are imperative. This speech, along with the rest of the conference, will be shared with the Ecumenical Patriarch, EU Parliament, Roman Catholic Church, UN in Geneva, UNICEF, World Council, World Council of Churches, World Health Organization, and other major institutions, ensuring accountability and healing universally.

Below is the transcript of my comments.

Journalism is, first and foremost, a human enterprise. It’s built on human observation, written for human consumption, and concerns human enterprises. Just democracies, fair societies, accountable power, and the like require journalists as critical watchdogs to bring otherwise hidden stories to the forefront. Clergy-related abuse is a complex and subtle issue with blunt outcomes.

The primary voices of clergy-related abuse should be the victim who can give indications of patterns and see firsthand weaknesses in institutions that have misbehaved, abused, and often told lies or merely partial, softened truths about it. The secondary voices are everyone else in the institutional setup leading to the abuse in the system in the first place. Religious institutions have a minority of persons in positions of authority, unfortunately, who have abused. Journalists are a tertiary voice around these two.

The role of journalists is working with victims, with the majority of clergy who have not abused, and other researchers, to gather the narratives and collate those to get the wider scope of the patterns of the minority of clergy who have abused. People take the accountability problem seriously, as it’s bad for the victims, bad for the laity, bad for the image and authority of the clergy, and, essentially, bad for the representation of the faith. If you care about the future of Orthodoxy, then you care about this as an issue relevant to the integrity of the faith.

So, I wanted to take these few minutes to recognize the substantial problem before us, for a few reasons. Some factors played into the situation in which we find ourselves. First and foremost, the crimes of a select number of clergy. Second, these crimes went institutionally unchecked for many, many years in the largest denominations of Christianity–almost as a prelude to the broader cultural movements witnessed in many Western democratic societies.

Third, a tendency to reject the claims of victims when the prevailing evidence presents the vast majority of reported cases in the extreme cases of misconduct, i.e., rape, are evidentiarily supportable. False allegations happen, but these are a small minority and should not represent a false dichotomy of support. Institutions should establish robust processes to investigate all claims, addressing false allegations decisively while preserving trust in genuine victims.

Fourth, there is a diversification of the faith landscape of many Western cultures, particularly with the rise of non-religious communities and subsequent ways of life. One result is positive: Citizens clearly are more free than not to believe and practice as they wish. One negative result is the over-reach in non-religious commentary stereotyping churches as hotbeds of abuse, which creates problems–let alone being false. It doesn’t solve the problem while misrepresenting the scope of it. It makes the work of the majority of clergy to create robust institutions of accountability for the minority of abusers more difficult and onerous. It’s comprehensively counterproductive.

If we want to reduce the incidence and, ideally, eliminate clergy-related abuse, we should first acknowledge some clergy abuse without misrepresenting the clergy of any Christian denomination as a universal acid on the dignity of those who wish to practice the Christian faith. It’s a disservice to interbelief efforts, makes the non-religious look idiotic and callous, and blankets every clergy with the crimes of every one of their seminarian brothers and occasional sister in Christ.

For the second, we should work on a newer narrative context for the wider story, see the partial successes of wider cultural movements, and inform of unfortunate trends in and out of churches for balance. For the third, we simply need to reorient incorrect instinctual reactions against individuals coming forward with claims as the problem rather than investigations as an appropriate response, maintaining the reputation of the accused and accuser while having robust mechanisms for justice in either case.

For the fourth, some in the non-religious communities, who see themselves as grounded in Reason and Compassion alongside Evidence, should consider the reasoning in broad-based accusation and consider with compassion the impacts on individuals in faith communities with the authority who are working hard to build institutions capable of evidence-based justice on one of the most inflammatory and sensitive types of abuse. Interfaith dialogue can be slow, quiet, but comprehensive and robust in the long-term–more effective and aligned with both the ideals of Christ or Reason, Compassion, and Evidence.

To these four contexts, journalists can provide a unifying conduit to the public in democratic societies to discuss the meaning of justice in the context of the Christian faith living in democratic, pluralistic societies. We cannot ‘solve’ the past errors, but can provide a modicum of justice for victims and create a future in which incidents are tamped to zero for a new foundation to be laid. Then ‘upon that rock,’ we do not have repeats in the Church as we have witnessed in other contexts discussed over the last few decades:

1991 – Tailhook Scandal (U.S. military sexual harassment scandal)
2012 – Invisible War documentary (exposing military sexual assault)
2014 – #YesAllWomen (response to the Isla Vista killings)
2017 – Australia’s Royal Commission Report (child sexual abuse in institutions)
2017 – #MuteRKelly (boycott of R. Kelly over sexual abuse allegations)
2018 – #MeTooBollywood (Bollywood’s reckoning with sexual misconduct)
2018 – #MeTooPublishing (exposing sexual harassment in the literary world)
2018 – #WhyIDidntReport (response to Brett Kavanaugh hearings)
2019 – Southern Baptist Convention Abuse Scandal (Houston Chronicle exposé)
2019 – K-Pop’s #BurningSun (sex trafficking and police corruption scandal)
2020 – #IAmVanessaGuillen (military abuse and murder case)
2021 – #FreeBritney (exposing exploitation and control of female artists)
2021 – Haredi Jewish Communities’ Abuse Cases (journalistic investigations by Shana Aaronson & Hella Winston)
2002-Present – Catholic Church Sexual Abuse Crisis (Boston Globe’s Spotlight investigation)
2017-Present – #MexeuComUmaMexeuComTodas (Brazil’s movement against misogyny in media and politics)
2020-Present – #MeTooGymnastics (Larry Nassar’s abuse in U.S. gymnastics)
2020-Present – #SayHerName (Black women and LGBTQ+ victims of police violence)
2021-Present – #MeTooIncest (focus on childhood sexual abuse within families)

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.  In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: [email protected]. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

#BurningSun #FreeBritney #IAmVanessaGuillen #MeTooBollywood #MeTooGymnastics #MeTooIncest #MeTooPublishing #MexeuComUmaMexeuComTodas #MuteRKelly #SayHerName #WhyIDidntReport #YesAllWomen

@sickburnbro Loses a lot of credibility by claiming Dick Cheney was such an important figure, and the claim Diem was a Leftist and thus supported by the CIA needs examination.

Here's the full text of the Xweet and a link to it; the bit of the thread he included was about a 1992 book showing "gay race communism" was a bit thing by then, which I can corroborate:

Zero HP Lovecraft @0x49fa98

The whole thread is good, and it's good to be aware these things were always around.

With a little sleuthing, we can find traces of the philosophy we now call gay race communism even in 19th century texts, but this game of genealogical one-upmanship should be recognized as a mere pissing contest.

"The problem starts with such and such"

"No, you fool, I have seen deeper than you, the problem starts with this thing that predates such and such"

And if we play this game long enough we end up with the serpent in the Garden of Eden.

As the woke love to explain, gay race communism is a tendency that has always been present in humanity, and in fact it is older than patriarchy, science, western civilization, and so on.

It is something that most peoples and races on earth never evolved out of. Much like indoor plumbing and eating with forks, patriarchy, science, and civilization are western inventions and they are as perplexing to brown people as linear algebra is to my beloved pet cat.

But there are also many westerners who are enamored with gay race communism, and most of them are women, but there are plenty of men, too.

2014 was an inflection point for gay race communism. It wasn't the beginning and we should not allow liberals to pretend that everything was fine or that GRC sprang up out of the ether in 2014 and it was no one's fault, like a meteor or a hurricane.

Something big changed in in the first half of the 2010s, so I am going to present here an account of it, condensed and excerpted from @0xAlaric's book schizoposting, which you can read for free. Alaric focuses on 2014 as the beginning of our present gender war, but notes that over time, it morphed into a fixation on racial grievances.

What has been missing thus far from the conversation on DEI as an exclusionary pressure against white men is that it has been more focused on race than sex, in part because this allows white men to gain some sympathy-by-proximity to white women, who have not been excluded at all.

Woke is something that women, empowered by democracy and their ability to maneuver and manipulate in ambiguous social environments, did to men. Any individual man might be against it, but collectively, we all play our little role in society and mostly follow the rules, even when those rules are directly harmful to us personally.

As Vaclav Havel wrote of the Soviet Union, each member of a communist society is both the inmate and the jailer. It is likewise with gay race communism. That's why you should go easy on the boomers; they are captives of the leviathan in the same way that we are, and unlike us younger generations, they weren't even able to lurk in the shadows of social media and find dissident opinions. They were utterly raped by the TV.

The Guardian described 2014 as “a year of feminist insurrection against male violence.” Time called it “the best year for women since the dawn of time.” The events of that year included dozens of wildly- popular feminist hashtag campaigns, an overhaul of US federal legislation on campus rape, WEF and UN reports on global gender inequality, billions of dollars spent on girl-power PR stunts, uncountable headlines of “first woman to...”—and GamerGate.

Both traditional and social media engaged in a full-court press against male chauvinism and violence. The once-niche morality of Tumblr and Buzzfeed became national discourse. Anti-male sentiment became the most pervasive cultural force in the Western world, launching countless cultural products and policies, backed by trillions of dollars in investment.

This revolution in thought was a top-down endeavor masquerading as a grassroots movement. We now recognize Wokeness as being about race and transexuxualism, but the 2014 Revolution began as a distinctly feminist and internationalist movement. (And its contemporary fixation on palestine suggests that the internationalism has come back around.)

At the time, Women’s rights in the non-Western world occupied were a topic of national fixation. Third-world rape, wife-beating, hijab laws, street harassment, and the right of women to seek education, drive, etc. were major topics of conversation. Figures like Malala Yousafzai and Masih Alinejad gained visibility as figureheads of the feminist movement, fighting for basic rights in Middle Eastern countries—coincidentally, of course, countries in which the United States had a significant interest in projecting soft power.

Outside of the Western world, it was apparent that the “feminist reckoning” of 2014 was an outgrowth of the US foreign policy and intelligence. A critical legal innovation made this possible: the Smith-Mundt Act of 1948 had prohibited the domestic dissemination of programming (propaganda) by the State Department, but the 2012 Smith-Mundt Modernization Act (incorporated into larger legislative bundle and passed in 2013) removed this provision.

Following Alinejad’s “My Stealthy Freedom” social media campaign against hijab laws, Iranian media immediately responded by accusing her of foreign funding. It is debatable if she was being paid at the time—but undeniable that in 2015 she began collecting $81,000 a year from the US Agency for Global Media (USAGM). The many thousands of funding programs dedicated to promoting international feminism ranged from the mundane to the absurd, e.g. In 2015 an NGO projected Duchamp’s Fountain to a room of befuddled Afghan women.

Domestically, we were inundated with media events about rape and violence against women. The White House Task Force to Protect Students from Sexual Assault redefined consent as “affirmative consent,” meant to address the “rape culture” of college campuses. Online PR stunts like “10 Hours of Walking in NYC as a Woman” coalesced with trends like #YesAllWomen, making street harassment a centerpiece of American social consciousness, particularly online. You may remember campaigns against “manspreading,” “mansplaining,” the “phallocentrism” of skyscrapers.

As demonstrated by the Department of Government Efficiency’s 2025 investigation of USAID, this sort of propaganda has been funded and managed by the US foreign policy establishment. Boundary-pushing left-feminist propaganda married the goals of two interrelated factions: leftist ideologues (who have been present in those agencies since the end of WWII) lifetime bureaucrats aiming to expand USG power both internationally and domestically.

Attacking the lack of women’s rights in the Middle East gave moral justification for the expansion of US soft-power groups into those regions. This angle had the potential to meet vast public support. In order to entrench these efforts as beyond reproach and secure more aggressive funding, a global fixation on neo-feminism would be injected via media—and, critically, the burgeoning battlespace of social media.

This goal was spread between official government outlets—the State Department, various UN committees, executive branch task forces, etc.—and what Mike Benz calls the Blob: the thousands of NGOs closely or loosely affiliated with the American intelligence/foreign relations apparatus, as well as major social media firms. The template and techniques of a foreign color revolution were employed domestically. Media blitzes combined with social media censorship were able to shape the narrative toward desired ends.

The US intelligence community has been plagued since the Cold War by a particular story—a narrative arc which has repeated itself at least a dozen times. A guerilla group in a foreign country is funded and trained by the CIA or military.

When its usefulness passes, it is cut off and abandoned, leaving a group of armed and trained militants to wander without direction in a broken country. Some years later, that group resurfaces—this time firing rockets at American soldiers, or engaging in economic sabotage, or selling drugs, or leasing equipment to enemies of the United States. This blowback has largely defined US intelligence operations since the end of the Second World War.

(It is also notable that the CIA, despite public perceptions, has acted as a meaningfully left-wing organization since at least the 1960s, despite its supposed anticommunism during the Cold War. See support of Ho Chi Minh, Diem, Bourguiba, and Brandt, opposition to Tshombe, and distant neutrality toward Pinochet. See also Frances Stonor Saunders’ Who Paid the Piper?, a.k.a. The Cultural Cold War (1999).)

The targeted Implantation of the gender war presents a parallel to this story. Its genesis in 2014 under Obama was expected to precipitate a two-term Hillary Clinton presidency, with the election of the first female President serving as the 2014 Revolution’s crowning moment.

The clean transition from Bush to Obama to Hillary would have cemented total, generational control of the US government by the security apparatus conceptualized and implemented by Dick Cheney, and security state-power vanguard figures like J. Edgar Hoover before him.

However, Trump’s upset victory in 2016 sent shockwaves through the entire group—which he called the Deep State. That first term was characterized by Trump’s inability to wrest the Executive Branch under control, as the most militant wings of the Blob mobilized fully against anything Trump-adjacent.

Thus the initial objectives of the gender war and other leftist propaganda were turned inward, focused near-entirely on disrupting American culture and cultural norms.

The fixation on anti-male media expanded and spiraled into further derangement, as if to say: "the future will be female—we will make it so."

https://x.com/0x49fa98/status/2002009457090256961

Women will literally not even
#YesAllWomen

#GirlsJustWannaHaveLunch
#YesAllWomen

Addressing Clergy Abuse: Reform and Interfaith Accountability

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Humanists International

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/04/07

I addressed a Croatian Christian association via virtual conference on clergy-related abuse, emphasizing journalism’s essential role as a watchdog exposing institutional misconduct. I argued that victims should be the primary voices, institutions secondary, with journalists facilitating balanced narratives. I urged acknowledgment of abuse without condemning entire denominations, advocating evidence-based investigations, interfaith dialogue, and robust reforms to protect victims and faith integrity. Citing historical scandals and cultural movements as context, I stressed that transparency and accountability are imperative. This speech within the context of the entirety of the conference will be shared with the Ecumenical Patriarch, EU Parliament, Roman Catholic Church, UN in Geneva, UNICEF, World Council of Churches, World Health Organization, and other major institutions, ensuring accountability and healing universally.

Journalism, first and foremost, is a human enterprise. It’s built on human observation, written for human consumption, and, primarily, concerns human enterprises. Just democracies, fair societies, accountable power, and the like, require journalists as critical watchdogs to bring otherwise hidden stories to the forefront. Clergy-related abuse is a complex and subtle issue with blunt outputs.

The primary voices of clergy-related abuse should be the victim who can give indications of patterns and see firsthand weaknesses in institutions that have misbehaved, abuse, and, often told lies or merely partial, softened truths about it. The secondary voices are everyone else in the institutional setup leading to the abuse in the system in the first place. Religious institutions have a minority of persons in positions of authority, unfortunately, who have abused. Journalists are a tertiary voice around these two.

The role of journalists is working with victims, with the majority of clergy who have not abused, and other researchers, to gather the narratives and collate those to get the wider scope of the patterns of the minority of clergy who have abused. People take the accountability problem seriously, as it’s bad for the victims, bad for the laity, bad for the image and authority of the clergy, and, essentially, bad for the representation of the faith. If you care about the future of Orthodoxy, then you care about this as an issue relevant to the integrity of the faith.

So, I wanted to take these few minutes to recognize the substantial problem before us, for a few reasons. Some factors played into the situation in which we find ourselves. First and foremost, the crimes of a select number of clergy. Second, these crimes went institutionally unchecked for many, many years in the largest denominations of Christianity–almost as a prelude to the broader cultural movements witnessed in many Western democratic societies.

Third, a tendency to reject the claims of victims when the prevailing evidence presents the vast majority of reported cases in the extreme cases of misconduct, i.e., rape, as evidentiarily supportable. False allegations happen, but these are a small minority and should not represent a false dichotomy of support. Institutions should establish robust processes to investigate all claims, addressing false allegations decisively while preserving trust in genuine victims.

Fourth, the diversification of the faith landscape of many Western cultures, particularly with the rise of non-religious communities and subsequent ways of life. One result is positive: Citizens clearly are more free than not to believe and practice as they wish. One negative result, the over-reach in non-religious commentary stereotyping churches as hotbeds of abuse, which creates problems–let alone being false. It doesn’t solve the problem, while misrepresenting the scope of it. It makes the work of the majority of clergy to create robust institutions of accountability for the minority of abusers more difficult and onerous. It’s comprehensively counterproductive.

If we want to reduce the incidence and, ideally, eliminate clergy-related abuse, for the first, we should acknowledge some clergy abuse without misrepresenting The Clergy of any Christian denomination as a universal acid on the dignity of those who wish to practice the Christian faith. It’s a disservice to interbelief efforts, makes the non-religious look idiotic and callous, and blankets every clergy with the crimes of every one of their seminarian brothers, and occasional sister, in Christ.

For the second, we should work on a newer narrative context for the wider story, see the partial successes of wider cultural movements, and inform of unfortunate trends in and out of churches for balance. For the third, we simply need to reorient incorrect instinctual reactions against individuals coming forward with claims as the problem rather than investigations as an appropriate response, maintaining reputation of accused and accuser, while having robust mechanisms for justice in either case. For the fourth, some in the non-religious communities, who see themselves as grounded in Reason and Compassion alongside Evidence, should consider the reasoning in broad-based accusation and consider with compassion the impacts on individuals in faith communities with the authority who are working hard to build institutions capable of evidence-based justice on one of the most inflammatory and sensitive types of abuse. Interfaith dialogue can be slow, quiet, but comprehensive and robust in the long-term–more effective and aligned with both the ideals of Christ or Reason, Compassion, and Evidence.

To these four contexts, journalists can provide a unifying conduit to the public in democratic societies to discuss the meaning of justice in the context of the Christian faith living in democratic, pluralistic societies. We cannot ‘solve’ the past errors, but can provide a modicum of justice for victims and create a future in which incidents are tamped to zero for a new foundation to be laid. Then ‘upon that rock,’ we do not have repeats in the Church as we have witnessed in other contexts discussed over the last few decades:

1991 – Tailhook Scandal (U.S. military sexual harassment scandal)

2012 – “Invisible War” documentary (exposing military sexual assault)

2014 – #YesAllWomen (response to the Isla Vista killings)

2017 – Australia’s Royal Commission Report (child sexual abuse in institutions)

2017 – #MuteRKelly (boycott of R. Kelly over sexual abuse allegations)

2018 – #MeTooBollywood (Bollywood’s reckoning with sexual misconduct)

2018 – #MeTooPublishing (exposing sexual harassment in the literary world)

2018 – #WhyIDidntReport (response to Brett Kavanaugh hearings)

2019 – Southern Baptist Convention Abuse Scandal (Houston Chronicle exposé)

2019 – K-Pop’s #BurningSun (sex trafficking and police corruption scandal)

2020 – #IAmVanessaGuillen (military abuse and murder case)

2021 – #FreeBritney (exposing exploitation and control of female artists)

2021 – Haredi Jewish Communities’ Abuse Cases (journalistic investigations by Shana Aaronson & Hella Winston)

2002-Present – Catholic Church Sexual Abuse Crisis (Boston Globe‘s Spotlight investigation)

2017-Present – #MexeuComUmaMexeuComTodas (Brazil’s movement against misogyny in media and politics)

2020-Present – #MeTooGymnastics (Larry Nassar’s abuse in U.S. gymnastics)

2020-Present – #SayHerName (Black women and LGBTQ+ victims of police violence)

2021-Present – #MeTooIncest (focus on childhood sexual abuse within families)

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices. In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: [email protected]. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

#BurningSun #FreeBritney #IAmVanessaGuillen #MeTooBollywood #MeTooGymnastics #MeTooIncest #MeTooPublishing #MexeuComUmaMexeuComTodas #MuteRKelly #SayHerName #WhyIDidntReport #YesAllWomen

The power of social media activism in the #YesAllWomen Movement
https://rdcu.be/eHyuO

New Groundbreaking #Study:
#Women don't want nice, funny, or rich guys.
We want jacked #centaurs.
All you boring old human men out there, just give up, you and your tiny wrists will never be able to compete with the jacked centaur your would-be-wife is just waiting to come and sweep her off her feet.

Was there ever any doubt?

https://theonion.com/poll-finds-most-desirable-quality-in-romantic-partner-is-being-jacked-centaur/

#dating #science #YesAllWomen #news

基进女权：男的做了〇〇恶劣行径。为什么其他男性不肯站出来与这种人/这种行为割席？
incel： #NotAllMan
基进女权：啊啊啊啊啊啊他们怎么敢用割席给自己辩护！ #YESALLWOMEN ！！！

Bizar eigenlijk, maar jonge vrouwen zijn altijd op hun hoede om zich de enge mannen van het lijf te houden

https://www.nrc.nl/nieuws/2024/12/16/elke-vrouw-die-je-kent-is-weleens-bang-naar-huis-gelopen-elke-vrouw-die-je-kent-a4876853.

"Mannen zijn vaak wel beledigd als ik dit soort columns schrijf. Ze reageren dan met een: „Ik doe dit niet, ik voel me niet aangesproken!” Daar is zelfs een hashtag voor: #NotAllMen. Klopt, maar er is ook de hashtag #yesallwomen"

(https://archive.ph/Erdqx)

Happy Women's Day! 2024 speech by Cyril Ramaphosa.

#HappyWomensDay #WomensDay #Equality #EqualityCantWait #GenerationEquality #GenderEquality #GenderParity #WomensRights #HeForShe #WomenEmpowerment #WomenSupportingWomen #WomenMeanBusiness #Entrepreneuse #GirlPower #Feminism #YesAllWomen #WomensDay2024 #WomensMonth2024 #30YearsofDemocracy #EnoughIsEnough #EndGBFV #Femicide #GBV #gENDerbased #violence #StopViolenceAgainstWomen #EndVAW #EndGBV #StopGBV…

https://trulyjuly.wordpress.com/2024/08/09/happy-womens-day-2024-speech-by-cyril-ramaphosa/

I keep starting shows thinking they’ll be fun, slice-of-life dramas about female friendship, and they keep turning into murder mysteries? #yesallwomen?

A sobering #truecrime story. #uniqueharris #violenceagainstwomen #yesallwomen https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/2023/08/09/unique-harris-case/

Seems like I’m just going to have to keep tooting the random shit men yell at me. #YesAllWomen I am in the parking lot of a Home Depot in suburban Philadelphia, wiping down the windows of my Subaru Outback with glass cleaner. Two individual men yelled while walking by “hey do mine next” I said “no” the second one said, “do you do trucks too?” “Fuck off” he laughed. Anyway this is what I’m wearing.

Bartender cleverly slips a note to save woman from a creep 'aggressively hitting on' her https://flip.it/wTlBs3 #YesAllWomen

#yesallwomen