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  1. Everyone Else Figured This Out

    By Cliff Potts, CSO, and Editor-in-Chief of WPS News

    Baybay City, Leyte, Philippines — October 15, 2026

    🎯 Say it plainly: sexism mattered. Twice.
    A lot of voters would rather risk authoritarianism than accept a woman in power.
    That bias didn’t disappear — it just hid behind “other reasons.”

    By the early twenty-first century, the question of whether women could govern at the highest level was no longer theoretical. Around the world, countries answered it in practice.

    Germany relied on Angela Merkel through financial crises, migration shocks, and geopolitical upheaval. Her leadership was not dramatic. It was steady, procedural, and effective—precisely what voters claimed they wanted. New Zealand followed Jacinda Ardern through moments of national trauma with clarity and restraint, demonstrating that calm authority could coexist with decisiveness.

    Chile elected Michelle Bachelet twice. Liberia entrusted Ellen Johnson Sirleaf with rebuilding a post-conflict state. Taiwan continues under Tsai Ing-wen while facing sustained external pressure and constant strategic threat.

    These leaders differ sharply in ideology, temperament, and policy. What they share is outcome: none of their societies unraveled because a woman held executive power. The feared instability never arrived.

    Against this record, the United States stands out—not as cautious, but as stalled. It is one of the wealthiest and most institutionally mature democracies in the world, yet it remains unable to cross a threshold others passed years ago. Even political factions that speak obsessively about strength, order, and authority refuse to test their own claims.

    This is not a failure of opportunity. It is a failure of nerve.

    American voters have now demonstrated twice that they are willing to tolerate authoritarian risk rather than confront ingrained bias. When challenged, that bias retreats behind abstractions about process, strategy, or timing. But the pattern is visible to anyone willing to compare records rather than rhetoric.

    If a future candidate—possibly including Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who will be constitutionally eligible to run in 2028—forces the issue again, the historical groundwork will already be laid. The question will not be whether a woman can lead a modern state.

    It will be whether the United States can finally admit why it has refused to let one try.

    For more social commentary, please see Occupy 2.5 at https://Occupy25.com

    This essay will be archived as part of the ongoing WPS News Monthly Brief Series available through Amazon.

    References (APA)

    Encyclopaedia Britannica. (n.d.). Angela Merkel. Encyclopaedia Britannica.

    Encyclopaedia Britannica. (n.d.). Jacinda Ardern. Encyclopaedia Britannica.

    Encyclopaedia Britannica. (n.d.). Michelle Bachelet. Encyclopaedia Britannica.

    Encyclopaedia Britannica. (n.d.). Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Encyclopaedia Britannica.

    Encyclopaedia Britannica. (n.d.). Tsai Ing-wen. Encyclopaedia Britannica.

    Encyclopaedia Britannica. (n.d.). Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Encyclopaedia Britannica.

    #comparativePolitics #Democracy #elections #GlobalPolitics #governance #Leadership #politicalCulture #sexism #womenLeaders #WPSNewsMonthlyBrief
  2. DATE: September 27, 2026 at 10:00AM
    SOURCE: PSYPOST.ORG

    ** Research quality varies widely from fantastic to small exploratory studies. Please check research methods when conclusions are very important to you. **
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    TITLE: Study reveals which values actually stop voters from supporting antidemocratic politicians

    URL: psypost.org/study-reveals-whic

    New research suggests that an individual’s personal commitment to the institutions of liberal democracy can act as a buffer against voting for politicians who threaten democratic rules. The findings indicate that while political party loyalty heavily influences voter choices, a deep-seated support for democratic principles helps people resist candidates who might otherwise erode democratic norms. The study was published in Public Opinion Quarterly.

    Democratic backsliding is an ongoing concern in many modern nations. This process occurs when elected officials gradually dismantle democratic institutions, such as free elections, independent courts, and a free press. A major factor driving this decline is the willingness of ordinary citizens to vote for candidates who violate democratic rules.

    Past studies show that voters generally dislike antidemocratic behavior in theory. Yet they often end up supporting politicians who break democratic rules if those politicians belong to their preferred political party or share their policy views. This creates a tension between a voter’s abstract democratic values and their practical political loyalties.

    The research was led by Christopher Claassen, a professor of political behavior at the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Glasgow. The study aimed to understand whether specific aspects of a country’s political culture might help prevent this trend.

    “A growing body of research shows that voters frequently support politicians who threaten democratic institutions, particularly when those politicians belong to their preferred party or agree with them on important issues,” Claassen told PsyPost. “But we know much less about whether people’s underlying attitudes toward democracy help them resist those pressures.”

    “I wanted to connect that recent work on democratic backsliding with the much older political-culture literature, which argues that citizens’ orientations toward democracy can help sustain democratic government,” he explained.

    To test this, the researcher analyzed data from 5,951 participants across three democracies currently facing backsliding pressures. The sample included 1,983 people in the United States, 1,967 in Poland, and 2,001 in South Korea. The participants took part in a candidate-choice experiment, which is a type of survey design that simulates an election. Participants were shown pairs of hypothetical political candidates and asked to choose who they would vote for, completing twelve different matchups in total.

    The candidates varied randomly in age, gender, occupational background, political party, and policy positions on taxes and gender equality. The central feature of the experiment was that each matchup pitted one prodemocratic candidate against one antidemocratic candidate. The antidemocratic candidates proposed actions like cutting polling stations in opposition areas, ignoring court rulings, or prosecuting journalists. The prodemocratic candidates took the opposite stances, promising to respect these institutions.

    Before the simulated elections, the survey measured six dimensions of political culture for each participant. These included preferences for democracy over autocracy, support for liberal democratic institutions, and trust in political institutions. The survey also measured political tolerance, which is the willingness to allow political opponents to have civil rights. Finally, the survey assessed emancipative values, which prioritize individual autonomy and equality, alongside authoritarian values, which prioritize obedience and conformity.

    Across the three countries, support for liberal democracy was the most consistent predictor of a willingness to vote for the prodemocratic candidate. This specific measure captures a person’s backing of core institutions like free speech, equal voting rights, and the rule of law. People who scored high on this measure were consistently less likely to reward candidates who threatened these democratic pillars.

    “One broader implication is that democratic culture is not a single thing its multidimensional,” Claassen noted. “I examined several kinds of orientations that political scientists have linked to democracy, and they behaved quite differently.”

    “Support for liberal-democratic institutions was the most consistent predictor of pro-democratic choice, which suggests that the particular democratic commitments citizens hold may matter more than simply possessing a generally ‘democratic’ political culture,” he added.

    The author looked closely at difficult scenarios known as cross-pressured choices. These are situations where a voter must choose between a prodemocratic candidate from an opposing party and an antidemocratic candidate from their own party. Even in these demanding situations, support for liberal democracy made a noticeable difference. It helped voters resist the temptation to blindly support their own political side.

    Specifically, a one-standard-deviation increase in a person’s support for liberal democracy was associated with a 2 to 12 percentage point increase in the probability of choosing the prodemocratic candidate across party lines. This shift depended on the specific country and the statistical model used. While this increase might seem modest, it represents a meaningful shift in competitive elections.

    “The effects are meaningful but not enormous,” the researcher said. “That can matter in a close election, but the results also show how powerful partisan loyalties remain.”

    Other aspects of political culture showed mixed or weak associations. For instance, having a general preference for democracy over autocracy and holding emancipative values sometimes predicted prodemocratic choices. However, these factors did not predict voting choices consistently across all countries and policy scenarios. Interestingly, trust in political institutions showed almost no relationship with resisting antidemocratic candidates.

    “Two findings surprised me,” Claassen explained. “First, political trust had virtually no consistent relationship with choosing the pro-democratic candidate, despite a long tradition of treating trust in institutions as important for democracy. Trust may matter for democracy in other ways, but our results suggest that it does not necessarily make people more willing to defend democratic institutions at the ballot box.”

    Claassen was also struck by the weak results for authoritarian values. “There is an obvious theoretical connection between authoritarian values and authoritarian political systems they even share the same name but those values were not strong predictors of candidate choice in my study,” he noted. “It may be that these underlying social values are simply too distant from concrete decisions about electoral choices.”

    The statistical models controlled for various factors to isolate the role of political culture. These controls included age, gender, education, income, and geographic region. The models also accounted for political interest, preferred party, and the participants’ actual positions on redistribution and gender equality.

    As with all research, there are a few things to keep in mind regarding this study. The voting choices were made in a simulated survey environment rather than a real election. In actual elections, voters face intense campaign messaging and social pressures that might alter how they weigh democratic violations against party loyalty. The hypothetical nature of the survey means we cannot be certain these exact percentage shifts would appear at a real ballot box.

    The findings are also observational regarding political culture. Because a person’s values and beliefs cannot be randomly assigned in an experiment, the results show an association rather than a direct cause-and-effect relationship. We can see that strong democratic beliefs predict certain voting patterns, but we cannot isolate those beliefs from other lifelong personal traits that might influence a voter’s decisions.

    “The candidate attributes were experimentally randomized, but respondents’ democratic orientations were measured rather than manipulated,” Claassen noted, reinforcing that the relationship should be understood as an association rather than a causal effect.

    Finally, the pull of partisanship remains incredibly strong. In the Polish and South Korean samples, the predicted support for prodemocratic candidates from an opposing party often remained below 50 percent, even among citizens with high democratic commitments. This suggests that while strong democratic values help people resist backsliding, they do not always create a majority willing to cross party lines to punish bad actors.

    “I would avoid interpreting the findings as showing that strong democratic attitudes will necessarily defeat anti-democratic politicians,” Claassen cautioned.

    “The main takeaway is that what ordinary citizens think about democracy does matter,” the researcher summarized. “People who more strongly support liberal-democratic institutions were more likely to choose the pro-democratic candidate, including in situations where their partisan identity or ideological position pulled them in the opposite direction.”

    “So democratic resilience is not something entirely outside citizens’ hands,” he added. “At the same time, public support is only one part of the story: what political leaders, parties, and institutions do matters enormously for whether democracy survives.”

    Looking ahead, the researcher plans to refine how these attitudes are studied. “One next step is to develop more fine-grained measures of democratic orientations,” Claassen noted. “Most research focuses either on support for democratic institutions or democracy itself, and I think there is room to measure underlying democratic values more carefully and systematically.”

    “I’m also interested in why people sometimes bring their democratic attitudes to bear on a voting decision and sometimes do not,” he said. “In particular, I’m looking at factors such as attitude importance and accessibility: whether democracy is something people care deeply about and whether those considerations are readily available in their minds when they actually make a political choice.”

    The study, “Voting for Democracy? Testing Political-Cultural Constraints on Democratic Backsliding,” was authored by Christopher Claassen.

    URL: psypost.org/study-reveals-whic

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    Private, vetted email list for mental health professionals: clinicians-exchange.org

    Unofficial Psychology Today Xitter to toot feed at Psych Today Unofficial Bot @PTUnofficialBot

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    #psychology #counseling #socialwork #psychotherapy @psychotherapist @psychotherapists @psychology @socialpsych @socialwork @psychiatry #mentalhealth #psychiatry #healthcare #depression #psychotherapist #DemocraticBacksliding #LiberalDemocracy #DemocracySupport #VotingBehavior #DemocraticInstitutions #PoliticalCulture #PublicOpinion #DemocraticResilience #ElectionReality #ProDemocracy

  3. Why is it so much easier to ditch a prime minister in the U.K. than in Canada?

    Despite having nearly identical parliamentary systems, Canada has avoided the kind of prime ministerial parade that has befallen…
    #Canada #AndrewMacDougall #CanadianPrimeMinister #DalhousieUniversity #DavidCameron #JustinTrudeau #KeirStarmer #labourparty #LoriTurnbull #politicalculture #primeminister #U.K.
    europesays.com/canada/107173/

  4. What actually shapes your political views? This article looks at political culture, governing, the rise of populism, different types of regimes, and where real power lies within a state. Plus why a politician's life is so tricky and what they have to deal with:

    Read the full article: informujte.cz/en/tricky-life-o

    #Politics #Democracy #Populism #InternationalRelations #PoliticalCulture

  5. Mark Gatiss is getting attention for a quote that challenges a long-held cultural comfort: the idea that fascism was somehow incompatible with British identity.
    #MarkGatiss #Fascism #Democracy #PoliticalCulture #History #PublicDebate #news

  6. Diagnosed or Possessed: America’s Favorite Way to Avoid Thinking

    By Cliff Potts, CSO, and Editor-in-Chief of WPS News

    Baybay City, Leyte, Philippines — April 18, 2026

    The United States has entered a new and frankly ridiculous phase of political discourse.

    When Americans do not like a political figure anymore, many of them no longer argue policy, record, or results. They diagnose him.

    Or, depending on the crowd, they try to exorcise him.

    A fringe religious figure recently suggested that Donald Trump might be demon possessed. The comment spread because it was bizarre, clickable, and perfectly built for the internet. At the same time, critics on the other side have spent years using psychological labels in ways that often sound more confident than careful.

    Different language. Same dodge.

    Both moves let people avoid the harder work of explaining what Trump has actually done, why it matters, and what the consequences have been. They replace analysis with theater. They turn politics into a costume party where everyone shows up dressed as either a therapist or a televangelist.

    That is not serious civic thinking. That is a national escape hatch.

    There are real criticisms to make of Trump. There always have been. His record can be judged through public statements, policy decisions, legal exposure, staffing chaos, administrative behavior, and the measurable effects of what happened under his leadership. That is where the argument belongs.

    Instead, a lot of Americans keep reaching for labels that make them feel better.

    If he is mentally unwell, then nobody has to explain the structure that elevated him. If he is demonically influenced, then nobody has to admit they backed an unqualified, incompetent, malignant narcissist because he told them what they wanted to hear. In both cases, the explanation becomes a cushion. Responsibility slips out the side door.

    That is the part worth noticing.

    The problem is not just Trump. The problem is a political culture that would rather name a monster than read a document. It would rather perform insight than do homework. It would rather shout “evil” or “crazy” than track cause and effect.

    That habit poisons public life.

    When politics turns into diagnosis, people stop arguing evidence. When it turns into spiritual warfare, they stop arguing facts. In either case, the public ends up with a fog machine where a functioning debate should be.

    And that fog is useful. It protects bad judgment.

    It is easier to say a man is possessed than to admit he was never qualified. It is easier to say he is psychologically disordered than to explain why millions of people, institutions, media companies, and political operatives kept enabling him anyway.

    That is what makes this latest round of demon talk so revealing. It is not really an explanation. It is an excuse wearing a church hat.

    America does not need more ghost stories about Donald Trump. It needs more citizens willing to say the obvious. A bad leader does not need to be haunted to be dangerous. Sometimes he is just a bad leader, surrounded by enablers, protected by tribal loyalty, and carried along by a culture that keeps mistaking spectacle for substance.

    If your political argument requires either a DSM manual or holy water, you have already left the field of serious analysis.

    Trump does not need a demon to explain him.

    He needs an honest description.

    For more from Cliff Potts, see https://cliffpotts.org

    If this work helps you understand what’s happening, help me keep it going: https://www.patreon.com/cw/WPSNews

    #ChristianRight #donaldTrump #mediaCriticism #politicalCulture #PoliticalDiscourse #USPolitics #WPSNews
  7. If American voters had seen this “IQ comparison” earlier, they probably would have voted the same way anyway. #USPolitics #Democracy #Elections #PoliticalCulture #CriticalThinking

  8. @makenakelly.bsky.social nailed it with "Politics Is Fandom; Fascism Is Fanfic". I think we’re in an era where outrage is currency, nuance is dead, and the next few years could get even wilder. #USPol #MediaCriticism #PoliticalCulture #SocialMedia

    Politics Is Fandom; Fascism Is...

  9. Chris Maisano on conservative leftist thought

    'the history of leftist discomfort with cultural progressivism stretches back at least as far as the 1960s, when former liberals and socialists inaugurated a neoconservative project grounded in contempt for the “new class” of college-educated professionals in postwar America'

    #usPol #leftist #progressive #politicalCulture

    newlaborforum.cuny.edu/2025/09

  10. Every institution has a ghost. And no, not the Halloween kind. The kind made of old habits, old fears, old rituals and old incentives. The kind that politely swallows our best reform ideas time and again.

    associationredefine.substack.c

    #democracy #governance #systemsthinking #reform #publicpolicy #politics #politicalculture #InstitutionalMemory #civicdesign

  11. What do ordinary Russians really think about politics?

    I reviewed Everyday Politics in Russia by Jeremy Morris for IrishTechNews — a sharp, on-the-ground look at daily politics and life under Putin.

    📖 Read it here: irishtechnews.ie/everyday-poli

    #BookReview #Russia #Media #PoliticalCulture #JeremyMorris #EverydayPolitics #RussianSociety #Geopolitics #IrishTechNews

  12. Zionism Wasn't Always Racist. The Trouble Began When Russians Took Over

    An interesting article challenges conventional narratives surrounding Israeli political culture, positing that its emphasis on force and expansionism is significantly rooted in the brutal political landscape of late Imperial Russia.

    Examining the impact of the Second "Aliyah" (colonial expedition) and the subsequent dominance of Russian-Jewish political ideologies within the Zionist movement, the author argues for a reassessment of historical influences beyond typical analyses of religious messianism or colonial models.

    The piece contends that a critical examination of this largely unacknowledged Russian inheritance is crucial for understanding contemporary Israeli policy and for envisioning alternative trajectories.

    English haaretz.com/israel-news/2025-0 or archive.ph/DhflH

    Dr. Ofri Ilany researches the intersections of Jewish history, intellectual history, and masculinity, exploring the complex relationship between early Zionist movements and the first homosexual rights movement in Europe

    @histodons #histodons @palestine
    @israel
    #IsraeliPolitics #Zionism #RussianHistory #PoliticalCulture #HistoricalAnalysis

  13. Культура Три. Евгений Добренко – о новой российской нормальности

    **Introduction**
    The year-end in Russia arrived as it has for several years—through an act of extreme barbarism mixed with shocking cynicism. At the moment when Russian air defense shot down an Azerbaijani plane over Chechnya, killing 38 civilians on board (which the Russian president later referred to as an "incident"), a propagandist video went viral, showing how Father Frost and Russian air defense shot down Santa Claus in Russian skies. Watching it, I recalled another animated image from my childhood.
    **Hashtags**
    #CulturalDecay #RussianNormality #EugeneDobrenko #RussianCrisis #PoliticalCulture #CulturalCollapse #WarAndCynicism

    **Introduction, hashtags: Culture Three. Evgeny Dobrenko – On the New Russian Normality**
    Russia met the end of the year in the same way it has been greeting it for several years now – with an act of boundless barbarism mixed with extreme cynicism: just at the moment when Russia’s air defense shot down an Azerbaijani plane over Chechnya, killing 38 people on board (an "incident," as the Russian president later called it), a propagandist video about Santa Claus being shot down in the Russian skies by Russian air defense went viral. I watched it, and another cartoon image came to my mind.
    Older generations may recall the colorful Soviet cartoon "The Golden Antelope" – about a greedy raja who forces a magical antelope to bring him gold until he says the word "Enough!" At this moment, all his gold turns to shards. The antelope gallops around the palace, chiseling gold coins from the ground, until the raja collapses, nearly drowning in gold, crying—or rather moaning—"Enough!" And the gold immediately turns into shards, which bury him beneath them. To me, this scene from the cartoon is a metaphor for contemporary Russia, which has practically turned its own culture into a pile of shards, in which it is suffocating itself, and now has forced the whole world to choke on it.
    However, there is one category of people for whom, though it is hard (as it is for everyone else) to live in an era of change, at least it is interesting. These are historians. I’ve always had difficulty imagining much of what I’ve been doing. For example, how a country descends into dictatorship, how institutions and public morals degrade, how cultural elites and cultural production sharply decline (meaning, simply put, culture turns into shards). And now I see before me what once seemed like history.
    The country has become a full-fledged criminal gangland.
    News from Russia, one sadder than the other, have long ceased to surprise – wild laws, incredible sentences for innocent people, hostage-taking for exchange under the pretext of fabricated charges, primitive rudeness and endless state-level lies, displays of some extreme cynicism, from using prison inhabitants as "disposable material" for the frontlines to some "naked parties"... Not to mention Ukraine, where civilian casualties have become a daily occurrence, where Russia is committing monstrous crimes, leaving people without heating and electricity in winter, bombing residential buildings, hospitals, and killing children. The country has turned into a full-fledged criminal gangland, with all the corresponding behaviors, practices, and, as they say now, "narratives."
    But sometimes, one word can become a stronger indicator of catastrophe than a multitude of loud events. For me, such a shock was a few words spoken by Putin during his live Q&A. Not that he surprised me. Rather, I thought about how quickly and severely he has deteriorated. And also—how fortunate it is that Soviet leaders read their speeches from papers. For we would never have known the extent of their inadequacy or idiocy. What Putin showed on the screen demonstrates that, essentially, the country is ruled by a seriously ill and utterly inadequate person with evident manic tendencies. And one who does not even realize that this needs to be camouflaged.
    The shock is not what he said, but that he dared to say it publicly. And what he said was essentially simple: since, in the conditions of the unchanging nature of his rule, political life in the country has essentially died (he didn’t even feel the need to ritualistically deny this), the only form of "movement" he can offer the people of Russia is endless war (with Ukraine, NATO, the "collective West," "unfriendly states," etc.). This is the only "entertainment" he can offer as compensation for his endless reign. These are things that are not supposed to be said out loud. And the fact that Putin speaks them on live air indicates, of course, the extreme level of his inadequacy.
    Another shocking passage was related to his suggestion (in response to a question about the vulnerabilities of the Russian "Oreshnik" missile) to have a "technological duel" by firing it at Kyiv. The ultimate in savagery, the proposal to bombard a multimillion-person city in the center of Europe with powerful missiles and "see what happens," triggered an unorthodox reaction from the Ukrainian president, who used non-standard language to describe Putin. Interestingly, as if by command, Putin’s spokespersons – from Medvedev and Peskov to Zakharova and Lavrov – began talking about the "correctness" of Putin's statement and the unbalanced behavior of Zelensky, who "broke protocol." This shift from discussing the substance of Putin’s wild proposal to focusing on politeness shows a desire to somehow soften the world’s reaction to such an incredible statement by the head of a nuclear power. Listening to these insane arguments, flowing from the screen, I thought about the fact that I was not facing a plunge into some cultural black hole, but rather a new normality in which this country lives – from the revived journalists to the vast majority of viewers-listeners, who probably feel a "sense of deep satisfaction."
    Putin's culture is not so much a farce, but a qualitatively different type of culture.
    In the 1970s, Vladimir Paperny wrote the classic book "Culture Two." In it, he showed that Russian history is characterized by a constant change between two types of culture – the Western-modernizing, democratic, and liberal Culture One and the Asian-autocratic, hierarchical Culture Two. In a recent interview, he characterized Putin’s culture, which one might be tempted to attribute to Culture Two, as a farce: "Culture Two of the Stalin era was a tragedy. Putin’s Culture Two is more of a farce." Here, I would like to disagree with the author of one of my favorite books: Putin's culture is not so much a farce, but a qualitatively different type of culture. Let’s call it Culture Three. If in Culture One and Culture Two, both in the 19th and 20th centuries, there were actors who, whether we like it or not, were part of culture (i.e., not just clumsy amateur craftsmen but professionally capable people producing images and meanings), in Culture Three, the characters who act are only functionally reminiscent of "cultural figures." Apparently, the cultural whirlpool described by Paperny is not infinite. At some point, the cultural soil is exhausted, and what was once a flourishing valley turns into a barren, salt-crusted wasteland.
    Marietta Chudakova once expressed a very productive thought that the power of a literary (and more broadly, cultural) generation is not determined by it, but by the "underbrush." She saw the source of the power of 1920s literature (her primary field of study) in the power of the preceding period's literature:
    "An era is not judged by its colossuses, although they mark it ('the era of so-and-so burns,' as the poet says). One does not judge it by the ship’s timber, by the pines that will withstand any storm (if they are not felled to the root). An era is judged by the next era—by how it dealt with the underbrush, which was supposed to rise or not rise to full growth in the future."
    From the masts of the pine tree, another such tree does not grow through sprouting – the young forest must rise gradually, with proper access to moisture and light.
    The plow passed over the cultural field with a giant moldboard, burying the fertile layer and overturning the sand and clods of clay.
    Looking at the literature of the 60s-80s—the underbrush that grew—at the unsteady shoots of grain, we see its current state, which for many seemed unexpected. The relaxation of creative will, spiritual stupor, slipping into hysteria. This is a signal of a tragic situation: the juices that could have been provided by the violently plowed, artificially depleted earth have been exhausted. And we begin to understand what exactly happened in the 20s and 30s.
    It is hard to argue with the fact that Russian culture reached its "golden age" in the 19th century, after which began an era of decline, or at least soft fading (it is not for nothing that it is called the Silver Age). The flourishing of the 1920s is explained by the release of enormous cultural forces that had been dormant in pre-revolutionary culture. But this generation still grew on the same tree of VRL ("Great Russian Literature"), which had been undercut, fatally wounded, and dried out in the Stalin era. Therefore, the literature of the thaw and, in essence, until the end of the Soviet era (it is in connection with it that Chudakova expressed the thought about the "underbrush") seemed so withered in projection onto the VLR. There were certainly major names, bright works, but the power of the classical era had already been exhausted, and this is especially clear to literary historians in relation to the last four decades.
    And isn’t it a coincidence that it was exactly in 1960 that Akhmatova wrote her ruthless prophetic sketch, where the same image of the dying tree appears?
    "The steppe collapsed, and time swayed, Without speed, the heel was on the temple Of great mountains, and the stream turned, The poisoned seed lay in the earth, Poisoned, the sap ran along the branches, The human race was dying in strength, But everyone knew the deadline was near."
    We all, who are somehow related to the concept of "Russian culture," understood that we are in a dead desert.
    By historical standards, the deadline was indeed near. And the tribe finally perished. The last cultural surge, associated with the perestroika period, was already entirely nourished by previously banned pre-revolutionary, Soviet, and foreign books,
    archives, and previously forgotten media, artifacts. The children of the 80s and 90s were looking for something that could allow them to approach culture, to find a universal language of cultural connection that could bridge the years of silence. For the most part, it turned out to be empty efforts.
    In recent years, Russian culture has ceased to be even a facade of a cultural institution. Everything is taken from its earlier existence: it is simply replicated on the basis of earlier values, thrown into new social conditions. The cultural activity in the new conditions turns into a caricature. Even artists, who are still occasionally capable of creating something of artistic value, realize that they live in a criminalized culture, where their ability to create is severely limited by the presence of ideological restrictions. This means that there is no longer a cultural sphere in which the artist could fully express himself, no such space remains.
    In the new context, this culture is more of a puzzle. It is rather a reflection of a more primitive system in which the component parts – and not culture itself – still try to preserve the remnants of their previous significance. Thus, Russian culture now exists like the remnants of a shipwreck on the ocean’s surface. It functions as a wreckage, scattered but still forming an illusion of integrity.
    **Hashtags**
    #CultureThree #RussianNormality #CulturalDecay #PoliticalCulture #Decline #EvgenyDobrenko

    Окончание года Россия встретила так же, как она провожает уже не первый год, – актом беспредельного варварства вперемешку с запредельным цинизмом: как раз тогда, когда над Чечней российская ПВО сбила азербайджанский самолет, убив 38 человек на борту гражданского судна (это то, что российский президент позже назвал "инцидентом"), в сети вирусным стал пропагандистский ролик про то, как дед Мороз и российская ПВО сбивают в небе над Россией Санта-Клауса. Я смотрел его, и в моей памяти всплыл другой мультяшный образ.
    Люди старшего поколения, должно быть, помнят красочный советский мультфильм "Золотая антилопа" – о жадном радже, который заставляет волшебную антилопу приносить ему золото до тех пор, пока сам он не произнесет слово "Довольно!", хотя в этот момент всё его золото превратится в черепки. Антилопа скачет по дворцу, высекая из-под копыт золотые монеты, пока раджа не падает на пол и, почти утонув в золоте, кричит, или скорее стонет: "Довольно!" И золото тут же превращается в черепки, которые погребают его под собой. По мне эта сцена из мультика является метафорой современной России, практически превратившей собственную культуру в груду черепков, в которой захлебывалась сама, а теперь заставила захлебываться весь мир.
    Есть, впрочем, одна категория людей, которым хотя и трудно (как и всем остальным) жить в эпоху перемен, но по крайней мере интересно. Это – историки. Мне всегда сложно было представить себе многое из того, чем я занимался. Например, как страна погружается в диктатуру, как деградируют институции и общественная мораль, как происходит резкое снижение качества культурных элит и культурного производства (то есть попросту культура превращается в черепки). И вот теперь я вижу в яви то, что казалось мне историей.
    Страна превратилась в законченную бандитскую малину
    Новости из России, одна печальнее другой, кажется, уже давно перестали удивлять – дикие законы, невероятные сроки наказания невинных людей, захват заложников для обмена под предлогом вымышленных обвинений, первобытное хамство и нескончаемая ложь на государственном уровне, проявления какого-то запредельного цинизма от использования обитателей тюрем в качестве фронтового "расходного материала" до каких-нибудь "голых вечеринок"... Не говоря уже об Украине, где жертвы среди мирного населения стали повседневностью, где Россия совершает чудовищные преступления, оставляя людей зимой без отопления и электричества, бомбя жилые дома, больницы, убивая детей. Страна превратилась в законченную бандитскую малину со всем букетом соответствующих повадок, практик и, как сейчас говорят, "нарративов".
    Но бывает так, что одно слово становится куда более сильным индикатором катастрофы, чем масса шумных событий. Для меня таким потрясением стали несколько слов, брошенных Путиным в ходе его прямой линии. Не то чтобы он меня удивил. Скорее я подумал о том, насколько же быстро и тяжело он деградировал. А еще – о том, какое счастье, что советские вожди читали свои публичные выступления по бумажкам. Ведь мы так никогда и не узнали степени их неадекватности и/или идиотизма. То, что демонстрировал на экране Путин, показывает, что, по сути, страной правит тяжело больной и совершенно неадекватный человек с явными маниакальными отклонениями. Причем даже не понимающий, что это как-то нужно камуфлировать.
    Шок вызывает не то, что он сказал, но то, что он решился публично об этом говорить. А сказал он, в сущности, простую вещь: поскольку в условиях несменяемости его власти политическая жизнь в стране фактически умерла (он даже не счел нужным ритуально это отрицать), единственная форма "движухи", которую он может предложить народонаселению России, это нескончаемая война (с Украиной, НАТО, "коллективным Западом", "недружественными государствами" и т. д.). Это единственное "развлечение", которое он может предложить в качестве компенсации за свое бесконечное правление. Такие вещи не принято произносить вслух. И тот факт, что Путин проговаривает их в прямом эфире, свидетельствует, конечно, о крайней степени его неадекватности.
    Другой шокирующий пассаж был связан с предложением (в ответ на вопрос об уязвимостях российской ракеты "Орешник") провести "технологическую дуэль", обстреляв ею Киев. Предельное по дикости предложение обстрелять мощными ракетами многомиллионный город в центре Европы и "посмотреть, что будет" вызвало нетривиальную реакцию со стороны украинского президента, использовавшего для характеристики Путина ненормативную лексику. Интересно, что как по команде вставшие на защиту своего босса кремлевские говорящие головы – от Медведева и Пескова до Захаровой и Лаврова заговорили о "корректности" высказывания Путина и неуравновешенности Зеленского, нарушившего "протокол". Этот прием переноса и переход с обсуждения содержания дикого предложения Путина к вопросу о вежливости свидетельствует о желании как-то смикшировать остроту мировой реакции на столь невероятное высказывание главы ядерной державы. Слушая эти безумные рассуждения, льющиеся с экрана, я думал о том, что передо мной не провал в какую-то культурную черную дыру, но некая новая нормальность, в которой живет эта страна – от оживившихся журналистов до зрителей-слушателей в огромной своей массе, вероятно, испытывающих "чувство глубокого удовлетворения".
    Путинская культура не столько фарс, сколько качественно иной тип культуры
    В 1970-е годы Владимир Паперный написал ставшую классикой книгу "Культура Два". В ней он показал, что в русской истории происходит постоянная смена двух типов культур – западно-модернизационной, демократической и либеральной Культуры Один и азиатско-автократической, иерархической Культуры Два. В недавнем интервью он охарактеризовал путинскую культуру, которую есть соблазн отнести к типу Культуры Два, как фарс: "Культура Два сталинской эпохи — это трагедия. Культура Два путинской эпохи — это скорее фарс". Здесь я позволю себе не согласиться с автором любимой мною книги: путинская культура не столько фарс, сколько качественно иной тип культуры. Назовем ее Культурой Три. Если в Культуре Один и Культуре Два как в 19-м, так и в 20-м веке действовали акторы, которые, хотим мы того или нет, относились к культуре (т.е. не просто какие-то криворукие ремесленники-любители, но люди, профессионально способные производить некоторые образы и смыслы), то в Культуре Три действуют персонажи, лишь функционально напоминающие "деятелей культуры". Видимо, описанное Паперным культурное коловращение не бесконечно. В какой-то момент происходит исчерпание культурной почвы, и когда-то цветущая долина превращается в безблагодатную солончаковую пустошь.
    Мариэтта Чудакова высказала однажды весьма продуктивную мысль о том, что мощь литературной (а шире, видимо, и культурной) генерации определяется не по ней самой, а по "подлеску". Она видела источник мощи литературы 1920-х годов (основной предмет ее штудий) в мощи литературы предшествовавшего периода:
    Об эпохе не судят по ее колоссам, хотя именно они ее метят ("горит такого-то эпоха", по слову поэта). О ней не судят по корабельному лесу, по тем соснам, что выстоят (если их не спилят под корень) любые бури. Эпоху судят по следующей эпохе — по тому, как обошлась она с подлеском, которому предстояло подняться или не подняться до полного роста в будущем.
    От мачтовой сосны не родится другая такая ж е путем почкования — молодой лес должен подниматься постепенно, при правильном доступе влаги и света.
    Плуг прошел по полю культуры гигантским лемехом и закопал плодородный слой, выворотив наверх песок и комья глины.
    И вглядываясь в литературу 60–80-х годов – выросший подлесок, – в неуверенно поднявшиеся стебли злаков, мы наблюдаем и ее сегодняшнее, для многих явившееся неожиданным состояние. Расслабленность творческой воли, духовная оторопь, срывающаяся в истерику. Это сигнал трагической ситуации: исчерпаны соки, какие могла дать варварски перепаханная, насильственно истощенная земля. И мы начинаем понимать, что именно произошло в 20-е и 30-е годы.
    Трудно спорить с тем, что русская культура достигла своего "золотого века" в 19-м столетии, после чего началась эпоха если не упадка, то мягкого отцветания (не случайно ее называют Серебряным веком). Цветение 1920-х годов объясняется высвобождением огромных культурных сил, спавших в дореволюционной культуре. Но эта генерация росла все на том же древе ВРЛ ("великой русской литературы"), подрубленном, фатально раненом, иссушенном в сталинскую эпоху. Поэтому литература оттепели и по сути, вплоть до конца советской эпохи (именно в связи с ней Чудакова и высказала мысль о "подлеске"), казалась в проекции на ВЛР столь чахлой. Там, несомненно, были крупные имена, яркие произведения, но мощь классической эпохи уже исчерпалась, и это особенно ясно историкам литературы в проекции последних четырех десятилетий.
    И разве это совпадение, что именно в 1960 году Ахматова напишет свой безжалостно-пророческий набросок, где тот же образ умирающего древа?
    Даль рухнула, и пошатнулось время,
    Бес скорости стал пяткою на темя
    Великих гор и повернул поток,
    Отравленным в земле лежало семя,
    Отравленный бежал по веткам сок.
    Людское мощно вымирало племя,
    Но знали все, что очень близок срок.
    Мы все, кто как-то причастен к понятию "русская культура", поняли, что пребываем в мертвой пустыне
    По историческим меркам срок действительно был близок. И племя наконец вымерло. Последний культурный всплеск, связанный с перестройкой, уже полностью питался ранее запрещенными в СССР дореволюционными, советскими и зарубежными книгами, фильмами и картинами. То, что было создано в то время в России (в исторической проекции это стало совсем ясно), было куда ниже по уровню, чем даже послесталинская литература. Подлесок редел, чах и добирал последние соки прежних цветений, пока мы наконец не оказались в высушенной суховеем степи. В течение трех десятилетий все это прикрывалось большей частью гламурным флером и шумом с редкими, впрочем, вспышками ярких имен и произведений в литературе, театре, кино, пока в 2022 году покрывало окончательно не спало и мы все, кто как-то причастен к понятию "русская культура", не поняли, что пребываем просто в мертвой пустыне. И эту срамоту ни проигнорировать, ни прикрыть.
    Мне уже приходилось писать о том, что как нынешняя российская эмиграция, так и в еще большей степени культура метрополии просто не выдерживают исторического проецирования. Это не очередная (четвертая или пятая) "волна", как некоторые думают. Это просто качественно иные феномены, поскольку первая волна русской эмиграции была связана с Гражданской войной, голодом, холодом и разрухой, тогда как ельцинско-путинская Россия, которую справедливо сравнивали с Веймарской республикой, совсем не похожа ни на послереволюционную Россию (первая волна), ни на послевоенную (вторая волна), ни на брежневскую (третья волна). Она скорее похожа на ситуацию в немецкой культуре после прихода к власти Гитлера. И вот здесь начинает работать сформулированный Чудаковой, назовем его так, "принцип подлеска". Это своего рода "гамбургский счет", но не к отдельным авторам, а к целым генерациям. И здесь бросается в глаза резкая разница интеллектуальной и культурной элит. Напомню, что за пределами нацистской Германии оказались Томас и Генрих Манны, Бертольт Брехт, Альфред Дёблин, Стефан Цвейг, Лион Фейхтвангер, Зигмунд Фрейд, Герберт Маркузе, Теодор Адорно, Макс Хоркхаймер, Вальтер Беньямин, Зигфрид Кракауэр, Арнольд Шёнберг, Ханс Эйслер, Фриц Ланг… То есть фигуры, просто несопоставимые по масштабам с представителями нынешних российских эмигрантских интеллектуальных и культурных элит. Но ведь и в Германии оставались Рихард Штраус, а не, простите, Юрий Лоза; Герхард Гауптман, а не, извините, Александр Проханов; Мартин Хайдеггер, а не, прошу прощения, Александр Дугин; Лени Рифеншталь, а не Никита Михалков; Арно Брекер и Фриц Климш, а не Зураб Церетели; Вильгельм Фуртвенглер и Герберт фон Караян, а не скупщик недвижимости Валерий Гергиев…
    Нынешний цивилизационный срыв России отличается от предыдущих исчерпанием культуры
    Сегодняшние звезды российской культуры – это даже не фарс, как полагает Владимир Паперный, но злая пародия на их советских визави. Все-таки в Советском Союзе философом был Мамардашвили, а не Дугин; писателем был Юрий Трифонов, а не Захар Прилепин; поэтессой была Белла Ахмадуллина, а не нынешняя Юнна Мориц; актером был Смоктуновский, а не Охлобыстин; легендой балета была Уланова, а не Волочкова; патриархом советской эстрады был Леонид Утесов, а звездой – Алла Пугачева, а не, соответственно, Филипп Киркоров и Ольга Бузова; любимыми певцами были Марк Бернес и Муслим Магомаев, а не Григорий Лепс и Шаман; режиссерами-худруками были Георгий Товстоногов и Юрий Любимов, а не Константин Богомолов и Марк Варшавер; мастерами сатиры считались Аркадий Райкин с Михаилом Жванецким, а не Евгений Петросян с покойным Михаилом Задорновым… А ведь список можно продолжать и продолжать. Это просто галерея гротескных гоголевских персонажей, демонстрирующих такую степень культурной деградации, что впору говорить не о культуре и традиции, а о выпадении из них и впадении в дикость. И разве президентом такой страны не должен быть человек, называющий развязанную им войну, в которой погибли сотни тысяч, "движухой"?
    Чем отличается нынешний цивилизационный срыв России от предыдущих, так это исчерпанием культуры. Все предыдущие спирали российской истории (то, что мы называем "граблями", на которые эта страна неизменно наступает и расшибает голову) обеспечивались прививкой европеизации, которой хватило на три столетия. И хотя культурная почва все более исчерпывалась, она была настолько мощной, что сохранилась даже в условиях советской катастрофы. Да, в советской цивилизации было много российской хтони, но сохранялся и европейский просветительский потенциал, обеспечивавший смену Культуры Один и Культуры Два. Теперь запал исчерпался. Осталась одна хтонь. И все, что она способна произвести, это Культура Три – культура мужиков в трениках и жэковских теток. И другой уже не будет, ей больше неоткуда взяться. Мы боялись признаться себе в том, что, по сути, она завершилась вместе с советской эпохой. В ней Россия живет уже практически четыре десятилетия. Просто сейчас она предъявила это всему миру. Вот о чем я думал, глядя на экран и слушая невменяемого человека, разрушающего жизни миллионов людей ("Но это ведь не ужас-ужас-ужас", верно?) и рассуждающего о "движухе" и "технологической дуэли".

    bastyon.com/index?s=0709259592

    Евгений Добренко – филолог, культуролог, профессор Венецианского университета

  14. "A 'perverse spectacle': that was #Trump's campaign.

    But now that Trump has won the vote, we have to go farther. This is more than a political show raising eyebrows and making jaws drop.

    #Ireland is at risk"

    #TrumpIreland #Economy #Security #PoliticalCulture

  15. "A 'perverse spectacle': that was #Trump's campaign.

    But now that Trump has won the vote, we have to go farther. This is more than a political show raising eyebrows and making jaws drop.

    #Ireland is at risk"

    #TrumpIreland #Economy #Security #PoliticalCulture

  16. "A 'perverse spectacle': that was #Trump's campaign.

    But now that Trump has won the vote, we have to go farther. This is more than a political show raising eyebrows and making jaws drop.

    #Ireland is at risk"

    #TrumpIreland #Economy #Security #PoliticalCulture

  17. By Swamp Yankee
    (Ian–this is another elevated comment. I thought (and think) it’s an excellent one, informed by life experience. In general the quality of comments lately has impressed me.)

    For those advising an attempt to take over the Republican Party. I think candidly that that is even less likely than taking over the Democratic […]

    https://www.ianwelsh.net/why-the-left-taking-over-the-republican-party-is-even-harder-than-taking-over-the-democratic-party/

  18. CW: UKPol: why do MPs stand down? Good set of interviews by Rachel Cooke.

    A large number of MPs won't stand again at the next election. In some cases the reasons are obvious, but there are other, more subtle factors at work.

    Excellent piece by Rachel Cooke in the Observer, based on interviews with MPs from all parties. Thoughtful writing: nuanced & genuinely insightful.

    theguardian.com/politics/2024/

    #UKpol #MPs #PoliticalCulture #RachelCooke

    #HarrietHarman #CarolineLucas #MhairiBlack #CharlesWalker

  19. currentpub.com/2023/10/17/isra #Israel-based progressive intellectuals and peace activists call for a “return to a politics based on humanistic and universal principles” We are also deeply concerned by the inadequate response from certain American and European progressives regarding the
    targeting of #Israeli civilians by #Hamas, a response which reflects a disturbing trend in the global left’s #politicalCulture.

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