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  1. Lilian Bland

    In 1909, most women in Britain and Ireland were still more than eight years away from being allowed to vote. Lilian Bland was building an aeroplane. Not buying one, or sitting in one while someone else flew it. She was building one and when the fuel tank failed to arrive, she improvised with a whiskey bottle and her aunt’s ear trumpet.

    I think you’re going to like Lilian.

    Lilian Emily Bland was born in Kent on 28 September 1878, the youngest of three children. Her father, John Humphrey Bland, came from an established Irish family in County Antrim, and after the death of her mother she eventually moved with him to Carnmoney, near Belfast.

    Lilian was never particularly interested in behaving as a respectable Edwardian woman was expected to behave. She wore practical clothes and worked as a photographer and journalist at a time when neither profession was exactly overflowing with women. Lilian specialised in sporting events and became an accomplished press photographer. She was also fascinated by birds and the mechanics of flight.

    Lilian was also a keen horsewoman, although her particular equestrian talents apparently extended beyond simply staying on the horse. She wrote for Badminton Magazine, and in 1906 contributed a wonderfully titled piece called “The Art of Falling Off” – and it wasn’t a metaphor.

    Lilian had fallen from horses often enough to develop definite opinions on how the thing ought to be done. Rather than treating an unscheduled departure from the saddle as an embarrassing failure, she approached it almost as another sporting skill: if you were going to fall off a horse, you might as well learn to do it properly. There is something wonderfully Lilian about that. This was a woman who could take the prospect of being unexpectedly launched towards the ground and turn it into an instructional article.

    Then there was jujitsu. At a time when the martial art was still decidedly unusual in Britain and Ireland, Lilian learned that too – and reportedly taught it to boys in the local village. So, before we even get to the aeroplane, we have an Edwardian woman who smoked, shot, photographed sporting events, wrote articles about the correct technique for falling off horses and taught village boys jujitsu.

    Frankly, it almost seems inevitable that she decided to build an aeroplane

    Then, in 1909, Louis Blériot flew across the English Channel.

    It must have been one of those moments when the world suddenly feels bigger. Powered flight was still very new. The Wright brothers has made their famous flight at Kitty Hawk only six years earlier. Aeroplanes were fragile, experimental machines and nobody really knew what they were eventually going to become but Lilian was fascinated by them.

    She attended an aviation meeting in Blackpool and studied the machines closely, making notes while she watched. Apparently, some of the men thought she was someones secretary. She wasn’t. She was working out how to build one. A postcard showing Blériot’s aircraft and it’s dimensions helped her experiments, and she began constructing models of her own. When those worked, she decided there was really only one sensible thing to do: Build a full sized aeroplane. In a stable. At home. So, using timber, bamboo, fabric, wire and whatever else was available, Lilian constructed a biplane glider with a wingspan of more than twenty feet. She named it the Mayfly… because it may fly or it may not.

    Initially there was no engine. Lilian took the Mayfly to Carmoney Hill and experimented with it as a glider. It worked well enough for her ambitions to increase considerably. Now she wanted an engine. before spending money on one, however, she needed to know if the aircraft could carry the additional weight and her solution to this problem was wonderfully straightforward. She got severel blokes she knew to hang onto it. Accounts describe four members of the Royal Irish Constabulary and her father’s garden boy being used as human ballast. If the mayfly could lift five men, Lilian reasoned, it could lift an engine. And, fair enough. you can’t really argue with that.

    Scientific research completed, Lilian then proceeded to order a 20-horsepower engine from A.V Roe and Company in England and, impatient with delays, travelled across to collect it herself. She brought it home by train, balanced on two spars.

    Then another problem arose. She had an engine but she didn’t have a fuel tank.This apparently struck Lilian as an inconvenience rather than an actual reason to stop. Her solution was magnificently improvised. With no proper fuel tank available, Lilian used an empty Jameson’s whisky bottle, feeding petrol from it to the engine. And because she also needed suitable tubing to complete the makeshift arrangement, she borrowed her aunt’s ear trumpet.

    So there she was in an Irish field in 1910, attempting to get her homemade aeroplane into the sky with a 20-horsepower engine being fed from a Jameson’s bottle through part of an elderly relative’s hearing apparatus. And it worked.

    Sort of.

    Lilian described the engine as sounding like an enormous cat fight, while local people apparently wondered whether a mill had exploded before deciding the racket must be a thunderstorm. Meanwhile, her mechanic became so fascinated by the proceedings that he managed to pour petrol over the aeroplane rather than into the improvised fuel system. Remarkably, nobody seems to have gone up in flames. Eventually a proper fuel tank arrived.

    Which was probably for the best.

    The Mayfly was moved to a larger area of parkland at Randalstown in County Antrim and on 31 August 1910, Lilian climbed aboard. There was no enclosed cockpit, no sophisticated instrument panel or reassuring array of modern controls. The Mayfly was a lightweight wooden framework covered in fabric, with Lilian sitting exposed inside it. And she had designed and built the whole thing herself. The engine started, The Mayfly moved across the field. Then the wheels left the ground and Lilian Bland was flying.

    She made several powered flights, reportedly reaching around thirty feet in height and eventually covering roughly a quarter of a mile. She later recalled running back afterwards to inspect the tracks in the grass. almost unable to believe that the wheels had left the ground. They had, and Lilian Bland had become the first woman to fly a powered aircraft in Ireland and is widely credited as the first woman in the British Isles – and possibly the world – to design, build and fly her own aeroplane.

    Women had flown before Lilian. Women were beginning to learn to pilot aircraft, but Lilian hadn’t just learned how to pilot someone else’s machine. She had studied flight, experimented with models, designed an aircraft, sourced the materials. constructed it, tested it as a glider, fitted an engine, solved the inevitable engineering problems and then climbed into it herself. In 1910. She even considered turning the whole thing into a business, She advertised gliders for £80 and powered biplanes for £250.

    Sadly, Lilian’s father was considerably less enthusiastic about having an aeronautical engineer for a daughter than Lilian was about being one. he worried that she would eventually kill herself and reportedly offered her a Ford Model T if she would give up flying. Lilian accepted, which sounds like the end of the adventure until you realise what she did next. She taught herself to drive, collected the car in Dublin and drove it back to Belfast. Then she became a motor dealer.

    By 1911 she was selling Ford cars in Belfast and has been described as Ford’s first agent in Northern Ireland. Because apparently just inventing and flying an aeroplane wasn’t enough for one lifetime. That same year Lilian married her cousin, Charles Loftus Bland, who had been living in Canada. In 1912 she joined him on Vancouver Island, where the pair attempted another sort of pioneering life, establishing a farm in fairly unforgiving surroundings. Their daughter Patricia was born in 1913 but sadly died from tetanus aged just sixteen. Lilian’s marriage eventually broke down, and in 1935 she returned to Britain.

    She settled in Cornwall, where she turned her attention to gardening, painting and the considerably safer pursuit of gambling. She lived until the age of ninety-two, dying on 11 May 1971.

    For decades, Lilian Bland received little recognition for what she had achieved. Maybe because the history of aviation became dominated by the enormous technological developments that followed. Within a few years, the fragile machines of Lilian’s generation had evolved into military aircraft. Within decades there were passenger airlines, jet engines and humans heading towards space. The little Mayfly was easily swallowed up in all that noise.

    Or maybe there was another reason.

    Lilian was a woman operating in a world where engineering, motoring and aviation were overwhelmingly regarded as male territory. She didn’t fit comfortably into the expected story of an Edwardian woman, and history has a rather unfortunate habit of misplacing women who refuse to fit nicely into the boxes provided for them.

    But recognition has finally begun to catch up. There is now a park named after Lilian Bland near Carnmoney, complete with a statue commemorating the Mayfly, and the Ulster History Circle records her achievement with a plaque at Tobercorran House. Aviation historians have also worked to restore her place in the story of early flight.

    And what a place it is.

    Lilian Bland didn’t wait for someone to tell her that women could build aeroplanes. She didn’t even wait for aeroplanes to become particularly good aeroplanes. She looked at one of the newest technologies on Earth, worked out roughly how it functioned and decided to give it a go.

    When she needed to know if it could carry an engine, she got the local coppers to hang on to it as ballast. When her fuel tank didn’t turn up, she found a whiskey bottle that would do the job. When she needed tubing, she borrowed an ear trumpet. And when it was finally ready, she climbed aboard the machine she had built with her own hands and she flew it.

    The Mayfly may have been promitive.

    Lilian Bland was anything but.

    #AviationHistory #BadmintonMagazine #CountyAntrim #EarlyAviation #EdwardianWomen #FemalePioneers #ForgottenWomen #IrishAviation #JamesonSWhisky #Jujitsu #LilianBland #MayflyAeroplane #MysteriousTimes #StrongFeminineEnergy #TheArtOfFallingOff #WomenInAviation #WomenInEngineering #WomenSHistory
  2. The Seventh Chair – Kirst D’Raven

    The invitation had been very specific.

    Dinner. Seven o’clock. Come as you are.

    There had been no address or date, which was inconvenient to say the least. Nevertheless, at precisely seven o’clock, Florence Nightingale opened a door that had not been there a moment ago and walked into the dining room. She paused, taking in the six women already seated around the long dining table. Seven chairs. Two were empty.

    “Late,” said a woman with a magnificent quantity of hair and the expression of someone who had personally invented punctuality.

    Florence eyed the clock on the mantlepiece. It said seven.

    “I am precisely on time.”

    “Then the clock is wrong.”

    Florence regarded the woman coldly.

    “I don’t believe we’ve met.”

    “No. I’m Beatrix.”

    “Potter?”

    Beatrix sighed.

    “Yes.”

    Florence removed her cloak.

    “I’ve read your books.”

    Beatrix’s expression softened slightly.

    “Thank you.”

    “My sister liked the rabbit.”

    It hardened again.

    Across the table somebody snorted. She was small, neat and formidable looking, with the sort of eyes that suggested very little escaped them.

    “Maria Dickin,” she said. “Sit down before the soup gets cold.”

    Florence sat. The dining room was peculiar. Not unpleasant. Just peculiar. A fire crackled in a stone fireplace although Florence could not remember seeing a chimney from outside.Then again, she couldn’t remember seeing an outside. There were no windows. There were paintings on the walls, but whenever she tried to examine them properly, she found herself looking somewhere else. The table was laid with white linen, silver cutlery and seven place settings. Seven glasses. Seven napkins. Seven bowls of soup. Florence looked at the empty chair.

    “Are we waiting for someone?”

    Nobody answered.

    At the opposite end of the table, a woman looked up from the spoon she had been studying as though considering whether it might be useful for dismantling something.

    “Lilian Bland.”

    Florence knew the name.

    “The aviator?”

    “The journalist. Photographer. Sportswoman. Aviator when people insist.”

    “You built an aeroplane.”

    “I did!” Lilian raised her glass and smiled, as though toasting Florence.

    “Did it fly?”

    Lilian gave her a look.

    “Well now, I wouldn’t be much of an aviator if it hadn’t.”

    Beside her, a handsome woman with determined features laughed.

    “I like you.”

    “How kind…”

    “Elsie Inglis.”

    “Yes,” said Florence. “I know.”

    There was a moment. Not an uncomfortable one exactly. But there are some names that seem to arrive long before their owners do. Elsie raised her glass. “And I know you.”

    Florence inclined her head.

    “Then we’re even.”

    The final woman had been quiet so far. She sat with both hands around her glass, watching the others with an expression that was gentle but by no means timid.

    “Eglantyne Jebb.”

    Another paused followed. Florence frowned.

    “I.m not sure I…”

    “Save the Children?”

    “Ah”

    “Yes.”

    “I know your work”

    “Most people know the organisation.”

    “But not you.”

    Eglantyne smiled.

    “That seems to be the theme of the evening.”

    Silence settled around the table. Then Maria picked up her spoon.

    “Can we eat now?”

    The soup was excellent, although none of the women were quite sure what was in it. Beatrix suspected it was some kind of mushroom. Lilian thought leek. Elsie insisted there was barley in it. Maria said she didn’t care what was in it provided that everyone stopped dissecting the bloody soup and ate it. Florence found herself smiling. She couldn’t remember the last time she had done that.

    There was another thing that was odd about the room. Time seemed to behave strangely here. Dates didn’t seem important. Neither did death. Nobody asked how they had arrived there or where they had come from. And nobody mentioned that, according to any sensible calendar, they should not all have been sitting at the same dining table.

    The second course arrived without anyone bringing it. It was just simply there. Beatrix noticed first, staring suspiciously at the roast potatoes.

    “Who cooked these?”

    Nobody knew.

    “Then I’m not eating them!” she pouted, crossing her arms.

    “You ate the soup.” said Maria.

    “That was before I realised that we didn’t have a cook.”

    “Perhaps the rabbit did it,” Lillian giggled.

    Beatrix gave her a stare that had probably once turned a publisher to rubble.

    “Peter Rabbit Cannot Cook!” Beatrix enunciated each word clearly, as if speaking to a particularly distracted child.

    “How do you know?”

    “Because I wrote him!”

    Lilian picked up her cutlery and began to poke at the food on her plate. “Doesn’t mean you know everything he gets up to…” she muttered. Elsie laughed so hard that she nearly spilled her wine.

    Florence decided that she liked Lilian Bland.

    Dinner continued slowly, as did the conversation. It began with the harmless things. Weather. Books. Animals. Travel.

    Then someone mentioned hospitals and that was when thigs began to get really interesting.

    “You were told to go home?” Florence asked incredulously.

    Elsie nodded. “By the War Office, yes. Apparently women doctors were surplus to requirements.”

    Florence’s mouth tightened. “So you went elsewhere?”

    “France.”

    “Of course you did.”

    “And Serbia.”

    “Of course you did.” Florence repeated.

    “They gave me an order.”

    Florence stared at her for several seconds. Then, raising her glass she said,

    “To ignoring idiotic men.”

    Every woman seated at the table raised hers. Even Beatrix.

    Especially Beatrix.

    “To ignoring idiotic men.”

    They drank.

    After that there was no stopping them.

    Lilian told them about building the Mayfly.

    “You called your aeroplane Mayfly?” asked Eglantyne.

    “Yes,” Lilian replied. “Because it may fly…”

    “And if it didn’t?”

    “Then presumably I’d have renamed it Maynot.”

    Maria nearly choked on her wine.

    Beatrix talked about fungi. Not rabbits or Aylsbury ducks wearing blue bonnets. Fungi. She talked about drawing them, studying them, trying to present her scientific work and discovering that being both knowledgeable and female was apparently an intolerable combination.

    Florence understood that particular irritation very well.

    “So they remember the rabbits,” she said.

    “They remember the rabbits.”

    “Not the science?”

    Beatrix swirled her glass, staring into it as though she might find an answer there.

    “Oh! Occasionally the sheep!” she smiled.

    “The sheep?” said Florence, “I don’t recall…?”

    “I bought farms!” Beatrix cut in, quickly.

    “Why?”

    “To stop people ruining them.”

    Lilian nodded approvingly. “Good.”

    Beatrix looked pleased.

    Then Maria told them about animals in war. Not sentimentally, she wouldn’t allow that. She spoke of dogs pulling the wounded from the rubble. Pigeons carrying messages through gunfire. Horses, cats and creatures who had no understanding of nations or medals or why human beings had suddenly decided to tear the world apart.

    “They served,” Marie said. “That was enough for me.”

    “And so you made them a medal?” Elsie asked.

    “I made sure someone did.”

    “Same thing.”

    Maria pretended not to hear her.

    Eglantyne spoke last. She told them about children. Hungry children. Children who had belonged to the enemy and therefore, according to some people, deserved to remain hungry.

    “They were children.” she said. Nothing more. She didn’t need anything more.

    The table became quiet.Florence looked at the six – no, five – faces around it. Her eyes moved towards the empty chair.

    Still there. Still laid. Te untouched plate had changed with every course. Soup and dinner, both untouched and removed by unseen hands. Nobody had sat there and yet the place remained. Ready.

    Waiting.

    “Who is that for?” Florence asked.

    This time everyone looked.

    “I’ve been wondering,” said Elsie.

    “So have I,” said Beatrix.

    Maria frowned, “I assumed one of you knew.”

    “No.”

    Lillian leaned sideways and looked beneath the table.

    “What are you expecting to find?” asked Eglantyne.

    “I don’t know.”

    “Is anyone there?”

    “No.”

    “Useful.”

    Lilian sat upright again. “It was worth checking.”

    Dessert arrived. Nobody questioned it anymore. Apple crumble with custard. Maria took seconds. Then coffee appeared. Florence approved of that.

    They talked long after the plates had vanished. About what they had done and about what they had failed to do – that surprised Florence.

    History, she thought, liked finished things.

    Achievements and dates, institutions and books, hospitals, aeroplanes, medals and declarations. It rarely recorded the days when things didn’t work. The letters that went unanswered and the doors closed. The humiliation of being dismissed and the sheer exhaustion. The doubt. The mornings when getting dressed had felt more difficult than changing the world.

    “I nearly gave up,” Lilian said,serious now.

    “So did I,” said Beatrix.

    Elsie nodded.

    Maria stared into her coffee.

    Eglantyne said nothing.

    Florence looked around the table. “But did we?”

    Beatrix smiled, “No.”

    The fire had burned low. The clock still showed seven ‘o clock. It all seemed impossible, but impossibility had rather lost it’s meaning in this room. Then Eglantyne looked towards the empty chair.

    “I think I understand.”

    The others followed her gaze. The seventh chair remained untouched.

    “Understand what?” Maria asked.

    “The invitation.”

    Florence reached into her pocket. She still had hes.

    Dinner. Seven ‘o clock. Come as you are.

    Beatrix produced an identical card. Then Elsie, Maria, Lilian, Eglatyne. Six invitations. Seven chairs.

    “There should be another card,” said Florence.

    “Yes,” said Eglantyne. “Who has it?”

    Eglantyne looked towards the door which, for the first time that evening, had begun to open.

    Beyond it was not a corridor or a street. Or London, Cumbria, Ireland, Serbia or anywhere else any of them had known. Instead, there were thousands of rooms.

    Classrooms. Bedrooms. Kitchens. Offices. Workshops. Hospital wards. Libraries. Laboratories. Studios. Fields. Factories. And in them were women.

    Girls.

    Some were reading or working. Some were caring for children or animals. Some were staring at calculations nobody else understood.

    One was drawing. Another was writing. One girl was taking apart a machine. Yet another was standing outside a closed door, gathering the courage to knock again.

    One was being told “No.”

    One had just been laughed at.

    One had failed.

    One had succeeded and nobody had noticed.

    One had an idea she had not yet told anybody about.

    One believed she was just ordinary.

    The six women stood, nobody spoke for a while. Then Beatrix smiled.

    “Oh.”

    Florence understood.

    The seventh chair had never belonged to somebody missing from the table. It belonged to somebody who hadn’t arrived yet. To somebody whose name would perhaps be printed in books. Perhaps not. History could be peculiar about such things.

    History liked monuments and anniversaries. It liked famous names. History like deciding afterwards which moments had mattered.

    But history was not made afterwards.

    It was made in kitchens and workshops and hospital wards. At desks. In laboratories. On bicycles, In muddy fields and beside sickbeds.

    With pencils and petitions and sheer, bloody stubbornness.

    Sometimes, history was made with aeroplanes that might fly.

    And sometimes history was made by a woman who had absolutely no idea that what she was doing mattered.

    Florence walked to the empty chair. She pulled it away from the table.

    The others watched.

    Somewhere beyond the open door, another woman was being told that she couldn’t.

    Florence smiled. She had heard that before. They all had.

    She looked through the doorway. Maybe, somehow, the woman on the other side could see them.

    Six women at a table and one empty place. Waiting.

    Florence rested her hand upon the back of the chair.

    “Well?” she said.

    “Are you going to sit down?”

    #BeatrixPotter #EglantyneJebb #ElsieInglis #FeministHistory #FlorenceNightingale #ForgottenWomen #historicalFiction #InspirationalWomen #LilianBland #MariaDickin #MysteriousTimes #RemarkableWomen #ShortStorySunday #StrongFeminineEnergy #TheSeventhChair #WomenSHistory
  3. The Night London Rioted Over a Man in a Bottle

    On Monday 16 January 1749, Londoners gathered at the New Theatre in the Haymarket to watch a man climb into a bottle.

    Not a barrel. Not an enormous theatrical prop conveniently shaped like a bottle. An ordinary wine bottle.

    The advertisement had been quite specific. The performer would present the audience with a common bottle which spectators could examine themselves. It would be placed on a table in the middle of the stage and then, “without any equivocation”, the man would enter it in full view of everybody present. Once inside, he would sing. Spectators would even be allowed to handle the bottle while he was in it, just to make absolutely certain that it was no larger than the sort of thing found in an ordinary tavern.

    But this was not the entirety of the promised entertainment.

    The mysterious performer would apparently take a walking cane from a member of the audience and somehow use it to reproduce the sounds of various musical instruments. He would perform other astonishing feats and, if sufficiently encouraged, might even reveal the identity of any dead person selected by a member of the audience and communicate with them.

    But frankly, nobody was buying a ticket for the musical stick. London wanted to see the bloke get into the bottle.

    The advertisement appeared in several newspapers during the first weeks of January and caused a sensation and by the evening of the performance, the theatre was packed. This was not merely an audience of drunken idiots who had wandered in from nearby taverns. People from across London society attended. Contemporary satires gleefully depicted aristocrats, intellectuals and fashionable society alongside everybody else. Prince William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland, the king’s son, was reportedly among the audience. There was only one small problem.

    There was no Bottle Conjuror.

    As the appointed hour approached, the audience waited. And waited. Eventually somebody appeared on stage. The performer had not yet arrived, the audience was told. If he failed to appear shortly, their money would be returned.

    This did not improve matters.

    According to accounts published afterwards, somebody in the pit offered to pay double if the performer would climb into a pint bottle instead. The audience laughed. Then somebody threw a lighted candle onto the stage and things deteriorated rather rapidly from there. People began tearing apart the theatre. Benches were ripped up. Boxes and fittings were demolished. Curtains came down. Timber was carried outside and piled into the street. Then somebody set fire to it.

    By the time guards arrived, much of the damage had already been done. The Bottle Conjuror had failed to get inside a bottle. His audience had responded by attempting to dismantle the theatre around it.

    Almost immediately, London began asking the obvious question.

    Who the hell had done this?

    Suspicion naturally fell upon people connected with the theatre.

    Samuel Foote, the actor, playwright and theatrical impresario associated with the Haymarket, looked like an obvious candidate. He was famous for satire, unconventional entertainments and finding creative ways around the restrictions imposed upon theatres by the Licensing Act. John Potter, proprietor of the theatre, also came under suspicion. Both men publicly denied responsibility the following day. And this is where one of the most frequently repeated parts of the Bottle Conjuror story becomes rather less certain than it usually appears.

    The Duke of Montagu is often named as the mastermind. According to the familiar version, John Montagu, 2nd Duke of Montagu – an enthusiastic practical joker – was discussing human gullibility with friends and wagered that he could fill a theatre simply by advertising something completely impossible.

    A man climbing into a bottle would do nicely. It is a wonderful story. Unfortunately, contemporary evidence connecting Montagu directly to the hoax is very thin. The attribution appears in later accounts rather than the immediate reports of January 1749, and versions of the story disagree even over which duke supposedly made the wager.

    Another candidate was Dudley Bradstreet, adventurer, government agent and professional maker of trouble, who later claimed involvement himself. Maybe he was telling the truth. Perhaps claiming responsibility for one of the most famous practical jokes in London was simply another good story.

    The safest answer remains considerably less satisfying.

    We don’t know who organised the Bottle Conjuror hoax, but whoever did it understood their audience extremely well. Because there is a problem with the traditional interpretation of what happened that night.

    Were the people who filled the Haymarket actually stupid enough to believe that a full-grown human being could physically squeeze himself into an ordinary wine bottle? Contemporary observers were already asking exactly that question. One pamphlet published after the affair pointed out the contradiction rather beautifully.

    The audience had included philosophers, mathematicians, astrologers, authors and other supposedly intelligent people. Many openly declared beforehand that the advertised feat was impossible… and then they bought tickets and went to see it. That isn’t necessarily gullibility. It’s curiosity.

    Eighteenth-century audiences were already accustomed to conjurors, illusionists, automata, scientific demonstrations and performers advertising apparently impossible feats. Nobody attending a modern magic show believes the magician genuinely possesses supernatural powers when a woman is apparently sawn in half. They go because they want to discover how the impossible thing will be made to appear possible.

    The Bottle Conjuror advertisement practically challenged its readers. Here is an ordinary bottle. You can examine it. You can hold it. There are no tricks. The man will go inside it.

    The more impossible the claim became, the more intriguing the performance became. Perhaps London’s audience did not think: ‘A man can fit inside a wine bottle.’

    Perhaps they thought: ‘There is absolutely no way he can do that.’

    Followed almost immediately by: ‘But I’d bloody love to see him try.’

    And that changes the story considerably. Because the anger that followed makes rather more sense if the audience did not believe it had paid to witness a supernatural miracle. It had paid to witness an extraordinary trick. They expected deception, but they expected to be deceived skilfully. Instead, they got an empty stage.

    There is a peculiar contract between a conjuror and an audience. The audience knows it is being lied to. The performer knows the audience knows. Everybody agrees to participate anyway. The pleasure comes from being unable to discover exactly where the lie occurs and the Bottle Conjuror broke that contract. There was no ingenious apparatus. No sleight of hand. No hidden compartments. No brilliant illusion. Just an advertisement. The trick had already happened before anyone entered the theatre. The audience itself was the performance. And eighteenth-century London showed absolutely no mercy once it realised that. The aftermath was glorious.

    Printmakers and pamphleteers descended upon the affair.

    Satirical engravings mocked what they called English credulity. Pamphlets appeared purporting to have been written by the missing Bottle Conjuror himself. One anonymous “apology” explained that he really had intended to climb into a bottle – just a very, very large one. Another joke claimed that the performer had been intercepted before the show by a gentleman wanting a private demonstration. The conjuror duly climbed into the bottle. The gentleman corked it, put it in his pocket and walked away. Problem solved.

    The event became an instant cultural reference.

    A 1749 print titled ‘English Credulity; or, Ye’re All Bottled’ depicted the affair as a national humiliation. Britannia herself was shown despairing over the foolishness of her children.

    Another engraving, ‘The Bottle Conjurer, from Head to Foot, without Equivocation’, condemned both sides of the affair.

    © The Trustees of the British Museum. Shared under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0) licence.

    The hoaxer had lied. The audience had behaved like idiots. Nobody emerged particularly well.

    Maybe that’s why the Bottle Conjuror survives nearly three centuries later.

    It wasn’t really a trick involving a bottle. It was a trick involving expectation. The advertisement offered something physically impossible, but it placed that impossibility in precisely the environment where people routinely paid to watch impossible things apparently happen. A theatre. The audience knew there would be a trick. They just misunderstood where the trick was.

    The mysterious Bottle Conjuror never needed to squeeze himself inside anything. He had already performed his impossible feat. He had convinced hundreds of people who knew perfectly well that a man could not climb into a wine bottle to pay money because they couldn’t resist finding out how he was going to do it.

    And if I’m honest…

    I’d have bought a ticket too.

    #18thCenturyBritain #BottleConjuror #BritishHistory #FakesAndFrauds #GeorgianLondon #HaymarketTheatre #HistoricalHoaxes #LondonHistory #MysteriousTimes #PracticalJokes #strangeHistory #TheatreHistory
  4. When Britain Loved Being Fooled.

    There is something wonderfully human about a good hoax.

    Not fraud, exactly – fraud wants your money. Forgery wants you to believe that something newly made is old, valuable, or authentic. A practical joke wants a laugh, preferably at somebody else’s expense.

    A hoax wants something slightly different.

    It wants you to believe. For just long enough.

    It is a woman who claims to have given birth to rabbits. A mysterious foreign princess who appears from nowhere speaking a language nobody recognises. A newly discovered document written by one of the greatest names in English literature. Or an advertisement promising that, on a particular evening at a particular theatre, a man will climb into an ordinary wine bottle.

    All you really need is somebody prepared to tell the story.

    And somebody prepared to believe it.

    Britain has always been rather good at providing both.

    The word hoax itself seems to have appeared in English towards the end of the eighteenth century and is probably related to hocus or hocus-pocus – the language of the conjuror, the juggler and the trickster. But before hoax became fashionable, there was another splendid word for much the same thing:

    humbug

    recorded in the middle of the eighteenth century for a trick, deception or imposition.

    The words may have changed, but the practice certainly wasn’t new. People have always lied to one another. What makes a hoax interesting is not necessarily the lie. It is what happens next.
    Because the best hoaxes rarely succeed simply because the person behind them is an exceptionally talented liar. They succeed because the lie arrives at exactly the right moment, in exactly the right form, and tells its audience something they are already prepared – perhaps even desperate – to believe.

    That is where things become interesting.

    We sometimes look back at historical hoaxes with a certain amount of smugness.

    How could anyone possibly have believed that?

    It is an easy question to ask when you already know the answer. Strip away that hindsight and things become considerably less comfortable.

    Imagine being presented with an object apparently dug from the earth, accompanied by a convincing story about exactly where it was found. You know that similar objects exist. You know that important discoveries are being made. Perhaps another respected expert has already expressed an interest in it.
    Would you dismiss it immediately? Or would you look a little closer?

    In Victorian London, two Thames mudlarks called William Smith and Charles Eaton – better known as Billy and Charley – discovered that there was considerably more money to be made manufacturing history than digging it out of the mud.

    Beginning in 1857, the pair produced supposedly medieval objects in hand-cut moulds: medallions, badges, figures and other curiosities decorated with strange images and wonderfully garbled inscriptions. They then sold them as antiquities recovered during excavations at Shadwell.

    There were clues. Quite a lot of clues, actually. Some objects carried dates written in Arabic numerals despite supposedly belonging to the eleventh century. The inscriptions were nonsense. The designs were peculiar. Yet the objects found buyers.

    When archaeologist Henry Cuming publicly denounced them as forgeries in 1858, the resulting controversy even ended up in court. Remarkably, respected antiquary Charles Roach Smith remained convinced that the objects were genuine. Part of his reasoning was effectively that no forger would produce anything so ridiculous.

    Unfortunately, Billy and Charley would. Eventually some of their moulds were obtained and displayed at the Society of Antiquaries. The game was up – although the pair continued producing their creations for years afterwards. They made several thousand objects in total.

    Today, examples are held by the British Museum. I love that they are exhibited there… as fakes… A worthless fake made to imitate a valuable antiquity survives long enough to become a valuable historical object in its own right.

    But Billy and Charley understood something important. People don’t simply believe objects. They believe stories. Give an object a convincing provenance and it changes. A battered piece of metal becomes something recovered from an archaeological excavation. A scrap of handwriting becomes a lost manuscript. A photograph becomes evidence. An ordinary woman in unusual clothes becomes a princess. Sometimes the desire to believe becomes powerful enough to overcome evidence sitting directly in front of us.

    It happens to experts too. Especially to experts.

    Expertise does not make someone immune to deception. Occasionally it can provide the very framework that makes the deception convincing. A successful forger learns what an expert expects to see and gives it to them.

    Collectors can be particularly vulnerable because rarity creates competition. The British Museum notes that wealthy collectors and fierce competition for spectacular antiquities historically created precisely the sort of market in which fakes flourished. When spectacular genuine objects were unavailable, forgers copied them, invented them or even took genuine antiquities and “improved” them with modern additions.

    And that brings us to one of the most important ingredients in any successful hoax.

    Want. Someone has to want the thing to be true.

    The collector wants the extraordinary artefact. The scholar wants the discovery. The newspaper wants the sensational story. The audience wants to see the impossible performance. The believer wants the photograph to show something extraordinary. And sometimes the person being fooled has invested so much – money, reputation, pride or simple emotional attachment – that admitting the truth becomes harder than continuing to believe the lie.

    That is why the revelation of a hoax is often almost as fascinating as the hoax itself.

    Some victims laugh or become furious. Some quietly disappear while others double down spectacularly. And occasionally the hoax escapes from its creator altogether.

    A joke repeated often enough becomes a story. The story is copied into books. Those books become sources for later books. Details change. Names appear. Locations shift. Someone adds something they heard from their grandmother. Eventually the person who started the whole thing could stand up and announce that they invented it and somebody, somewhere, would probably accuse them of participating in the cover-up.

    At that point the hoax has become folklore. That is why old hoaxes remain so fascinating.

    They aren’t really stories about stupid people being fooled by clever people.

    They’re stories about trust. About authority. About reputation. About fashion. About the things a society considers possible at a particular moment in history. And, most of all, about belief.

    Over the coming week, Mysterious Times will be looking at some extraordinary examples.

    There will be rabbits.

    There will be Shakespeare.

    There will be a mysterious princess.

    There will be an allegedly impossible theatrical performance.

    And before we’re finished, one unfortunate London address is going to have a very, very bad day.

    Some of the people we meet will be fraudsters. Some will be practical jokers. Some will begin with a relatively small deception and discover, rather too late, that it has grown completely beyond their control.

    And plenty of intelligent, educated and perfectly sensible people will fall for them.

    Welcome to Fakes, Frauds and Fabulous Hoaxes.

    And remember – before we laugh too loudly at our ancestors, perhaps we should ask ourselves one question.

    If we’d been there…

    would we?

    #Belief #BillyAndCharley #BritishHistory #CuriousBritain #FakesAndFrauds #Folklore #Forgery #HistoricalHoaxes #Hoaxes #MysteriousTimes #strangeHistory #VictorianBritain
  5. Put It Back

    Years ago, at the yard where I kept my horses, an old outbuilding gave up something a little bit unexpected.

    A dried cat.

    I don’t know exactly how old the building was. I believe it may have once been part of a row of terraced cottages that had otherwise been demolished, but I have never established that firmly enough to state it is fact. Nor can I now prove that the cat had been placed their deliberately. Mostly because… well, cats are cats. They chase mice, they crawl into holes, they investigate places from which they later discover they can’t get out. Sometimes, they hide away because it’s their time to die. So finding the naturally mummified remains of a cat inside an old building does not automatically mean somebody put it there to ward off witches.

    Nevertheless, I remembered it. Because finding a dead cat preserved within the fabric of an old building is not something you easily forget.

    Then, years later, I met another one. This time, I was volunteering at Buxton Museum and Art Gallery.

    In early January 2017, renovation work was taking place at the former Post Office in the Quadrant in Buxton. During the work, the workmen disturbed part of the ceiling. And a dried cat fell out. Literally, it just dropped from the ceiling cavity during the work.

    The owner of the building, Maxine Chuwen, saved it being thrown into the skip and eventually took it to the museum. I can vaguely remember it arriving. By then I’d already encountered one dried cat in an old building. Now someone walked into the museum with another. This one subsequently became part of the museum collection as DERSB:2017.1, it was cleaned and stabilised, researched and eventually, displayed. Since then, it has made it’s way into the archaeological history on something I think is absolutely wonderful.

    Magical House Protection.

    Welcome back to Old Magic. Pull up a chair…

    When you start dismantling old British houses, occasionally you find things that have absolutely no business being where they are.

    A single child shoe inside a wall…

    A bottle beneath a hearth…

    Marks carved beside a fireplace…

    A horse skull underneath a floor…

    A bundle of clothing above a ceiling…

    A dried cat in a roof.

    Sometimes, several objects appear together, and once archaeologists started to record where these things were found, an intriguing pattern emerged. They frequently occur at the vulnerable parts of buildings – chimneys, hearths and doors. Windows, roofs and floors. Thresholds. The places where the outside world could get in.

    For people living in a world inhabited by witches, fairies, spirits, demons, illness, bad luck and things that went bump in considerably less metaphorical nights, a house was more than shelter. It was a boundary. Inside was us, outside was everything else. And boundaries needed protecting.

    Let’s start with the shoes, because there are an extraordinary number of them. So many in fact, that Northampton Museum and Art Gallery maintains a ‘Concealed Shoe Index’, established by footwear historian June Swann, recording shoes discovered deliberately hidden within the buildings. They have been found in chimneys and behind fireplaces. Under floorboards and inside walls. Above ceilings and around doors and windows. Sometimes there’s a pair but very often there isn’t, just one worn shoe. Adult shoes, children’s shoes, boots, slippers – footwear that somebody could apparently have thrown away, but chose instead to place somewhere very difficult to retrieve.

    The practice is particularly fascinating because we have the physical evidence but very little contemporary explanation from the people who actually did it. Nobody seems to have thought:

    “I’d better write down why I’ve Just bricked up Ethel’s left shoe in the chimney in case somebody finds it in 250 years…”

    They just did it. And that silence has left researchers with several theories.

    Perhaps a worn shoe retained something of the person who had worn it – this would fit very well with the magical logic that we’ve already encountered this week. A shoe gradually takes on the shape of it’s owner. It contains the impression of the foot. It is intensely individual. Perhaps it functioned as a substitute for the person. Perhaps it attracted or trapped something harmful. Perhaps it brought luck or protected the household. Perhaps different people concealed shoes for different reasons – we don’t know. Old Magic is full of wonderfully neat explanations invented long after the people performing the ritual had stopped explaining themselves. But the honest answer is sometimes considerably more interesting:

    Somebody thought that this mattered. We just don’t know precisely what they thought it did.

    The earliest examples stretch right back into the medieval period, while the practice continued for centuries afterwards. By the time researchers began seriously recording concealed footwear, examples had turned up across Britain and much further afield. One nineteenth century child’s shoe in Northampton’s collection was discovered in a ground floor ceiling beneath a beam. A single little shoe, hidden where nobody was supposed to see it.

    The there are the bottles.

    The so-called witch bottle is perhaps easier to interpret because some historical accounts actually describe the practice. From around the seventeenth century, bottles and jars could be filled with combinations of urine, pins, nails. thorns, teeth, hair, nail clippings and other materials. Sometimes they were heated, sometimes burned, sometimes buried. Sometimes they were concealed beneath hearths, thresholds or floors.

    The logic was counter-magic. If someone believed they had been bewitched, bodily material from the victim could be placed inside the bottle alongside sharp objects. The magical connection between witch and victim could supposedly be exploited in reverse. The witch who had reached into the house magically could be hurt through that connection.

    Other bottles appear to have functioned more generally as protective deposits. Again, the location matters. The hearth, chimney and doorways were openings. The threshold marked the precise place where outside became inside. Put protection there and maybe whatever was outside stayed outside.

    Sometimes the protection wasn’t hidden at all. Look closely at old buildings and you may find curious marks scratched or carved into the timber or stone. Intersecting circles. Daisy wheel or hexafoil designs. Repeated V’s. Mesh like patterns and burn marks. These are often described as ‘apotropaic marks’ from a word meaning something intended to turn away or avert harm. They occur around fireplaces, doors, windows and other openings with suspicious frequency.

    Historic England’s public survey of these so-called witches’ marks generated hundreds of reports and one of Britain’s most spectacular concentrations was discovered somewhere very familiar to Derbyshire readers.

    Creswell Crags.

    The caves on the Derbyshire-Nottinghamshire border contain an extraordinary collection of marks interpreted as protective, including numerous designs around holes and crevices. Places something might emerge. Once again: boundary. Opening. Protection.But houses sometimes contain rather larger surprises.

    Like horses. Or at least their heads.

    Horse skulls have been discovered beneath floors and within walls in Britain and Ireland and their interpretation is complicated.

    Some appear to have been deliberately deposited. In Ireland particularly, there is a longstanding explanation that horse skulls placed beneath floors improved the resonance for music and dancing. In other contexts, researchers have suggested ritual or protective meanings. The two explanations need not necessarily apply to every find – that is another useful warning. Finding an unusual object hidden in a building doesn’t automatically make it magical. Context is everything.

    Which brings us back to the cats.

    Dried or naturally mummified cats have been discovered in old buildings across Britain. Some may simply be unfortunate animals that crawled into cavities while hunting rodents and never escaped. Others are considerably harder to explain that way. Cats have been found in sealed locations. Some appear to have been deliberately positioned. There are even reported examples associated with rats or mice in arrangements suggesting that the animals were already dead when placed there.

    Various explanations have been proposed. Perhaps the cat symbolically continued hunting vermin. Perhaps it protected the household. Perhaps it deterred supernatural intruders. Perhaps the animal itself had some apotropaic significance.

    Again, nobody left us the instruction manual.

    And that is why I’m cautious about my first cat. I saw it. I know it came from an old outbuilding. But without knowing enough about the precise building, its date and the exact context in which the cat was found, I can’t tell you that somebody deliberately put it there. It might have been Old Magic. It might have just been an unlucky cat.

    The Buxton cat is more intriguing.

    The building in The Quadrant dates from the nineteenth century, and the cat was found in a ceiling cavity during restoration. Newspapers dating from the 1890s were reportedly found in the same general space, although that does not prove that the cat was deposited at the same time. It is now catalogued among documented British examples of dried cats discovered within buildings.

    And here’s the part I particularly love. These traditions didn’t necessarily end when we stopped believing in them.

    Because sometimes modern people find these objects. And put them back.

    During renovations begun in 2012 at a historic building in Gatehouse of Fleet in Scotland, three individual children’s shoes were discovered hidden in separate walls. The owners researched them. They learned about the tradition of concealed shoes. They registered their finds with the Concealed Shoe Index. Then the building was converted into three houses. And they put one shoe back into each house. They hoped the shoes would continue to bring luck.

    Think about what has just happened there.

    A ritual is performed. Its original meaning is forgotten. Centuries pass. The building is opened.

    Modern people discover the objects. They research the lost ritual. And then they perform it again.

    The tradition has effectively resurrected itself.

    Research into concealed footwear has found this reaction repeatedly. People discover an old shoe and feel strangely uncomfortable about simply throwing it away.

    Some give it to a museum.

    Some display it.

    Some keep it near the place where it was found.

    And some put it straight back into the wall.

    Research on concealed deposits records June Swann’s observation that English finders often instinctively returned shoes to their original locations. Some reportedly became genuinely uneasy at the thought of the shoe leaving the building, as though removing it might also remove whatever protection it had provided. And I completely understand them.

    Imagine it.

    You’re renovating your house. You remove some plaster and behind it is a tiny, worn child’s shoe. Nobody has seen it for perhaps two hundred years. You discover that people once hid shoes inside houses, possibly for protection or luck. You are a rational twenty-first-century human being. You do not believe that witches enter through chimneys. You do not believe malevolent spirits lurk behind the skirting board. You do not believe a battered old shoe has spent two centuries standing supernatural guard over the spare bedroom. Obviously.

    So you throw it away.

    Do you?

    Because the moment somebody tells you that the shoe may have been protecting the house for two hundred years, another tiny voice appears.

    “It’s not hurting anything. It belongs there. Why risk it?”

    And suddenly the plasterboard is going back up with the shoe behind it. That may be the most beautiful example of Old Magic we’ve found yet. Not because an eighteenth-century family believed in magical protection, we expect people in the past to have beliefs different from ours. What fascinates me is the modern hand putting the object back. The person who knows the history, knows the archaeology, knows there is no demonstrable mechanism by which an old shoe can protect a building from supernatural attack. And still thinks:

    “Leave it where it was.”

    Maybe that isn’t belief exactly.

    Maybe it’s respect. An unwillingness to break a chain. Maybe old objects acquire authority simply by surviving. Maybe knowing that another human being deliberately placed something there centuries ago makes removing it feel intrusive.

    Or maybe, beneath all our electric lights, central heating, video doorbells and home insurance policies, the old magical map of the house still makes a peculiar kind of emotional sense.

    There is inside. There is outside. There are openings between them and we want the things we love to be safe. So we lock the door. Check the windows. Leave a light on.

    Hang something beside the entrance. Keep particular objects because they make the house feel right.

    And if we discover that somebody long dead left something inside the wall to protect the place?

    Well.

    Maybe it can stay.

    I’ve encountered two dried cats from old buildings in my lifetime. One remains a mystery. The other fell out of a Buxton ceiling in 2017 and ended up in the museum where I was volunteering. Neither proves that every dried cat in every roof was deliberately concealed. Neither gives us a neat explanation for why people placed animals, shoes, bottles and other objects inside buildings. But together with thousands of other discoveries, they remind us that our ancestors sometimes constructed houses with more than timber, stone and plaster.

    They built beliefs into them. Protection beneath the floor, luck inside the wall, warnings beside the door and something watching the chimney. Most of it was never meant to be seen again.

    Until somebody renovates the kitchen.

    So if you live in an old house and one day the builder calls you over with a peculiar expression and something dusty in his hand, take a photograph. Record exactly where it came from. Don’t immediately assume it’s witchcraft, find out what you’ve actually got. And whatever you do, treat it with respect. Then decide what happens next.

    Museum? Display case? Back inside the wall?

    I know what plenty of perfectly sensible people have chosen.

    They put it back.

    And between you and me?

    I probably would too.

    #ApotropaicMagic #Archaeology #BritishFolklore #BuildingFolklore #BuxtonFolklore #BuxtonMuseum #ConcealedObjects #ConcealedShoes #CounterWitchcraft #CreswellCrags #DerbyshireFolklore #DriedCats #folkMagic #ForgottenFolklore #HorseSkulls #HouseProtection #HouseholdMagic #MummifiedCats #MysteriousTimes #OldMagic #ProtectiveMagic #RitualMarks #Superstitions #WitchBottles #WitchesMarks
  6. The Vampire of Berwick – Britain’s Medieval Walking Dead.

    Long before Dracula bought property in Whitby, before Carmilla developed an unhealthy interest in young ladies and before the Croglin Vampire started scratching at bedroom windows, Britain already had a problem with people who refused to stay dead. They just weren’t called vampires.

    They were corpses – walking ones and, according to the twelfth-century chronicler William of Newburgh, one of them caused absolute havoc in Berwick-upon-Tweed.

    William was an Augustinian canon at Newburgh Priory in Yorkshire. Born around 1136, he spent much of his life there and towards the end of the twelfth century wrote his ‘Historia rerum Anglicarum’ – ‘History of English Affairs’ – covering events from the Norman Conquest almost to his own death. Our William is an interesting source because he wasn’t some medieval collector of ghost stories who believed absolutely anything he heard, in fact he was famously rude about Geoffrey of Monmouth for writing what William regarded as nonsense about King Arthur. Then William went on to write about green children and corpses getting out of their graves – but hey… Nobody is perfect.

    His four accounts of the walking dead appear in Book V of the ‘Historia’, written during the final years of his life. They are sufficiently peculiar that William himself commented on the apparent novelty of such events and the absence of comparable stories in ancient writings. Modern historians have consequently spent a great deal of time trying to work out exactly what these tales tell us about the collision between medieval theology, popular belief and folklore. ([OUP Academic][1])

    One of William’s walking corpses lived – and died – at Berwick. He doesn’t give us the man’s name. He does, however, give us his character and it isn’t flattering. The man was wealthy but thoroughly wicked. After his death he was buried in the usual manner, which really ought to have been the end of his involvement in community affairs. Thankfully it wasn’t or I’d be missing an article this week.

    William tells us that the dead man’s body was animated after burial and began leaving its grave. The corpse wandered around at night. Dogs followed it, barking furiously. The people of Berwick became terrified. Nobody wanted to meet the thing in the street, which seems an entirely reasonable position to take when one of your recently deceased neighbours is roaming town after dark accompanied by a pack of hysterical dogs. Soon people were shutting themselves inside their houses at night. The dead man had effectively imposed a medieval curfew and the inhabitants of Berwick began discussing what to do about him.

    There was apparently a practical concern beyond simply being frightened half to death. The corpse was decomposing. Some of the townspeople feared that this putrefying body, wandering repeatedly through the air, would contaminate it and cause disease. To medieval minds, this was not necessarily supernatural thinking. Disease was widely associated with corrupted air, foul smells and putrefaction. And so the people of Berwick decided that something had to be done about their troublesome former neighbour.

    They hired ten young men renowned for their courage. Their job was simple – Dig him up. Cut him to pieces and burn him. Which does rather put modern neighbourhood disputes about wheelie bins into perspective.

    The men opened the grave, removed the corpse, dismembered it and committed the remains to fire. And it worked. The dead man stopped walking. Unfortunately, everybody else started dying.

    William reports that a pestilence followed, killing many people in the area. For the medieval audience, the connection was obvious enough to be worth recording: the foul wandering corpse had polluted the atmosphere and disease followed in its wake. The revenant had been destroyed. Its consequences had not. ([OUP Academic][1])

    So was this Britain’s first vampire? Not really, at least, not if we are being careful about terminology. William never calls the creature a vampire. The familiar word and the cluster of traditions we now associate with vampires belong to a much later European context. There are no elegant cloaks here, no seductive aristocrats, no tiny puncture wounds and no desperate hunt for a wooden stake. The Berwick corpse doesn’t even drink blood. What William describes is better called a ‘revenant’: a dead person who physically returns from the grave. And medieval Britain had some spectacular examples.

    In fact, Berwick wasn’t even William’s only one. At Buckingham, he records a dead man returning to torment his widow. The corpse appeared in her bedroom and nearly crushed her beneath its weight. When relatives began keeping watch with her, it moved on to harass other members of the family and eventually appeared during daylight. This time the solution was ecclesiastical rather than agricultural. The Bishop of Lincoln supplied a written absolution which was placed upon the corpse’s chest. The wandering stopped. Apparently even the undead respect paperwork. ([OUP Academic][1])

    Then there was Melrose – and this one is magnificent. William tells of a chaplain attached to a wealthy lady who had lived a distinctly worldly life. He was particularly fond of hunting and acquired the nickname ‘Hundeprest’ – the Dog-Priest. After he died, the Dog-Priest began wandering. He attempted to get into Melrose Abbey but apparently couldn’t penetrate its holy precincts – I can sympathise. We too tried to penetrate Melrose Abbey but it was closed. It was after 10pm though and we did see a massive fox… anyway, I digress – so instead he turned his attention to the house of his former mistress, appearing outside her bedchamber and making sufficiently alarming noises that she sought help from the monks.

    Eventually four men kept watch at his grave. When three temporarily left, the corpse rose. The remaining monk struck it with an axe, although why a monk was hanging around a grave with an axe is not recorded. Unsurprisingly, the revenant fled back towards its grave. Whether the axe wielding monk pursued the revenant is also unrecorded, but it presents a sufficiently comedic image to warrant it’s hypothetical inclusion here.

    The following morning the monks opened the tomb and reportedly found the body showing the wound it had received. They removed it, carried it away and burned it. No stake. No garlic. No sunlight. Just an axe and a bonfire. Medieval problems required medieval solutions. ([Historic Environment Scotland Blog][2])

    On a serious note, there is an important reason these stories matter. They show that the idea of the ‘dangerous physical dead’ was firmly present in Britain centuries before the literary vampire arrived. These aren’t the translucent ghosts familiar from later British folklore. William’s dead have bodies. They leave graves. They enter houses. They physically attack people. They frighten animals. Their corpses can be dug up and destroying or otherwise treating those bodies can stop the haunting. That doesn’t make them vampires but it places them in the same enormous family of European beliefs about the restless dead from which later vampire traditions would emerge.

    And there is something else particularly interesting about William. He was a churchman trying to make sense of stories that didn’t fit comfortably into orthodox Christian ideas about death. A soul could return as an apparition – that was understandable. But what exactly was everyone supposed to do with a dead neighbour who still had his corpse and was currently stomping down the road? William’s stories sit right on that uncomfortable boundary.

    Modern scholarship has argued that they combine popular beliefs about physically returning corpses with Christian ideas about sin, punishment, absolution and clerical authority. William wasn’t merely recording horror stories; the revenants could serve as examples of what happened to people who had lived badly, while the different methods used to defeat them allowed him to contrast secular force with religious authority. ([OUP Academic][1])

    The Berwick case illustrates that beautifully. The dead man was wicked in life and became dangerous after death. Ten brave young men solved the immediate physical problem with shovels, blades and fire but they couldn’t prevent the pestilence that followed. Compare that with Buckingham, where ecclesiastical absolution lays the troublesome corpse without anybody having to chop it into pieces. There may be a little medieval clerical advertising going on here.

    Church: 1. Ten blokes with spades: 0.

    But underneath William’s theological purpose is something older and considerably stranger. People were apparently telling stories in which bad deaths and bad lives produced bad corpses .Burial did not necessarily render the body harmless. Sometimes the grave itself had to be reopened.

    Archaeological evidence suggests such anxieties were not confined to chronicles. Across medieval Europe, archaeologists have found burials involving decapitation, stones placed upon bodies, unusual positioning and other forms of post-mortem treatment. Not every unusual burial represents fear of revenants – there are many possible explanations and interpretation requires considerable caution – but medieval texts make it clear that communities could genuinely fear the possibility of troublesome dead bodies.

    William of Newburgh gives those fears a voice and his accounts have another advantage over many famous British supernatural stories. We don’t have to rely on somebody in 1973 claiming that their grandmother knew somebody whose uncle had seen the Berwick corpse. The story is medieval. William’s ‘Historia’ survives through a manuscript tradition reaching back towards his own period; passages including these Book V chapters are known from a manuscript dating to around 1200. ([Antiquaries Collections Online][3])

    That doesn’t prove a dead man actually wandered around Berwick but it does prove something arguably more useful to the folklorist: people in medieval Britain told stories about dead people doing exactly that. And William thought those stories important enough to record.

    So perhaps Britain wasn’t quite as late to the vampire party as Dracula would have us believe. Our medieval dead simply hadn’t learned the rules yet. They didn’t sleep neatly in coffins. They didn’t require invitations to enter. They weren’t particularly interested in anybody’s neck. They didn’t sparkle. They got buried, got back up, frightened the neighbours, acquired packs of barking dogs and eventually caused ten local lads to turn up with digging equipment.

    Frankly, I prefer them.

    The Vampire of Berwick wasn’t really a vampire. He was something older. A walking corpse. A wicked man whose death had failed to make him harmless. A reminder that, for some medieval communities, the boundary between living and dead wasn’t necessarily crossed only once.

    And if William of Newburgh is to be believed, sometime in the late twelfth century the people of Berwick discovered an important rule of British folklore:

    when the dead don’t rest, somebody eventually fetches a spade.

    William’s Berwick story is Book V, chapter 23 in the standard numbering; the surviving text describes Berwick at the mouth of the Tweed and the dismemberment and burning of the corpse, while recent historical scholarship analyses it alongside William’s other three revenant narratives. ([Ruth J. Salter][4])

    Sources:

    [1]: https://academic.oup.com/histres/article/96/273/283/7146770 “Religious masculinities in William of Newburgh’s Historia rerum Anglicarum* | Historical Research | Oxford Academic”

    [2]: https://blog.historicenvironment.scot/2024/10/the-melrose-vampire/ “The Melrose Vampire – Historic Environment Scotland Blog”

    [3]: https://collections.sal.org.uk/mss.0010 “Society of Antiquaries Collections Online | MSS/0010”

    [4]: https://ruthjsalter.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/william-of-newburgh-historia-rerum-anglicarum-5-xxii-xxiv1.pdf “William of Newburgh, Historia rerum anglicarum 5.xxii-xxiv1”

    #BerwickRevenant #BerwickUponTweed #BritishFolklore #DarkHistory #DogPriest #EnglishFolklore #HistoryOfVampires #Hundeprest #medievalEngland #MedievalFolklore #MedievalGhosts #MedievalRevenants #MedievalSuperstition #MedievalVampires #MelroseVampire #MysteriousTimes #NorthumberlandFolklore #RestlessDead #RevenantFolklore #strangeHistory #TheDeadDonTRest #Undead #VampireFolklore #WalkingDead #WilliamOfNewburgh
  7. When the Dead Don’t Stay Dead

    There are few things that humanity has been quite so consistently afraid of as a dead person who refuses to behave like one.

    Long before Dracula acquired his cape and Rick Grimes rode his horse into Atlanta, people across Europe were burying there dead with precautions. Stones were placed over bodies, heads were removed and limbs were restrained, Corpses were turned face down and objects were placed across throats and stomachs. Graves were reopened and their occupants subjected to considerably more indignity than most of us would consider reasonable after death. Because, apparently, sometimes being dead isn’t enough.

    The modern vampire is a glamorous creature. Pale, beautiful, immortal and, generally speaking, blessed with excellent cheekbones, it bears little resemblance to it’s folkloric ancestors. The older revenant was something far less appealing. In fact, it was a corpse – and most of the time, not a particularly pleasant one.

    Medieval accounts contain stories of dead people returning to their communities, wandering at night, attacking the living, spreading disease or simply making such a nuisance of themselves that somebody eventually dug them up and did something drastic about it.

    Britain had it’s own troublesome dead. The twelfth century chronicler, William of Newburgh recorded several stories of corpses apparently leaving their graves. In one, a wicked man in Buckinghamshire was said to return after burial and terrorise his wife and neighbours.

    Eventually, his grave was opened and the body, according to William’s account, had not decayed as expected. The solution for this weird turn of events was not subtle. His heart was removed and burned.

    We have to remember that William was not writing a vampire novel. He was writing history. To him and his contemporeries, tales of the restless dead existed within a world in which supernatural explanations for misfortunes were entirely plausible.

    Disease made the phenomenon considerably more frightening. When people began dying after the death of a particular individual, suspicion could often fall on the corpse itself. Without knowledge of bacteria, viruses or the mechanisms of infection, the sequence could appear horribly straightforward – someone dies, they are buried, then their family begins dying too. Something must be coming back from the grave. And if opening that grave revealed a corpse that didn’t look sufficiently decomposed, the evidence might have seen overwhelming.

    Unfortunately, decomposition is complicated. Bodies do not decay to a convenient timetable. Temperature, moisture, soil chemistry, depth of burial, clothing, coffin construction, body composition and countless other factors affect what happens after death. A corpse exhumed weeks or months later might look very different from what frightened villagers expected. Natural post mortem changes could make matters worse. Skin can retract making hair and nails appear to have continued growing. Gases produced during decomposition can swell the abdomen. Fluids may emerge from the nose and mouth. Internal pressure can produce sounds. Then there was the blood. A body opened after burial might have contained dark fluids mistaken for fresh blood, then suddenly the community had proof. The dead man had been feeding. To someone already convinced the dead had been wandering around at night, none of this can have been particularly reassuring.

    During outbreaks of disease in parts of Eastern and Central Europe, suspected vampires were exhumed and examined. Reports describing apparently undecayed bodies, blood around mouths and other supposedly unnatural signs circulated far beyond the villages where the events occurred, until by the eighteenth century, vampire panics had become sufficiently troublesome to attract the attention of physicians, officials and scholars.

    Across Europe, people developed a variety of methods intended – or later interpreted – to prevent troublesome corpses from returning. Some were decapitated, some were buried face down, some had heavy stones placed on them. Yet others were pinned, restrained or otherwise treated in ways archaeologists now describe cautiously as unusual, atypical or deviant burials.

    Finding a skeleton with a stone rammed into it’s moth does not necessarily indicate that somebody believed they had buried Count Dracula. Burial practices can have many explanations. Punishment, social exclusion, execution, religious belief, disease precautions, fear of grave disturbance and local funerary customs can all leave strange archaeological signatures. Those things don’t make good headlines though. ‘Vampire Burial Discovery’ though? That’ll get the views.

    One particularly interesting discovery came from Drawsko in Poland, where several seventeenth and eighteenth century burials included iron sickles placed across the bodies among other unusual measures found in the cemetery. The discoveries obviously became known as ‘vampire burials’, but the reality is actually more interesting than the headline.

    Researchers have explored whether these individuals were outsiders, victims of disease, people regarded as dangerous after death or simply participants in a funerary tradition whose precise meaning has been lost. Do the researcher consider the occupants of the sickle graves to have been believed to be vampires? I’d say they were uncertain of why they were interred in this manner.

    The history of the restless dead isn’t really a history of monsters, it’s a history of frightened people trying to understand death. Imagine living in a village where disease has begun moving from house to house. There are no microscopes, no germ theory, no antibiotics, no understanding of contagion remotely resembling ours.

    What you DO know is that old Thomas died first, then his wife became ill, then his children, then the neighbours…

    And someone remembers seeing old Thomas near the road after dark. Perhaps it was another man. Perhaps it was a shadow. Perhaps nobody saw anything at all until the story started circulating.

    Soon, somebody suggests opening Thomas’s grave, and when they do, his body isn’t as decayed as everyone expected. Now the village has an answer – it’s the wrong one, but it is an answer.

    And that’s an important thing about supernatural belief – It gives shape to chaos. Disease becomes a vampire. Bad luck becomes a curse. A strange noise becomes a ghost. The terrifying randomness of death becomes something with a name, a cause and – most importantly – a possible solution. Dig up the corpse, remove the head, burn the heart, put something heavy over the grave.

    Do ‘Something’.

    The rituals surrounding dangerous dead people may look macabre to our modern eyes, but undeath them lies something very familiar – Fear, grief and the desperate human need to believe that catastrophe can be controlled.

    Even Britain, supposedly safe from the great vampire panics of Eastern Europe, had it’s fair share of stories about people who refused to stay peacefully buried. Medieval chroniclers described walking corpses. Later centuries brought fears of grave robbery, disturbed remains and the ‘Resurrection Men’.

    The Victorians developed an entirely different anxiety around the grave: what if the person inside it wasn’t actually dead? They dealt with the anxiety as they normally did – cleverly. Safety coffins, mortuaries where bodies could be observed for signs of life, bells and signalling devices were patented so that the unfortunate prematurely interred might theoretically announce that their funeral had been somewhat premature.

    Meanwhile, mortsafes – heavy iron cages placed over graves, particularly in Scotland, from a much more real threat. The Resurrection Men.

    These days, photographs of mortsafes appear regularly online labelled as ‘Vampire Cages’, installed to keep the dead from climbing out. They weren’t. They were intended to stop the living from getting in, which, frankly, is somehow even more grim.

    And then there are the bodies that just seem to refuse to do what we expect. Saints whose remains are declared incorrupt. Bodies naturally preserved dry air, cold, peat bogs or unusual burial conditions. Corpses transformed into adipocere, a waxy substance produced under certain conditions. Mummies created deliberately. Mummies created by accident. Every generation encounters the same unsettling truth. Death does not always look the way we expect it to. The way we think it should look. And for most of human history, that uncertainty has left plenty of room for the supernatural.

    This week, Mysterious Times is opening the grave.

    (Not literally. We have standards. Mostly.)

    We’ll be meeting Britain’s medieval revenants, examining so-called vampire graves, looking at the genuine terror of premature burial, investigating the iron cages sometimes incorrectly claimed to imprison vampires and exploring the extraordinary cases in which the dead appeared to resist death itself.

    Some of the stories will be folklore, some will be archaeology, some will be misunderstandings. And occasionally the truth will turn out to be considerably stranger than the supernatural explanation. Because humanity has spent thousands of years worrying about what happens after we die, but every now and again, we’ve been even more worried about what happens if we come back.

    Welcome to The Dead Don’t Rest Week.

    Please keep your hands inside the graveyard at all times.

    #Archaeology #bodySnatchers #BritishFolklore #BurialCustoms #DarkHistory #DeathFolklore #Decomposition #DeviantBurials #Folklore #IncorruptBodies #MedievalFolklore #MedievalRevenants #Mortsafes #MysteriousTimes #Paranormal #PrematureBurial #RestlessDead #Revenants #SafetyCoffins #Superstitions #TheDeadDonTRest #Undead #VampireBurials #VampireFolklore #vampires #WalkingDead #weirdHistory #WilliamOfNewburgh
  8. Farewell to the Major Oak – The Passing of England’s Greatest Folkloric Witness

    There are some losses that reach beyond the practical. The death of a tree is, on the face of it, an ordinary thing. Yet I feel it’s appropriate to honour this particular one. Oh, I know – trees die, forests change, seasons turn. Yet every so often, the passing of a single living thing feels like the closing of a chapter in our shared story.

    Today is one of those days.

    The Major Oak of Sherwood Forest, perhaps the most famous tree in Britain and arguably the world, has been declared dead after failing to produce leaves this spring. Though the immense trunk still stands and will continue to provide a home for countless creatures, the ancient giant that has watched over Nottinghamshire for centuries has finally reached the end of its remarkable life.

    For many people, this will be a sad piece of environmental news. For historians, it marks the loss of a priceless living monument. For folklorists, however, it feels like something more profound.

    It feels as though we have lost a witness. The Major Oak was never simply a tree. Standing in the heart of Sherwood Forest, its vast, gnarled limbs supported by an intricate framework of poles and braces, it became inseparable from the legend of Robin Hood. Although whether the outlaw himself ever hid within its hollow trunk is impossible to know. Historians point out that the tree may not have been old enough during the period traditionally associated with Robin Hood. Yet folklore has never concerned itself too greatly with such inconveniences. Stories choose their homes.

    At some point, perhaps centuries ago, people looked upon this enormous oak and decided that if Robin Hood had hidden anywhere, it must surely have been here. The tree became part of the legend, and the legend became part of the tree. That is how folklore works. A place becomes meaningful not because of what can be proved, but because of what is believed.

    Generation after generation travelled to Sherwood to stand beneath its branches. Children listened wide-eyed as parents pointed to the hollow spaces where Merry Men might once have gathered. Visitors from across the world sought out the tree they knew from books, films and television. It became a pilgrimage site, not in the religious sense, but in the folkloric one.

    The Major Oak was a shrine to story itself. Its age alone was enough to inspire awe. Estimates vary, but the tree was believed to be somewhere between 800 and 1,200 years old. Even at the lower end of that range, it was already ancient when Magna Carta was signed. It would have been standing when the Black Death swept through England. It watched the rise and fall of kings and queens, the coming of the printing press, the Industrial Revolution, two world wars and the birth of the internet.

    When we stand before an ancient tree, we often speak of history as though it were a distant thing. The Major Oak reminded us that history is not distant at all. It is alive beneath our feet. Every ring in its timber marked another year survived. Every scar upon its bark told a story. Every twisted branch was shaped by storms long forgotten by human memory. In a very real sense, the tree carried history within itself. Maybe that is why the news feels so personal. Unlike castles, churches and monuments, trees are living things. They age. They struggle. They heal. They endure. We can relate to them in ways that stone buildings never quite allow. The Major Oak felt less like an object and more like a character. A very old character. The kind of character who has seen everything and quietly keeps their own counsel.

    Yet there is another side to this story, one that folklorists and nature lovers alike may find comforting. The Major Oak is dead, but it is not gone. The vast trunk remains standing. Its limbs still reach across the forest. In death, as in life, it continues to serve the ecosystem around it. Deadwood is among the richest habitats in Britain. Beetles, fungi, mosses, birds and countless other species depend upon ancient decaying timber. The old king of Sherwood will continue to give life long after its own has ended.

    There is folklore in that too. Across Britain, stories tell us that death is never truly an ending. The Green Man fades with the autumn leaves and returns in spring. The Corn King falls so the fields may grow again. The oak itself has long been a symbol of endurance, renewal and continuity. Perhaps it is fitting that even in death the Major Oak continues its work.

    Its descendants already grow elsewhere. Acorns gathered from the tree have been planted across Britain and beyond. New saplings carry fragments of its genetic legacy into the future. They are not replacements. Nothing could replace a tree that stood for a millennium. But they are heirs.

    One day, centuries from now, another oak may stand in Sherwood Forest. Children may gather beneath its branches. Stories of Robin Hood may still be told. Visitors may still come seeking a connection with England’s mythic past.And perhaps somebody will tell them about the ancient giant that came before. The tree that witnessed a thousand years. The tree that became a legend. The tree that outlived empires.

    Today, we mourn the passing of the Major Oak. Not simply because it was old. Not simply because it was famous. But because it reminded us that stories can take root in the landscape, that places can become sacred through imagination, and that sometimes a single tree can carry the weight of a nation’s folklore.

    The Major Oak is dead.

    Long live the legend.

    #AncientBritain #AncientTrees #BritishFolklore #Conservation #EnglishLegends #EnvironmentalNews #Folklore #heritage #HistoricTrees #KirstMasonDRaven #MajorOak #MysteriousTimes #Mythology #Nature #Nottinghamshire #RobinHood #RobinHoodLegends #SherwoodForest #WoodlandHistory
  9. Hexing the Bomb

    Hot on the heels of my little foray into the Battle of the Beanfield I decided to dig a little deeper into another important and largely forgotten nugget of social history. This one incorporates a couple of my favourite subjects, neither of which is politics. It does, however, have women standing up together and achieving the seemingly impossible and witches.

    Pull up a chair… 🙂

    There are moments in history when politics, folklore and belief collide in ways that seem almost impossible to imagine. One such moment unfolded on the windswept perimeter fences of Greenham Common during the final decades of the Cold War, when thousands of women gathered to oppose the presence of American nuclear missiles on British soil. Among the banners, songs and acts of civil disobedience was something few journalists expected to find at the heart of a major political protest. Witches.

    For nearly two decades, Greenham Common became one of the most significant centres of peace activism in modern British history. It was a place of arrests, demonstrations, campfires and confrontation. It was also a place where ancient symbols found new life. Women danced in circles, wove webs across military fences, invoked goddesses, cast symbolic spells and drew upon centuries of folklore to challenge one of the most powerful military alliances in the world.

    To understand why, we must first return to a Britain gripped by fear.

    The early 1980s were shadowed by the threat of nuclear war. Relations between East and West had deteriorated. The Soviet Union and NATO were engaged in a dangerous arms race. Television viewers watched films such as Threads and The Day After, which depicted the horrific consequences of nuclear conflict. Schoolchildren grew up with the knowledge that a single political miscalculation could end civilisation in an afternoon.

    Against this backdrop, the British government agreed to host American cruise missiles at RAF Greenham Common in Berkshire. To supporters, the deployment was a necessary deterrent. To opponents, it made Britain a target and increased the likelihood of nuclear confrontation.

    In September 1981, a small group of Welsh women marched from Cardiff to Greenham Common. Their intention was straightforward. They wanted a public debate about nuclear weapons. When their concerns were ignored, some chose to remain.

    Few could have imagined that their decision would create one of the most influential protest movements in modern British history.

    The Greenham Common Women’s Peace Camp became a permanent presence outside the military base. Women arrived from every corner of Britain and beyond. Some stayed for days. Others remained for years. Grandmothers camped alongside students. Teachers shared fires with artists, nurses, activists and travellers. The camp developed its own culture, traditions and rituals.

    Media coverage was often hostile. Newspapers portrayed the women as scruffy, eccentric or dangerous. Politicians dismissed them as naïve. Yet Greenham continued to grow. By December 1982, around 30,000 women joined hands around the nine-mile perimeter fence in one of the largest demonstrations Britain had ever seen.

    As the movement evolved, some participants began drawing upon folklore, mythology and spiritual traditions to express their opposition to nuclear weapons.

    For many women involved in the peace camp, the figure of the witch held profound significance.The witch has never been simply a character from fairy tales. Across European history she has represented independence, resistance and the refusal to conform. She is the village healer, the wise woman, the outsider and the scapegoat. She embodies knowledge that exists beyond accepted authority.

    Many women at Greenham recognised parallels between historical witch hunts and contemporary attempts to dismiss or marginalise female voices. The image of the witch became a powerful symbol of protest.

    Some protesters identified as pagans or practitioners of modern witchcraft. Others were not religious at all but embraced the symbolism. Together they transformed folklore into a political language.

    At various demonstrations, women dressed as witches, carrying besoms and wearing pointed hats. They conducted symbolic rituals outside the base gates. Circles were formed. Chants were spoken. Songs echoed through the Berkshire countryside.

    Perhaps most striking were the webs.Women frequently attached ribbons, wool, photographs, toys and personal objects to the military fences. These creations resembled enormous spider webs stretching across the perimeter. They symbolised connection, community and the fragile threads linking humanity together. Military planners saw security barriers. The women transformed them into canvases for storytelling.

    One protest became known as the “Embrace the Base” demonstration, during which thousands of women encircled Greenham Common. The act itself echoed ancient traditions of protective circles and boundary rituals found throughout British folklore.In many folk traditions, circles create sacred space. They mark a distinction between the ordinary and the extraordinary. Whether consciously or unconsciously, Greenham’s protesters drew upon symbolism that would have been recognised by generations of cunning folk, ceremonial magicians and village communities.

    There were also reports of symbolic spell-casting directed not at individuals but at the weapons themselves.

    These actions were largely theatrical and symbolic. Yet symbolism has always been one of humanity’s most powerful tools. Flags, crowns, crosses and national monuments derive their power from collective belief. Greenham’s witches understood this. They recognised that ritual could attract attention, build solidarity and create memorable images capable of travelling far beyond the camp itself.Photographs from the period remain remarkable. Women dance beneath military floodlights. Costumed protesters stand before coils of razor wire. Sacred imagery appears alongside anti-nuclear slogans. Ancient archetypes confront modern technology.

    The contrast could hardly have been more dramatic.

    Behind the spectacle lay a serious philosophical question. How should ordinary people respond when faced with systems that appear too vast to challenge?

    For some, the answer lay in petitions or political lobbying. For others, it involved direct action. At Greenham, many women chose creativity. They responded to missiles with songs, fences with artwork and military authority with myth.

    It is tempting to dismiss such actions as eccentric. Yet history suggests otherwise.Throughout the centuries, folklore has often emerged during periods of uncertainty and upheaval. Communities create stories to explain fears, express hopes and challenge power structures. Ballads mocked landlords. legends criticised rulers. Folk customs strengthened communities during times of hardship.

    Greenham Common followed the same pattern.The camp generated its own folklore almost immediately. Stories circulated among protesters. Songs were composed. Rituals evolved. Shared symbols developed meaning through repetition. What began as a political protest became something resembling a living folk tradition.

    Even the landscape itself absorbed these stories.

    Greenham Common is now remembered not only as a military site but as a place of resistance. The fences have gone. The missiles have long since been removed. Yet the stories remain. Visitors still encounter traces of the movement in memorials, artworks and local memory.

    The protest ultimately achieved far more than many observers predicted. Cruise missiles were removed from Greenham Common in 1991 following the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty. The peace camp remained for several years afterwards before finally closing in 2000.

    Whether Greenham alone changed government policy remains a matter of debate. Few historians would argue that it was the sole cause. Yet its influence on public discourse is undeniable. The movement helped shape conversations about nuclear weapons, gender, protest and citizenship. It inspired campaigns around the world and demonstrated the power of sustained grassroots activism.

    The witches of Greenham Common occupy a particularly fascinating place within that story.

    They remind us that folklore is not confined to dusty books or distant centuries. It remains a living force, capable of adapting to new circumstances and addressing modern concerns. Ancient symbols continue to resonate because they speak to enduring human experiences.

    The women who danced around Greenham’s fences were not attempting to retreat into the past. They were using the past to imagine a different future.

    In an age dominated by military technology, political rhetoric and the machinery of the Cold War, they answered with stories, songs, rituals and symbols that had survived for centuries.

    Whether one believes in magic is ultimately beside the point.

    The real magic of Greenham Common lay in its ability to transform fear into action, isolation into community and protest into legend.

    More than forty years later, the image remains unforgettable. A line of women standing beneath winter skies, facing one of the most formidable military establishments on Earth armed with banners, determination and the enduring power of folklore.

    History remembers the missiles.

    Folklore remembers the witches.

    Further Reading

    Common Women, Uncommon Practices by Sasha RoseneilGreenham Women Everywhere by Rebecca Mordan

    Peace Camps: A Study of Greenham Women by Lynne Jones

    The archives of the Greenham Common Women’s Peace

    CampRecords held by the Women’s Library at the London School of Economics

    Imperial War Museum collections relating to Greenham Common

    Oral history projects documenting former Greenham residents

    Copyright Notice:

    © 2026 Mysterious Times. All rights reserved.This article is published exclusively for Mysterious Times. No part may be reproduced, stored or transmitted in any form without prior written permission, except for brief quotations used for review, commentary or educational purposes with appropriate attribution.

    #1980sBritain #AlternativeBritain #AlternativeSpirituality #AntiNuclearMovement #BerkshireFolklore #BerkshireHistory #BritishCounterculture #BritishFolklore #BritishHistory #BritishSocialHistory #BritishWitchcraft #ColdWarBritain #ColdWarFolklore #ColdWarHistory #ContemporaryFolklore #Counterculture #CruiseMissiles #FeministHistory #folkMagic #FolkTraditions #FolkloreAndPolitics #GreenhamCommon #GreenhamCommonPeaceCamp #GreenhamWomen #HistoricalLongRead #HistoryOfProtest #LivingFolklore #MagicAndProtest #modernWitchcraft #MysteriousTimes #NewAgeMovement #NuclearDisarmament #NuclearProtest #Paganism #PeaceActivism #PeaceCampHistory #PeaceMovementHistory #PoliticalProtest #ProtestHistory #ProtestMovements #RitualAndResistance #SacredProtest #SocialHistoryUK #SymbolicResistance #ThatcherEraBritain #WitchcraftAndPolitics #WitchesOfGreenhamCommon #WomenSActivism #WomenSHistory #WomenSPeaceMovement
  10. Battle of The Beanfield

    There are certain moments in modern British history that seem to sit just beyond the edge of official memory. Events that everybody vaguely remembers, yet somehow never quite make it into the comfortable national story we tell ourselves.

    The Battle of Orgreave is one. The miners’ strike is another. The poll tax riots. Hillsborough. Brixton. They linger in photographs, old television footage and the memories of those who were there, carrying the uncomfortable reminder that Britain is not always as civilised, measured and orderly as it likes to imagine itself to be.

    The Battle of the Beanfield belongs firmly in that category.

    Forty years on, it remains one of the most controversial policing operations in modern British history. More than 1,300 police officers confronted a convoy of around 600 New Age Travellers attempting to reach Stonehenge on 1 June 1985. By the end of the day, dozens of people had been injured, hundreds had been arrested and an entire way of life had effectively been marked for destruction.

    What happened in that Hampshire beanfield has never been the subject of a full public inquiry. Yet for many people who witnessed the decline of Britain’s traditional industries during the Thatcher years, the images remain painfully familiar.

    I grew up in Yorkshire through the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s. I watched pit villages hollow out. I watched steelworks close. I watched communities that had existed for generations suddenly find themselves described as obstacles to progress. There was a language that emerged during those years. Certain groups became “the problem”. Miners. Trade unionists. Travellers. Alternative communities. Anyone who stood outside the increasingly rigid idea of what Britain was supposed to become.

    That is one reason the Battle of the Beanfield still matters.

    To understand the confrontation itself, we first need to understand the strange, colourful and often misunderstood world that produced it.

    The Stonehenge Free Festival began in 1974. It emerged from the wider countercultural movements of the late 1960s and early 1970s, combining music, environmentalism, spiritual exploration, political activism and communal living. Over the following decade it grew steadily, becoming one of the largest free gatherings in Britain. By the early 1980s thousands of people travelled to Stonehenge each summer to celebrate the solstice. The festival attracted an eclectic mix of punks, bikers, druids, musicians, environmental campaigners, anarchists, hippies and families living on the road.

    The people who became known as the Peace Convoy were not a single organisation. They were a loose collection of travellers, festival-goers and alternative communities who spent much of the year moving between free festivals, protest camps and temporary settlements. Some were escaping unemployment. Some rejected consumer culture. Others simply wanted a different way of living. Many travelled in converted buses, coaches, ambulances and vans that doubled as homes.

    To their supporters they represented freedom, creativity and resistance to conformity.

    To their critics they represented disorder.

    By 1984 tensions were reaching breaking point. The Stonehenge festival had become enormous. Estimates suggested attendance reached around 100,000 people. Concerns were raised about damage to the archaeological landscape, litter, unauthorised trading and open drug use. English Heritage, which had recently taken over management of the site, came under increasing pressure to act. Local authorities and police forces were equally determined that the gathering should not continue in its existing form. A High Court injunction was obtained to prevent the 1985 festival from taking place. The state had drawn a line.

    On the morning of 1 June 1985, the Peace Convoy left Savernake Forest and began moving towards Stonehenge. Around 140 vehicles carried approximately 600 people. Many were families. Children were travelling alongside adults who had spent years living on the road. They knew there would be police opposition. Few appear to have anticipated what was waiting for them.

    Police had prepared extensively.

    The miners’ strike had ended only months earlier. During that bitter industrial conflict police forces had developed new methods of coordination, rapid deployment and large-scale public order operations. Senior officers later openly acknowledged that lessons learned during the strike had informed preparations for dealing with the travellers.

    A four-mile exclusion zone had been established around Stonehenge. Roadblocks were prepared. Officers from multiple forces were assembled. Some estimates place police numbers at around 1,300. Others suggest even higher figures by the end of the operation.

    The convoy encountered its first major roadblock near Shipton Bellinger, several miles from Stonehenge. According to police accounts, some traveller vehicles attempted to push through the blockade and rammed police vehicles. Travellers and independent witnesses tell a very different story. They describe a convoy seeking negotiation before finding itself trapped and surrounded.

    Whatever happened during those first moments, the situation rapidly escalated.As vehicles attempted to leave the road and move into adjacent fields, police began smashing windows and making arrests. The convoy became scattered across farmland. Families were separated. Children became lost in the confusion. What followed would become one of the most infamous confrontations in modern British policing.

    Television footage remains difficult to watch even now.

    Officers in riot gear strike vehicle windows with truncheons. People are dragged from buses and vans. Terrified children can be seen inside shattered vehicles. Journalists and witnesses described police hitting men and women indiscriminately. Several accounts alleged pregnant women and individuals carrying babies were assaulted during the operation. Numerous vehicles that functioned as homes were systematically damaged.

    The Earl of Cardigan, whose family owned Savernake Forest and who had followed the convoy on a motorcycle, later provided testimony that proved deeply damaging to official police narratives. He described officers rushing vehicles with drawn truncheons, shouting at occupants and creating scenes of intimidation and violence that contradicted many early police claims.

    Journalists present that day reported similar concerns.

    ITN footage captured scenes that shocked many viewers. Photographer Alan Lodge later described the event as an ambush rather than a battle. Others argued the very name “Battle of the Beanfield” created a misleading impression of two evenly matched sides. One side possessed riot shields, command structures, communications systems and overwhelming numerical superiority. The other consisted largely of civilians living in vehicles.

    By the end of the operation, 537 people had been arrested. It remains one of the largest mass arrests of civilians in modern British history. Most of the charges eventually collapsed or were dismissed.

    That fact alone raises uncomfortable questions.

    If hundreds of supposedly dangerous lawbreakers had been lawfully apprehended while carrying out serious criminal acts, one might expect hundreds of successful prosecutions to follow. Instead, much of the legal case simply evaporated.

    Years later, travellers successfully pursued civil actions against Wiltshire Police. Damages were awarded for wrongful arrest, false imprisonment and property damage. One police sergeant was convicted of actual bodily harm arising from the events of that day.

    Yet despite these outcomes, there has never been a full public inquiry.

    Perhaps that is because the Battle of the Beanfield was about more than Stonehenge.

    Looking back now, it feels impossible to separate it from the wider atmosphere of Britain in the mid-1980s. This was a country being transformed at extraordinary speed. Traditional industries were disappearing. Unemployment was soaring in many regions. Entire communities were fighting for survival. Alternative lifestyles increasingly found themselves portrayed as threats to public order rather than expressions of individual freedom.

    For many people in mining and industrial areas, there is a recognisable pattern.

    First comes the language.

    A group is described as troublesome, outdated or undesirable.

    Then comes the media narrative.

    Then comes the justification.

    Then comes the force.

    That does not mean every traveller was a saint, any more than every miner was. Human beings are messy. Large gatherings bring problems. Some attendees at the Stonehenge festivals undoubtedly caused damage. Some individuals within the traveller movement undoubtedly committed crimes. A serious historical assessment has to acknowledge that reality. The archaeological concerns surrounding Stonehenge were genuine. Local residents had legitimate complaints. Authorities were entitled to seek solutions.

    But none of that explains the scale of what happened on 1 June 1985.

    The images of smashed homes, frightened children and riot police advancing across fields continue to disturb because they seem wildly disproportionate. They suggest a state determined not merely to enforce an injunction but to send a message.

    And the message was received.

    The traveller movement never fully recovered.

    Legislation introduced during the following years increasingly restricted nomadic lifestyles and unauthorised gatherings. The Public Order Act 1986 and later the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 created new powers that made life significantly harder for travellers, free festivals and eventually the emerging rave culture.

    In many ways the Beanfield became a blueprint. The same language used against travellers would later be applied to ravers, squatters, protesters and environmental activists. Alternative communities were increasingly framed not as citizens exercising freedoms but as public order problems requiring management.

    Yet the legacy of the Beanfield refuses to disappear.

    Songs were written about it. The Levellers turned it into a folk-punk anthem that introduced a new generation to the story. Hawkwind referenced it. Writers, filmmakers and activists kept returning to it. Every summer solstice the memory resurfaces among those who remember what happened.

    Perhaps that is because the Battle of the Beanfield sits at the crossroads of so many larger questions.

    Who gets to occupy public space?

    Who decides what constitutes a legitimate way of living?

    How much power should the state possess when dealing with communities that reject mainstream norms?

    And perhaps most importantly of all, what happens when governments begin to see certain groups not as citizens but as enemies?

    Forty years later those questions feel remarkably current.

    The travellers who set out for Stonehenge in 1985 were not trying to overthrow the government. They were trying to reach a festival. They were trying to celebrate a solstice. They were trying, in their own eccentric and imperfect way, to live differently.

    Many paid a heavy price for that.

    For those of us who grew up watching pits close, furnaces go cold and communities written off as inconvenient relics of the past, the Beanfield feels like part of the same story. Different people. Different landscape. Different politics perhaps. But the same underlying lesson.

    When power decides a group no longer belongs, it rarely begins with dialogue.

    It begins with exclusion.

    Then comes the roadblock.

    Further Reading

    Andy Worthington, The Battle of the Beanfield

    Christopher Chippindale, Stoned Henge: Events and Issues at the Summer Solstice, 1985

    Emma Hallett, BBC News, Summer Solstice: How the Stonehenge Battles Faded

    Tony Thompson, The Observer, Twenty Years After, Mystery Still Clouds Battle of the Beanfield

    English Heritage, Stonehenge 1977–85: A Dig in Time and a Confrontation

    Copyright © Mysterious Times 2026. All rights reserved. This article may not be reproduced, distributed or transmitted in any form without prior written permission from Mysterious Times, except in the case of brief quotations used for review, criticism or scholarly reference.

    #1980sBritain #1985Events #AlternativeBritain #AlternativeCommunities #AlternativeLifestyles #BattleOfTheBeanfield #BritishCounterculture #BritishFolklore #BritishHistory #BritishProtestCulture #BritishSociety #BritishSubcultures #CivilLiberties #CivilRights #ContemporaryHistory #CounterculturalHistory #Counterculture #CountercultureHistory #culturalHeritage #CulturalResistance #Druidry #EnglishCountryside #EnglishHeritage #FestivalCulture #ForgottenHistory #FreeFestivals #FreeSpiritBritain #FreedomOfMovement #Hampshire #HiddenHistory #HistoricalAnalysis #HistoricalConflict #HistoricalControversies #HistoricalMysteries #HistoryFeatures #LongReadHistory #LostBritain #MargaretThatcher #MiningCommunities #ModernBritishMythology #ModernFolklore #ModernLegends #MysteriousTimes #NewAgeMovement #NewAgeTravellers #Paganism #PeaceConvoy #PeopleSHistory #PoliceHistory #PoliticalHistory #ProtestHistory #ProtestMovements #PublicOrder #RoadProtestHistory #RuralEngland #SocialChange #SocialCommentary #socialHistory #SocialJustice #SolsticeCelebrations #SolsticeTraditions #StatePower #Stonehenge #StonehengeFreeFestival #StonehengeHistory #SummerSolstice #ThatcherEra #Thatcherism #TravellerMovement #TravellerRights #TravellingCommunities #UKHistory #UndergroundBritain #UnofficialBritain #Wiltshire #WorkingClassHistory #YorkshireHistory
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