Live and recent posts from across the Fediverse tagged #socialmovements, aggregated by home.social.
📖 Leonardo Aboim Pires e Gil Gonçalves assinam o artigo "“Os baldios são do povo!”: propriedade comunitária e movimentos sociais em Trás-os-Montes (1974-1979)", que "analisa as formas de ação coletiva que sustentaram a luta pela restituição dos baldios, a emergência de movimentos sociais locais e a capacidade de mobilização das comunidades envolvidas" no Nordeste português.
🔓 Para ler em #AcessoAberto: https://doi.org/10.4000/15jr8
#Histodons #OpenAccess #RuralHistory #SocialMovements #Baldios
New York Has the Infrastructure to Keep Food Affordable and Local. It Just Needs Investment. | Nonprofit Quarterly https://www.diningandcooking.com/us/38664/ #ClimateJustice #CooperativesAndEmployeeOwnership #FoodJustice #NewYork #NewYorkFood #SocialMovements
Building the Confront Carney’s CEO Summit Protest
- bssproj
https://socialistproject.ca/2026/09/building-the-confront-carneys-ceo-summit-protest/
#SocialMovements
Rally and March for Migrant Justice
- bssproj
https://socialistproject.ca/leftstreamed-video/rally-and-march-for-migrant-justice/
#AntiRacism #SocialMovements
Naomi, We Were Doing It Wrong
By Cliff Potts, CSO, and Editor-in-Chief of WPS News
Baybay City, Leyte, Philippines — September 27, 2026
Naomi Klein was not the enemy of Occupy.
She was one of the people trying to help.
That matters, and it needs to be said up front, because too much of what followed Occupy turned into people picking sides instead of trying to understand what actually happened. Naomi was not attacking the movement. She was trying to make sense of it, to guide it, to help it become something more durable and effective.
And she was not wrong about everything.
Occupy did a lot of things wrong.
We struggled with structure. We struggled with decision-making. We struggled with scale. Consensus processes could drag on, be manipulated, or simply exhaust the people trying to participate in them. Informal leadership emerged anyway, often without accountability. Personal conflicts became political conflicts. Ego showed up. Confusion showed up. Fatigue showed up.
I saw all of that.
I lived inside all of that.
And at the end of it, I was on the receiving end of some of it too. I was labeled, dismissed, and pushed aside in ways that had less to do with reality and more to do with how unstable the environment had become. That is part of the record as well.
So yes, Naomi, we were doing it wrong.
But that is only half the story.
The other half is that the “right way” was not available to us.
By 2011, the established systems had already failed. The political system was not representing people. The economic system was extracting from them. The so-called established left, at least in places like Chicago, was largely absent from what we were building on the ground. There were exceptions. Some lawyers showed up. Jerry Boyle, whatever his limits, was there with us on the street. That counts. Being present counts.
But the broader structure that was supposed to guide movements like this had already lost credibility.
We were not rejecting structure because we were naive. We were rejecting it because the structures we had inherited were part of the problem.
That does not mean what we built in its place worked.
It means we were trying to build something new in real time, under pressure, without a blueprint.
And that is the part that outside observers, even sympathetic ones, did not fully grasp.
Naomi Klein saw the movement. She understood its importance. She recognized the shift in language, the emergence of the 99 percent, the breaking open of a conversation that had been buried for years. But she was still observing it from outside the day-to-day reality of what it meant to keep that space alive.
Occupy was not a theory.
It was a situation.
It was cold nights and long days. It was police lines and shifting rules. It was people trying to feed each other, organize each other, argue with each other, and figure out what came next without any guarantee that there would be a next. It was documentation. It was conversation. It was conflict. It was presence.
I was there in Chicago collecting as much of that as I could. Recording it. Trying to understand what people actually wanted, not what anyone said they were supposed to want. That material still exists. It is primary-source material. It is the voice from the ground that too many people ignored then and continue to ignore now.
And that voice does not fit neatly into theory.
It tells you that yes, the process was flawed.
It also tells you why.
When you build something horizontally, without formal leadership, power does not disappear. It shifts. It becomes informal, sometimes invisible, sometimes unaccountable. That is a real problem. I saw that firsthand. I experienced it firsthand. Anyone who was there long enough saw it.
But the alternative was to fall back into structures that had already proven themselves untrustworthy.
That was the dilemma.
Not theory versus chaos.
Failure versus failure.
And we chose the version that at least felt honest at the time.
So when Naomi Klein and others pointed out what Occupy was not doing, they were not entirely wrong. But they were only seeing one side of the equation. They were measuring a movement against standards that came from a system the movement itself was rejecting.
That is a mismatch.
Occupy was not a finished model. It was an attempt. It was discovery. It was people trying to find each other and build something under conditions that were not designed to allow that to happen.
It did not hold together.
But it was not meaningless.
Occupy was the first big jolt in the American unraveling since the 1960s. It was messy, unstable, contradictory, and often unfair to its own people. But it was the real response to being sold out by our own government. And real things are rarely tidy.
#activism #CliffPotts #NaomiKlein #OccupyMovement #politicalCommentary #protestMovements #socialMovements
Hey Chris, You Missed Something
By Cliff Potts, CSO, and Editor-in-Chief of WPS News
Baybay City, Leyte, Philippines — September 25, 2026
During Occupy, a lot of people with names, credentials, and platforms explained the movement back to the people who were actually living inside it. Some of them were smart. Some of them were sincere. Some of them were both. But too many of them were talking from above the weather instead of inside it.
Chris, you were one of those people.
This is not a question of whether you understood history. It is not a question of whether you meant well. It is a question of distance. A man can know a great deal and still miss what is right in front of him if he is standing too far away.
From where you stood, the arguments made sense. The state owns violence. The state is better at violence. A movement that tries to beat the state on that ground is walking into a trap. Fine. That is a real argument. It has history behind it.
But Occupy was not just an argument.
Occupy was people on the ground trying to build something in real time under pressure. It was cold nights, police presence, shifting rules, infiltration, exhaustion, ego clashes, confusion, hunger, hope, and a hundred practical problems that never make it into the essays later. It was not a laboratory. It was not a clean moral exercise. It was not a panel discussion. It was a living situation.
And that is what you missed.
You were arguing over tactics as if the movement existed mainly in theory. For those of us who were there, the movement existed in bodies, time, risk, and strain. It existed in the simple act of staying present when the system wanted us gone. It existed in the fact that people who had been isolated from one another suddenly found each other and began naming the same broken structure. That mattered more than many of the people talking about Occupy seemed willing to admit.
You also missed something else. Occupy was not just Zuccotti Park.
That is one of the most irritating habits of the commentary class, then and now. New York happens, and suddenly New York becomes the whole country. It was never the whole country. It was not the whole movement either. Occupy happened in Chicago. It happened in cities and towns all over the United States. It happened internationally. It took different forms in different places, because people were dealing with different pressures, different police departments, different local cultures, and different internal dynamics.
If you thought Occupy was just a New York tactical argument, then you were looking at the wrong piece of the elephant.
And yes, there is source material for that. There is primary-source material from the ground. WPS News still has some of it. The Occupy Chicago footage is on YouTube in a four-part playlist. There is more in the archive going back to 2011. It is not polished theory. It is not after-the-fact interpretation. It is source material from people who were living it while the experts were still deciding what it meant.
That matters.
Because one of the enduring problems of Occupy was that too many people with public authority talked over the people doing the actual work. There was always someone ready to define the movement, discipline the movement, clean up the movement, or scold the movement from a safer distance. Meanwhile, the people on the ground were trying to hold together something fragile enough to break under its own contradictions even without outside commentary helping the process along.
That was the real tension.
Occupy did not fail because one side won an elegant argument about tactics. It came under pressure from every direction at once. Police pressure. Media pressure. logistical pressure. internal pressure. personality pressure. exhaustion. drift. confusion. opportunists. genuine believers. people who wanted process. people who wanted action. people who wanted attention. people who wanted a home for a while because the rest of the country had failed them. That was the mix.
It was human, which is to say it was unstable.
That does not mean it was meaningless. Quite the opposite. It means it was alive.
And that is why voices like yours frustrated so many of us. Not because you were always wrong in the abstract, but because you were too sure that the abstract was the whole story. It wasn’t. You saw pattern. We lived texture. You saw principle. We lived consequence. You saw the movement from the height of commentary. We saw it from the sidewalk, where the weather, the police, the cold, the confusion, and the actual people all had votes.
So yes, Chris, you missed something.
You missed the fact that the ground is not theory.
You missed the fact that movements are not neat.
You missed the fact that people doing the actual work do not experience history as a clean argument.
And if you ever want to understand what Occupy really was, start with the source material. Start with the voices from the ground. Start with the people who were there before you explain it to them again.
#activism #ChrisHedges #CliffPotts #OccupyMovement #politicalCommentary #protestMovements #socialMovements
DATE: September 20, 2026 at 02:00PM
SOURCE: PSYPOST.ORG
** Research quality varies widely from fantastic to small exploratory studies. Please check research methods when conclusions are very important to you. **
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TITLE: Why do people protest? Six decades of research points to social connections over personal grievances
A massive review of six decades of research provides evidence that people who participate in protests are driven more by social connections and political interest than by personal grievances or mistrust of the government. The meta-analysis, published in Science Advances, indicates that while millions of people might hold strong opinions about social issues, specific variables like organizational memberships and digital media use are what tend to translate that sentiment into physical action at marches and demonstrations.
Social movements and protests are primary ways people voice dissatisfaction and push for political change. Understanding what motivates a person to leave their home and join a march is a major focus in sociology and political science, a concept known as micromobilization. Micromobilization focuses on the individual decision to participate in collective action. A persistent puzzle in this field is the gap between having a grievance and actually protesting. Many people might feel wronged or agree with a movement’s goals, but only a fraction actually show up to a demonstration.
For example, a study covered by PsyPost in 2025 found that higher levels of partisan animosity toward an opposing political party reliably predicted a higher likelihood of protest participation, whereas strong identification with one’s own party had little effect. While that specific research measured affective polarization rather than the general political ideologies or institutional grievances evaluated in broader studies, it highlights the ongoing quest to pinpoint exactly what pushes a person from passive agreement to active engagement.
The research was conducted by Shelley Boulianne, a full professor and the R. Klein Research Chair in Communication Studies at Mount Royal University and a visiting professor at Lund University, alongside Jennifer Earl, chair and professor in the Department of Sociology and Criminal Justice at the University of Delaware. They focused strictly on physical marches and demonstrations, ensuring they were comparing similar types of actions rather than mixing in lower-effort activities like signing petitions or posting online.
“In 2017, I collected survey data about two protest events: the Women’s March and March for Science,” Boulianne explained. “I was looking for a way to organize this large body of literature to write about it succinctly.”
“Prior scholarship on micromobilization, or what predicts participation in social movements or specific protests, has not built on itself in the way that one might expect for such an absolutely fundamental question,” Earl told PsyPost. “After almost 50 years of studying this question in a focused way, divergence in methodologies and focus (are you explaining movement participation, participation in specific events, or agreement/motivation to participate) has meant that there are a large number of smaller conversations about micromobilization and a large number of theoretical approaches to micromobilization, but far less synthesis and stock-taking.”
The authors aimed to identify the factors that consistently separate those who act from those who stay home by looking specifically at surveys that included both protesters and non-protesters. They conducted a meta-analysis, which is a statistical technique that combines the results of many past studies to identify overarching trends. The researchers gathered 181 survey-based studies published between 1965 and 2023. These surveys included data from hundreds of thousands of respondents across various countries, though mostly from Western democracies.
The team analyzed more than 1,800 different statistical estimates from these surveys. They categorized the relationships between different personal characteristics and protest participation, noting whether each factor had a positive or negative association and whether the mathematical links were robust enough to be considered reliable.
“The symmetry between different lines of evidence was surprising,” Boulianne said. “When we wove together the qualitative interviews with the quantitative survey, we found a consistent storyline about who participates in protests.”
The analysis provides evidence that several factors consistently predict whether someone will attend a march or demonstration. A high level of general political interest is one of the strongest predictors. People who already pay attention to politics are much more likely to show up at protests. Political ideology also plays a large role, with individuals leaning to the left of the political spectrum consistently showing higher rates of protest participation in the reviewed data.
The findings are in line with research covered by PsyPost earlier this year, which found that higher political extremism on both the far-left and far-right was associated with a greater likelihood of participating in collective action across ideological movements. However, the current meta-analysis synthesized general population surveys regarding broad political ideology and march participation, rather than testing ideological extremism within specific protest movements.
Beyond internal beliefs, social and organizational ties are major drivers of protest attendance. Belonging to a voluntary association, such as a labor union or a community group, strongly increases a person’s likelihood of marching. The researchers suggest that these organizations might provide direct invitations to protest, or they might simply connect people to politically engaged social networks. In many cases, social embeddedness acts as a direct pathway to activism.
Digital and social media use also emerged as a consistent predictor of mobilization. People who regularly use digital platforms are more likely to protest, likely because social media functions as an efficient way to distribute information and mobilize social networks.
Relying on traditional media like television or print newspapers did not consistently predict protest behavior. The authors suggest that social media platforms are distinct because they combine logistical information about an event with direct social connections. “The role of social media in protest is to help identify and sustain these social connections,” Boulianne noted.
Demographic factors also shape who protests. The data indicate that younger people, individuals with higher levels of education, and those living in urban areas are more likely to attend demonstrations. The authors explain these demographic trends through concepts like biographical availability and supply and demand. Biographical availability refers to having the free time and a lack of restrictive obligations, which allows people, often younger individuals, to engage in time-consuming activism.
Meanwhile, urban environments offer a higher supply of protest events and organizational infrastructure. This high supply easily meets the demand of city residents who want to participate. Urban areas also reduce the physical costs and travel time required to join a march compared to rural areas.
“Scholars, media, and politicians make assumptions about who the protesters are and what motivated them to participate,” Boulianne told PsyPost. “The common explanation is that they are angry or frustrated people who bypass regular methods of political participation.”
However, the evidence does not show this emotion to be a consistent explanation of who shows up to these events. Interestingly, the researchers found weak or inconsistent support for the idea that personal grievances drive protest. Factors like low income, unemployment, dissatisfaction with personal finances, or a general distrust of government did not consistently predict who would march. Many surveys showed results that were not statistically significant when looking at these variables.
“I think many people get stuck on the issues – or what social movement scholars would call the grievances – because if you ask people why they participated, that is what they will say,” Earl explained. “But, if you compare people who did participate and people who did not, a lot of people who didn’t participate share the same concerns or grievances.”
This makes grievances a weak predictor of action, which Earl noted is “hard for a lot of people to swallow because they think it is either a precondition for participation (empirically, it’s not) or enough to generate support (empirically, it’s not).” This suggests that feeling deprived or angry about a situation is rarely enough to prompt action without the necessary social connections and political interest.
“Instead, the consistent predictors are political interest and social connections,” Boulianne said. “If one thinks of these people as groups of engaged citizens who want a voice, then the reaction to these protests might differ.”
“For example, the police might view protesters as community members demonstrating their democratic rights, rather than disrupters,” she continued. “Politicians might view these protesters as committed citizens who show up on election day, despite the time and effort required to vote. The media might view these protesters as well-connected members of the community, rather than loners or deviants.”
As with all research, there are some caveats to consider. The meta-analysis relies heavily on survey data from Western countries, particularly the United States and European nations. The dynamics of protest might look very different in authoritarian regimes or other parts of the world where demonstrating carries severe physical or legal risks.
The studies reviewed are observational, meaning they rely on people reporting their own behaviors and characteristics. This makes it difficult to completely untangle exactly how certain factors cause protest participation. For instance, digital media use is linked to protesting, but it is not immediately apparent whether social media usage directly prompts people to protest, or if politically active people just tend to use social media more to coordinate their efforts.
There are a few things to keep in mind regarding how certain ideas were measured. The review found that general dissatisfaction does not reliably predict protest, but this does not mean emotions are irrelevant. The authors suggest that future research could explore how sudden, shared grievances might act as a catalyst for people who are already socially connected, shifting the focus from personal deprivation to collective concern.
Additionally, the authors recommend that future surveys ask participants specifically about whether they received a direct invitation to protest. Being personally asked to attend by a friend or organization seems to be a potent motivator in smaller studies, yet it is rarely measured in standard, large-scale political surveys.
“If you want people to participate, specifically invite them to – it’s simple but very powerful,” Earl advised. “Don’t expect that convincing someone of your goals, concerns or arguments is the most important thing – some people participate without knowing much about the protest (especially when they are invited) and many who agree with you on the issues won’t translate that agreement into action.”
This gap in the literature highlights a need to update methodologies across the field. Earl pointed out “the divergence in how much some survey questions are asked, even if there is not great evidence for them, but how infrequently other questions are asked even though they have elicited really strong evidence when asked.”
To help address these gaps, Boulianne is expanding on the study’s framework. “I am writing a book about protest participation across the globe,” Boulianne said. “I compare the findings from this evidence synthesis article to findings from the World Values Survey (66 countries) and four-country survey data that I gathered in 2025.”
“We really hope that future survey research looks at this article and improves and changes the questions that are asked in response to the findings so that research on the topic continues to advance,” Earl concluded.
The study, “Most people who agree with you won’t protest predictors of marches and demonstrations from six decades of research,” was authored by Shelley Boulianne and Jennifer Earl.
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Private, vetted email list for mental health professionals: https://www.clinicians-exchange.org
Unofficial Psychology Today Xitter to toot feed at Psych Today Unofficial Bot @PTUnofficialBot
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#psychology #counseling #socialwork #psychotherapy @psychotherapist @psychotherapists @psychology @socialpsych @socialwork @psychiatry #mentalhealth #psychiatry #healthcare #depression #psychotherapist #ProtestParticipation #Micromobilization #SocialConnections #PoliticalInterest #DigitalMobilization #SocialMovements #ProtestResearch #CommunityOrganizations #UrbanProtests #PoliticalEngagement
Solidarity is Strength: From the Ontario Days of Action To Building the Fight Against Ford
- bssproj
https://socialistproject.ca/2026/09/solidarity-is-strength/
#SocialMovements
Mark Carney’s investment summit could pave the way to a corporate carve-up of Canada ⋆ The Breach
As Mark Carney’s Canada Investment Summit approaches, the proclamations have become breathless. A “first-of-its-kind gathering,” gushed a government…
#NewsBeep #News #Headlines #ArtificialIntelligence #CA #Canada #CorporatePower #DonaldTrump #liberalparty #MarkCarney #Neoliberalism #privatization #socialmovements
https://www.newsbeep.com/727347/
Mark Carney’s investment summit could pave the way to a corporate carve-up of Canada ⋆ The Breach
As Mark Carney’s Canada Investment Summit approaches, the proclamations have become breathless. A “first-of-its-kind gathering,” gushed a government…
#Canada #MarkCarney #artificialintelligence #CorporatePower #donaldtrump #liberalparty #Neoliberalism #privatization #socialmovements
https://www.europesays.com/canada/204397/
Preserving labor history in the present, for the future
Preserving labor history in the present, for the future
Unions have been down before, history shows how they can come back
Chicago Streets: The Man with a Camera
By Cliff Potts, CSO, and Editor-in-Chief of WPS News
Baybay City, Leyte, Philippines — January 8, 2031 — 21:05 PHST
The First Days
When Occupy Wall Street spread from New York across the United States in the fall of 2011, it arrived in Chicago with urgency, confusion, and purpose. People gathered at LaSalle and Jackson to protest inequality, corporate power, and political capture.
I was there early. Not to lead. Not to organize. Not to take a microphone.
I brought a camera.
The Job I Chose
From the beginning, my role was simple: document what was happening so it would not be lost. Movements are loud when they begin and quiet when they end. In between, memory gets distorted.
I understood something even then that I could not fully articulate: if no one preserved the day-to-day reality, the story would eventually be rewritten by people who were not there (Castells, 2012).
So I stayed on the edge. I recorded marches, conversations, General Assemblies, and the slow evolution of a movement trying to define itself. Most of the time, I said very little. The camera did the talking.
The Winter Shift
By December 2011, the crowds had thinned. What remained was smaller, more intimate, and more fragile.
One night, in cold and wet conditions near Michigan and Congress, a reduced group gathered under shelter to hold a General Assembly. It was no longer a spectacle. It was a handful of people trying to keep something alive.
That was when I finally explained why I was there.
I held up a small Kodak camera and told them: I am archiving this for you. For later. For when you need to look back and understand what this was.
It was not a speech. It was a statement of function.
The Edge and the Core
For much of the first year, I stayed where I belonged: on the periphery, documenting.
Over time, I drifted closer to the core. That was a mistake. Movements are complex ecosystems, and proximity changes how people see you and how you see them. The role of observer becomes harder to maintain when you are pulled into internal dynamics (Gitlin, 2012).
In retrospect, the work was strongest when I remained outside the center, focused on recording rather than participating in internal disputes.
The camera did not argue. It did not take sides. It captured what was there.
The Archive That Stayed
Most participants moved on. That is the nature of movements. Lives continue. Priorities shift. The moment passes.
The recordings did not move on.
They remained online, largely unnoticed, not widely distributed, but intact. A record of what actually happened, preserved without the benefit of hindsight or revision.
This is the difference between memory and documentation. Memory simplifies. Documentation preserves complexity (Tarrow, 2011).
What remains now is not just the idea of Occupy, but fragments of its lived reality—voices, faces, and moments that would otherwise be gone.
Looking Back Without Rewriting
Twenty years later, it is easy to tell a cleaner story about Occupy than the one that actually unfolded.
The truth is less tidy. It was hopeful and disorganized, principled and contradictory, unified and fractured at the same time.
What survives from that period is not a single narrative, but a collection of records. Some were written. Some were spoken. Some were filmed.
I carried a camera and kept recording.
That is the part that remains unchanged.
Video Archive
The video record from that period remains available in the WPS News archive:
Occupy Chicago in 4 Parts: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLMth54cIzxDKmiiAXT478G9eN4jll2VIT&si=EO6aPVmGvws9U59p
For more from Cliff Potts, see https://cliffpotts.org
If this work helps you understand what’s happening, help me keep it going: https://www.patreon.com/cw/WPSNews
References
Castells, M. (2012). Networks of outrage and hope: Social movements in the Internet age. Polity Press.
Gitlin, T. (2012). Occupy nation: The roots, the spirit, and the promise of Occupy Wall Street. HarperCollins.
Tarrow, S. (2011). Power in movement: Social movements and contentious politics (3rd ed.). Cambridge University Press.
#archivalDocumentation #digitalArchives #OccupyChicago #primarySources #protestHistory #socialMovements #UnitedStatesPolitics
PROVE US RIGHT! Can a new social movement successfully launch on @Mastodon?
COR launched here because we believe that the #revolution is #decentralized.
We're filling a critical gap in the American #ResistanceMovement. SNCC roots, founded by veterans of #directaction.
Lift us up, #fediverse! #Boost #Follow #Fund #BuildTheCor
#organizing #socialmovements #USPolitics #MidtermElections2026 #democracy #MutualAid #fundraising #fundraiser #invest @FediFollows
#SpeakingOutOfPlace welcomes #IdaSusser to discuss her book #TheYellowVestsAndTheBattleForDemocracy:
Taking to the Streets of Paris in the 21st Century
the book is available for free download here: https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/oa-mono/10.4324/9781003534518/yellow-vests-battle-democracy-ida-susser
#YellowVestMovement #FrenchPolitics #GiletsJaunes #MouvementDesGiletsJaunes #NuitDebout #socialMovements #mouvementsSociaux #polFr #Macronie #books #livres @bookstodon @MusiqueNow
Designing Movements
2026-07-11 16:00–17:00, Birch Salon
Designing Movements: to help us generate a movement strategy capable of meeting the moment
#Dweb #SocialMovements
https://talx.dod.ngo/dwebcamp-2026/talk/XQKYSW/
Freedom News: **Revolt in Albania: Besa and Flamingos**
https://freedomnews.org.uk/2026/06/09/revolt-in-albania-besa-and-flamingos/
An ancient obligation to protect is animating the mass protests against the Jared Kushner’s destructive resort ~ Joel Sucher ~ I’ve said it…
The post Revolt in Albania: Besa and Flamingos appeared first on Freedom News.
#News #Albania #Oligarchs #Socialmovements
Revolt in Albania: Besa and Flamingos https://www.byteseu.com/2091396/ #Albania #Oligarchs #SocialMovements
Bolivia as a laboratory of class struggle
Is this the beginning of a counteroffensive in the streets against the new right-wing wave in Latin America?…
#Conflict #Conflicts #War #Bolivia #Latinamerica #socialmovements
https://www.europesays.com/3024880/
https://www.europesays.com/3024880/ Bolivia as a laboratory of class struggle #Bolivia #Conflicts #LatinAmerica #SocialMovements
"Fifteen years since the #ArabUprisings, what have been the greatest successes and obstacles in organizing around socioeconomic demands in the #MENA region? How are workers, unions, and civil society groups organizing under increasingly restrictive conditions and what lessons can be drawn?"
w/ Nada Nashat, Joseph Daher, and Sahar Mechmech. Moderated by Timothy E. Kaldas
https://timep.org/2026/05/14/bread-freedom-and-dignity-socioeconomic-rights-15-years-on/
#ArabSpring #ArabPolitics #Lebanon #Egypt #Syria #Tunisia #MiddleEast #socialMovements
Mycology in Contemporary Social, Political, and Philosophical Practices paulopinto.xyz/wiki/mycolog... #mycology #philosophy #politics #ecology #multispecies #posthumanism #social-movements #environmental-justice
‘Miss Israel’ 2021 Noa Cochva cancels University of Oregon event due to safety concerns | JNS
An event at the Univ…
#Conflict #Conflicts #War #activism #conflict(process) #freedomofassembly #hillelinternational #Israel #israel-relatedcontroversies #Israeli-Palestinianconflict #politicalevents #Politics #politicsofpalestine #politicsoftheisraeli–palestinianconflict #protests #socialconflict #socialmovements #standwithus #studentsforjusticeinpalestine #U.S.News
https://www.europesays.com/2952521/
More and more people are opting to replace the discomfort of real human interaction with frictionless conversations with AI.
That bodes ill for the prospect of progressive social change
https://jacobin.com/2026/04/ai-critical-thinking-chatbots-subjectivity
#AI #SocialMovements #SocialChange #CriticalThinking #GenAI #ChatGPT #ChatBot #LLMs #TheAIMirror #FuckAI
https://www.europesays.com/africa/179044/ Hundreds march in Senegal over broken government promises | Newsline #Advocacy #BusinessEthics #CostOfLiving #economy #IndustrialRelations #Labor #LaborDisputes #LaborRelations #LaborRelatedOrganizations #LabourMovement #OccupationalOrganizations #OrganizationalConflict #PoliticalMovements #politics #Protests #Sénégal #SocialConflict #SocialMovements #SociologyOfWork #TradeUnions
📖 The book "After the Carnations" includes a chapter by Giulia Strippoli on the role of students both in the 25 April revolution and afterwards. The book was edited by Daniela F. Melo and Paul Christopher Manuel and published by Liverpool University Press.
👉 https://www.liverpooluniversitypress.co.uk/doi/book/10.3828/9781836245315
#Histodons #50Anos25Abril #25April1974 #SocialMovements #PortugueseHistory #Revolutions #25deAbril #MovimentosSociais #HistóriaDePortugal
RE: https://kolektiva.social/@earthworm/116070401957237701
One of the most memorable quotes from the #ForoSocialMásAlláDelCrecimiento (that I had the pleasure to be part of this weekend and spam you, lol) by the awesome @yayoherrero
"I am now 60 years old and I will probably never see a just global ecosocial transition.
But it doesn't matter.
I've seen South African Apartheid fall. I have seen feminism make unthinkable progress. And much more.
I play my role, like those who came before me. And that's what's important.
We have to recognize all that we are here because of an enormous network of invisible collaborations, converted into an institution.
If anyone says, "I am a radical individualist and don't depend on anyone", tell them, "No. I don't believe you'.
Because it's not true.
#Degrowth #SocialMovements #Ecofeminism #Feminism #YayoHerrero #SocialForum #ForoSocial #Decrecimiento #BeyondGrowth #TransiciónEcosocial
Cartografía de la movilización civil: Visualización del flujo informativo y tácticas de ocupación de espacio público por la Gen Z mexicana en 2026. 🧠👾 🔗 https://www.glitchmental.com/p/insights-visuales.html #DataVisualization #Mexico #SocialMovements #GlitchMentalMX
🏴 "Survival of the Organized: Critical Reflections on #Organizing and #MutualAid" 🤝
This article by @blackrose_rosanegra #BRRN explores the importance of mutual aid in #SocialMovements and positions it as a tactic within broader organizing strategies for #SystemChange
📖 Read it here: https://www.blackrosefed.org/survival-organized-mutual-aid-2025
🎧 Or listen here: https://anarchistessays.podbean.com/e/essay-107-alexandria-h-juan-verala-luz-charles-w-survival-of-the-organized-critical-reflections-on-organizing-and-mutual-aid
#CollectiveAction #MassOrganizing ✊ #ClassStruggle #SocialJustice #Anarchism #Especifismo
🆕 As part of the IHC's efforts to consolidate scientific careers, we are pleased to announce the signing of eleven new permanent contracts.
👉 Read more here: https://ihc.fcsh.unl.pt/en/eleven-permanent-contracts/
#Histodons #ScienceJobs #History #ContemporaryHistory #Migrations #SocialMovements #ModernHistory #Anthropocene #Colonialism #HistoryOfScience #Imperialism #Fascism #Capitalism #SocialHistory #PoliticalHistory #ColonialHistory #EnvironmentalHistory #CulturalHistory