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#mellon — Public Fediverse posts

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  1. News Item:
    “Donor Who Gave $130 Million to Pay Troops Is Reclusive Heir to Mellon Fortune”. (NY Times)

    There was a time when the wealthy invested in building libraries and arts facilities.
    The times, they are a’changin’.
    #wealthy #usa #Mellon #military #shutdown #Trump

  2. News Item:
    “Donor Who Gave $130 Million to Pay Troops Is Reclusive Heir to Mellon Fortune”. (NY Times)

    There was a time when the wealthy invested in building libraries and arts facilities.
    The times, they are a’changin’.

  3. So Timothy Mellon is the anonymous donor supposedly allowing US armed forces troops to be paid (in violation of the law, but leave that aside for a minute) despite the trump republican #shutdown. This takes pressure off republicans to re-open the government, which if it happened would require AZ rep Adelita #Grijalva to be sworn in.

    Now Grijalva has pledged to be sign the discharge petition that would compel DOJ to release the #Epstein files.

    All this leads me to ask--is #Mellon in the #Epstein files?

  4. So Timothy Mellon is the anonymous donor supposedly allowing US armed forces troops to be paid (in violation of the law, but leave that aside for a minute) despite the trump republican #shutdown. This takes pressure off republicans to re-open the government, which if it happened would require AZ rep Adelita #Grijalva to be sworn in.

    Now Grijalva has pledged to be sign the discharge petition that would compel DOJ to release the #Epstein files.

    All this leads me to ask--is #Mellon in the #Epstein files?

  5. So Timothy Mellon is the anonymous donor supposedly allowing US armed forces troops to be paid (in violation of the law, but leave that aside for a minute) despite the trump republican . This takes pressure off republicans to re-open the government, which if it happened would require AZ rep Adelita to be sworn in.

    Now Grijalva has pledged to be sign the discharge petition that would compel DOJ to release the files.

    All this leads me to ask--is in the files?

  6. So Timothy Mellon is the anonymous donor supposedly allowing US armed forces troops to be paid (in violation of the law, but leave that aside for a minute) despite the trump republican #shutdown. This takes pressure off republicans to re-open the government, which if it happened would require AZ rep Adelita #Grijalva to be sworn in.

    Now Grijalva has pledged to be sign the discharge petition that would compel DOJ to release the #Epstein files.

    All this leads me to ask--is #Mellon in the #Epstein files?

  7. #billionaire and #Trump mega #donor Timothy #Mellon “contributed” $130 million to the #US #military to help pay #troops during the #GOP shutdown. Trump praised him as “a great #patriot,” but the math doesn’t lie: $130 million covers less than 7 hours of the #military payroll or around $100 per soldier. “That’s 6.7 hours of pay for our troops." Mellon also gave #trump $53 million for his #texas #borderwall nytimes.com/2025/10/25/us/poli

  8. #billionaire and #Trump mega #donor Timothy #Mellon “contributed” $130 million to the #US #military to help pay #troops during the #GOP shutdown. Trump praised him as “a great #patriot,” but the math doesn’t lie: $130 million covers less than 7 hours of the #military payroll or around $100 per soldier. “That’s 6.7 hours of pay for our troops." Mellon also gave #trump $53 million for his #texas #borderwall nytimes.com/2025/10/25/us/poli

  9. #billionaire and #Trump mega #donor Timothy #Mellon “contributed” $130 million to the #US #military to help pay #troops during the #GOP shutdown. Trump praised him as “a great #patriot,” but the math doesn’t lie: $130 million covers less than 7 hours of the #military payroll or around $100 per soldier. “That’s 6.7 hours of pay for our troops." Mellon also gave #trump $53 million for his #texas #borderwall nytimes.com/2025/10/25/us/poli

  10. #billionaire and #Trump mega #donor Timothy #Mellon “contributed” $130 million to the #US #military to help pay #troops during the #GOP shutdown. Trump praised him as “a great #patriot,” but the math doesn’t lie: $130 million covers less than 7 hours of the #military payroll or around $100 per soldier. “That’s 6.7 hours of pay for our troops." Mellon also gave #trump $53 million for his #texas #borderwall nytimes.com/2025/10/25/us/poli

  11. #billionaire and #Trump mega #donor Timothy #Mellon “contributed” $130 million to the #US #military to help pay #troops during the #GOP shutdown. Trump praised him as “a great #patriot,” but the math doesn’t lie: $130 million covers less than 7 hours of the #military payroll or around $100 per soldier. “That’s 6.7 hours of pay for our troops." Mellon also gave #trump $53 million for his #texas #borderwall nytimes.com/2025/10/25/us/poli

  12. 🎉🎉 Oh, goody! Another mind-numbing dissertation from the hallowed halls of #Carnegie #Mellon, trying to convince us that #diffusion is the new black in data-starved lands. Because, you know, nothing says "cutting-edge" quite like a buzzword-laden paper that turns #AI into alphabet soup 🤯🥣.
    blog.ml.cmu.edu/2025/09/22/dif #buzzwords #research #data #science #HackerNews #ngated

  13. 🎉🎉 Oh, goody! Another mind-numbing dissertation from the hallowed halls of #Carnegie #Mellon, trying to convince us that #diffusion is the new black in data-starved lands. Because, you know, nothing says "cutting-edge" quite like a buzzword-laden paper that turns #AI into alphabet soup 🤯🥣.
    blog.ml.cmu.edu/2025/09/22/dif #buzzwords #research #data #science #HackerNews #ngated

  14. 🎉🎉 Oh, goody! Another mind-numbing dissertation from the hallowed halls of #Carnegie #Mellon, trying to convince us that #diffusion is the new black in data-starved lands. Because, you know, nothing says "cutting-edge" quite like a buzzword-laden paper that turns #AI into alphabet soup 🤯🥣.
    blog.ml.cmu.edu/2025/09/22/dif #buzzwords #research #data #science #HackerNews #ngated

  15. 🎉🎉 Oh, goody! Another mind-numbing dissertation from the hallowed halls of #Carnegie #Mellon, trying to convince us that #diffusion is the new black in data-starved lands. Because, you know, nothing says "cutting-edge" quite like a buzzword-laden paper that turns #AI into alphabet soup 🤯🥣.
    blog.ml.cmu.edu/2025/09/22/dif #buzzwords #research #data #science #HackerNews #ngated

  16. (5/13) ... intégrées à d'autres portefeuilles 'sains' revendus en tant que créances hypothécaires 'à rendements élevés' -> spéculation accord Agences de notation entreprises Bourse Standard & Poor's = système financier prédateur (cf #Mellon) -> besoins ressources naturelles #btp + croissance défaut de paiement clients insolvables non pris en compte #information #renseignement = saisies immobilières in-revendables trop ...

    #climat #year2008 #climate #anthropocene #climatechange #climatecrisis

  17. (5/13) ... intégrées à d'autres portefeuilles 'sains' revendus en tant que créances hypothécaires 'à rendements élevés' -> spéculation accord Agences de notation entreprises Bourse Standard & Poor's = système financier prédateur (cf #Mellon) -> besoins ressources naturelles #btp + croissance défaut de paiement clients insolvables non pris en compte #information #renseignement = saisies immobilières in-revendables trop ...

    #climat #year2008 #climate #anthropocene #climatechange #climatecrisis

  18. (5/13) ... intégrées à d'autres portefeuilles 'sains' revendus en tant que créances hypothécaires 'à rendements élevés' -> spéculation accord Agences de notation entreprises Bourse Standard & Poor's = système financier prédateur (cf #Mellon) -> besoins ressources naturelles #btp + croissance défaut de paiement clients insolvables non pris en compte #information #renseignement = saisies immobilières in-revendables trop ...

    #climat #year2008 #climate #anthropocene #climatechange #climatecrisis

  19. (5/13) ... intégrées à d'autres portefeuilles 'sains' revendus en tant que créances hypothécaires 'à rendements élevés' -> spéculation accord Agences de notation entreprises Bourse Standard & Poor's = système financier prédateur (cf #Mellon) -> besoins ressources naturelles #btp + croissance défaut de paiement clients insolvables non pris en compte #information #renseignement = saisies immobilières in-revendables trop ...

    #climat #year2008 #climate #anthropocene #climatechange #climatecrisis

  20. (5/13) ... intégrées à d'autres portefeuilles 'sains' revendus en tant que créances hypothécaires 'à rendements élevés' -> spéculation accord Agences de notation entreprises Bourse Standard & Poor's = système financier prédateur (cf #Mellon) -> besoins ressources naturelles #btp + croissance défaut de paiement clients insolvables non pris en compte #information #renseignement = saisies immobilières in-revendables trop ...

    #climat #year2008 #climate #anthropocene #climatechange #climatecrisis

  21. New paper from researchers at #Microsoft & #Carnegie #Mellon #University finds that as humans increasingly rely on generative AI in their work, they use less critical thinking, which can “result in the #deterioration of #cognitive faculties that ought to be preserved.”
    Lee, Hao-Ping Hank, et al. "The Impact of Generative AI on Critical Thinking: Self-Reported Reductions in Cognitive Effort and Confidence Effects From a Survey of Knowledge Workers." (2025).

    404media.co/microsoft-study-fi

    #thereIsNoAI

  22. New paper from researchers at #Microsoft & #Carnegie #Mellon #University finds that as humans increasingly rely on generative AI in their work, they use less critical thinking, which can “result in the #deterioration of #cognitive faculties that ought to be preserved.”
    Lee, Hao-Ping Hank, et al. "The Impact of Generative AI on Critical Thinking: Self-Reported Reductions in Cognitive Effort and Confidence Effects From a Survey of Knowledge Workers." (2025).

    404media.co/microsoft-study-fi

    #thereIsNoAI

  23. New paper from researchers at #Microsoft & #Carnegie #Mellon #University finds that as humans increasingly rely on generative AI in their work, they use less critical thinking, which can “result in the #deterioration of #cognitive faculties that ought to be preserved.”
    Lee, Hao-Ping Hank, et al. "The Impact of Generative AI on Critical Thinking: Self-Reported Reductions in Cognitive Effort and Confidence Effects From a Survey of Knowledge Workers." (2025).

    404media.co/microsoft-study-fi

    #thereIsNoAI

  24. New paper from researchers at #Microsoft & #Carnegie #Mellon #University finds that as humans increasingly rely on generative AI in their work, they use less critical thinking, which can “result in the #deterioration of #cognitive faculties that ought to be preserved.”
    Lee, Hao-Ping Hank, et al. "The Impact of Generative AI on Critical Thinking: Self-Reported Reductions in Cognitive Effort and Confidence Effects From a Survey of Knowledge Workers." (2025).

    404media.co/microsoft-study-fi

    #thereIsNoAI

  25. New paper from researchers at #Microsoft & #Carnegie #Mellon #University finds that as humans increasingly rely on generative AI in their work, they use less critical thinking, which can “result in the #deterioration of #cognitive faculties that ought to be preserved.”
    Lee, Hao-Ping Hank, et al. "The Impact of Generative AI on Critical Thinking: Self-Reported Reductions in Cognitive Effort and Confidence Effects From a Survey of Knowledge Workers." (2025).

    404media.co/microsoft-study-fi

    #thereIsNoAI

  26. @sludge

    Timothy #Mellon is obviously a big fan of rape, fraud, racism, Nazism, and #ArnoldPalmer’s giant cock.

  27. @sludge

    Timothy #Mellon is obviously a big fan of rape, fraud, racism, Nazism, and #ArnoldPalmer’s giant cock.

  28. @sludge

    Timothy #Mellon is obviously a big fan of rape, fraud, racism, Nazism, and #ArnoldPalmer’s giant cock.

  29. @sludge

    Timothy #Mellon is obviously a big fan of rape, fraud, racism, Nazism, and #ArnoldPalmer’s giant cock.

  30. @sludge

    Timothy #Mellon is obviously a big fan of rape, fraud, racism, Nazism, and #ArnoldPalmer’s giant cock.

  31. #Charles #Koch, perhaps the most legendary Republican financier of recent decades,
    has never backed Trump, either.

    The political network affiliated with him and his late brother #David remained officially neutral in the Presidential races of 2016 and 2020,
    and spent tens of millions of dollars trying to defeat Trump in this year’s Republican primaries,
    -- much of it supporting Haley.

    When she dropped out, the Koch network concentrated on down-ballot races.

    But Kochworld, like the Republican Party more broadly, remains divided.

    “There are a lot of donors in that network lobbying Charles from the perspective of,
    I know you don’t like him,
    but he’s better than the alternative,”
    Marc Short, who worked for a Koch-affiliated group
    and later served as Vice-President Mike Pence’s chief of staff, said.

    Nevertheless, neither Koch nor Pence is supporting Trump this fall
    —a remarkable rift, given the role that each of them has played in Republican politics.

    At the same time, Trump has cultivated a new group of what might be called #maga #megadonors.

    A study conducted for The New Yorker by the campaign-finance expert Robert Maguire,
    of the nonprofit good-government group #crew,
    found that, as of this summer,
    more than forty of the G.O.P.’s biggest super-pac donors during Romney’s 2012 campaign had never given to a pro-Trump super pac,
    including Oracle’s co-founder #Larry #Ellison,
    the Dallas real-estate tycoon #Harlan #Crow,
    and the hotel magnate J. W. #Marriott, Jr.

    Meanwhile, nearly sixty pro-Trump donors in the study,
    including #Lutnick, #Mellon, #Perlmutter, and the Wisconsin shipping magnates #Richard and #Elizabeth #Uihlein, had given nothing to the pro-Romney super pac.

    Others have significantly increased their giving.

    The #Adelsons, for example, donated $53 million to the pro-Romney super pac in 2012 and $90 million to support Trump in 2020,
    when they were the largest individual donors of the cycle.

    By the end of September, Miriam Adelson had given $100 million to back Trump in 2024.

    With such sums at stake, Trump has pursued what the former Bush Pioneer called a “high touch” approach to the Republican billionaire class.

    🔥The ex-President has all but invited donors to view their contributions as business investments,
    telling oil-and-gas executives who went to see him in April at Mar-a-Lago, for example, that,
    💥because he would allow unrestricted drilling,
    🧨they should raise $1 billion for his campaign
    —a statement redolent of Sondland’s “quid pro quo” that soon leaked to the Washington Post.

    The campaign’s strategy, another longtime fund-raiser told me,
    was essentially to let Trump be Trump:

    “He talks the same book to everybody.”

    Oliver, the former Bush finance director, observed that the difference between the model of the Bush campaigns and Trump’s is the difference between having a large pool of “institutional investors” which had been built up in the course of years, and a series of ad-hoc “transactional” dealings with a relatively small group of the ultra-rich.

    Sean Wilentz, a historian at Princeton University, offered another key distinction. Trump’s billionaires—many of whom have made their fortunes as hedge-fund managers, activist investors, and corporate raiders—tend to be highly motivated ideologues and individual operators. “It’s transactional, but their end of the bargain is a lot different than just having access to the President of the United States,” Wilentz told me. “They see Trump as their instrument. This is an investment for them to take power.” Wilentz noted that, unlike the “traditional corporate conservative élite” dating back to the Gilded Age, this new “class of the super-rich” appears both more numerous and less civic-minded. “The other guys might have been robber barons,” Wilentz said. “These guys are oligarchs.”

  32. #Charles #Koch, perhaps the most legendary Republican financier of recent decades,
    has never backed Trump, either.

    The political network affiliated with him and his late brother #David remained officially neutral in the Presidential races of 2016 and 2020,
    and spent tens of millions of dollars trying to defeat Trump in this year’s Republican primaries,
    -- much of it supporting Haley.

    When she dropped out, the Koch network concentrated on down-ballot races.

    But Kochworld, like the Republican Party more broadly, remains divided.

    “There are a lot of donors in that network lobbying Charles from the perspective of,
    I know you don’t like him,
    but he’s better than the alternative,”
    Marc Short, who worked for a Koch-affiliated group
    and later served as Vice-President Mike Pence’s chief of staff, said.

    Nevertheless, neither Koch nor Pence is supporting Trump this fall
    —a remarkable rift, given the role that each of them has played in Republican politics.

    At the same time, Trump has cultivated a new group of what might be called #maga #megadonors.

    A study conducted for The New Yorker by the campaign-finance expert Robert Maguire,
    of the nonprofit good-government group #crew,
    found that, as of this summer,
    more than forty of the G.O.P.’s biggest super-pac donors during Romney’s 2012 campaign had never given to a pro-Trump super pac,
    including Oracle’s co-founder #Larry #Ellison,
    the Dallas real-estate tycoon #Harlan #Crow,
    and the hotel magnate J. W. #Marriott, Jr.

    Meanwhile, nearly sixty pro-Trump donors in the study,
    including #Lutnick, #Mellon, #Perlmutter, and the Wisconsin shipping magnates #Richard and #Elizabeth #Uihlein, had given nothing to the pro-Romney super pac.

    Others have significantly increased their giving.

    The #Adelsons, for example, donated $53 million to the pro-Romney super pac in 2012 and $90 million to support Trump in 2020,
    when they were the largest individual donors of the cycle.

    By the end of September, Miriam Adelson had given $100 million to back Trump in 2024.

    With such sums at stake, Trump has pursued what the former Bush Pioneer called a “high touch” approach to the Republican billionaire class.

    🔥The ex-President has all but invited donors to view their contributions as business investments,
    telling oil-and-gas executives who went to see him in April at Mar-a-Lago, for example, that,
    💥because he would allow unrestricted drilling,
    🧨they should raise $1 billion for his campaign
    —a statement redolent of Sondland’s “quid pro quo” that soon leaked to the Washington Post.

    The campaign’s strategy, another longtime fund-raiser told me,
    was essentially to let Trump be Trump:

    “He talks the same book to everybody.”

    Oliver, the former Bush finance director, observed that the difference between the model of the Bush campaigns and Trump’s is the difference between having a large pool of “institutional investors” which had been built up in the course of years, and a series of ad-hoc “transactional” dealings with a relatively small group of the ultra-rich.

    Sean Wilentz, a historian at Princeton University, offered another key distinction. Trump’s billionaires—many of whom have made their fortunes as hedge-fund managers, activist investors, and corporate raiders—tend to be highly motivated ideologues and individual operators. “It’s transactional, but their end of the bargain is a lot different than just having access to the President of the United States,” Wilentz told me. “They see Trump as their instrument. This is an investment for them to take power.” Wilentz noted that, unlike the “traditional corporate conservative élite” dating back to the Gilded Age, this new “class of the super-rich” appears both more numerous and less civic-minded. “The other guys might have been robber barons,” Wilentz said. “These guys are oligarchs.”

  33. #Charles #Koch, perhaps the most legendary Republican financier of recent decades,
    has never backed Trump, either.

    The political network affiliated with him and his late brother #David remained officially neutral in the Presidential races of 2016 and 2020,
    and spent tens of millions of dollars trying to defeat Trump in this year’s Republican primaries,
    -- much of it supporting Haley.

    When she dropped out, the Koch network concentrated on down-ballot races.

    But Kochworld, like the Republican Party more broadly, remains divided.

    “There are a lot of donors in that network lobbying Charles from the perspective of,
    I know you don’t like him,
    but he’s better than the alternative,”
    Marc Short, who worked for a Koch-affiliated group
    and later served as Vice-President Mike Pence’s chief of staff, said.

    Nevertheless, neither Koch nor Pence is supporting Trump this fall
    —a remarkable rift, given the role that each of them has played in Republican politics.

    At the same time, Trump has cultivated a new group of what might be called #maga #megadonors.

    A study conducted for The New Yorker by the campaign-finance expert Robert Maguire,
    of the nonprofit good-government group #crew,
    found that, as of this summer,
    more than forty of the G.O.P.’s biggest super-pac donors during Romney’s 2012 campaign had never given to a pro-Trump super pac,
    including Oracle’s co-founder #Larry #Ellison,
    the Dallas real-estate tycoon #Harlan #Crow,
    and the hotel magnate J. W. #Marriott, Jr.

    Meanwhile, nearly sixty pro-Trump donors in the study,
    including #Lutnick, #Mellon, #Perlmutter, and the Wisconsin shipping magnates #Richard and #Elizabeth #Uihlein, had given nothing to the pro-Romney super pac.

    Others have significantly increased their giving.

    The #Adelsons, for example, donated $53 million to the pro-Romney super pac in 2012 and $90 million to support Trump in 2020,
    when they were the largest individual donors of the cycle.

    By the end of September, Miriam Adelson had given $100 million to back Trump in 2024.

    With such sums at stake, Trump has pursued what the former Bush Pioneer called a “high touch” approach to the Republican billionaire class.

    🔥The ex-President has all but invited donors to view their contributions as business investments,
    telling oil-and-gas executives who went to see him in April at Mar-a-Lago, for example, that,
    💥because he would allow unrestricted drilling,
    🧨they should raise $1 billion for his campaign
    —a statement redolent of Sondland’s “quid pro quo” that soon leaked to the Washington Post.

    The campaign’s strategy, another longtime fund-raiser told me,
    was essentially to let Trump be Trump:

    “He talks the same book to everybody.”

    Oliver, the former Bush finance director, observed that the difference between the model of the Bush campaigns and Trump’s is the difference between having a large pool of “institutional investors” which had been built up in the course of years, and a series of ad-hoc “transactional” dealings with a relatively small group of the ultra-rich.

    Sean Wilentz, a historian at Princeton University, offered another key distinction. Trump’s billionaires—many of whom have made their fortunes as hedge-fund managers, activist investors, and corporate raiders—tend to be highly motivated ideologues and individual operators. “It’s transactional, but their end of the bargain is a lot different than just having access to the President of the United States,” Wilentz told me. “They see Trump as their instrument. This is an investment for them to take power.” Wilentz noted that, unlike the “traditional corporate conservative élite” dating back to the Gilded Age, this new “class of the super-rich” appears both more numerous and less civic-minded. “The other guys might have been robber barons,” Wilentz said. “These guys are oligarchs.”

  34. #Charles #Koch, perhaps the most legendary Republican financier of recent decades,
    has never backed Trump, either.

    The political network affiliated with him and his late brother #David remained officially neutral in the Presidential races of 2016 and 2020,
    and spent tens of millions of dollars trying to defeat Trump in this year’s Republican primaries,
    -- much of it supporting Haley.

    When she dropped out, the Koch network concentrated on down-ballot races.

    But Kochworld, like the Republican Party more broadly, remains divided.

    “There are a lot of donors in that network lobbying Charles from the perspective of,
    I know you don’t like him,
    but he’s better than the alternative,”
    Marc Short, who worked for a Koch-affiliated group
    and later served as Vice-President Mike Pence’s chief of staff, said.

    Nevertheless, neither Koch nor Pence is supporting Trump this fall
    —a remarkable rift, given the role that each of them has played in Republican politics.

    At the same time, Trump has cultivated a new group of what might be called #maga #megadonors.

    A study conducted for The New Yorker by the campaign-finance expert Robert Maguire,
    of the nonprofit good-government group #crew,
    found that, as of this summer,
    more than forty of the G.O.P.’s biggest super-pac donors during Romney’s 2012 campaign had never given to a pro-Trump super pac,
    including Oracle’s co-founder #Larry #Ellison,
    the Dallas real-estate tycoon #Harlan #Crow,
    and the hotel magnate J. W. #Marriott, Jr.

    Meanwhile, nearly sixty pro-Trump donors in the study,
    including #Lutnick, #Mellon, #Perlmutter, and the Wisconsin shipping magnates #Richard and #Elizabeth #Uihlein, had given nothing to the pro-Romney super pac.

    Others have significantly increased their giving.

    The #Adelsons, for example, donated $53 million to the pro-Romney super pac in 2012 and $90 million to support Trump in 2020,
    when they were the largest individual donors of the cycle.

    By the end of September, Miriam Adelson had given $100 million to back Trump in 2024.

    With such sums at stake, Trump has pursued what the former Bush Pioneer called a “high touch” approach to the Republican billionaire class.

    🔥The ex-President has all but invited donors to view their contributions as business investments,
    telling oil-and-gas executives who went to see him in April at Mar-a-Lago, for example, that,
    💥because he would allow unrestricted drilling,
    🧨they should raise $1 billion for his campaign
    —a statement redolent of Sondland’s “quid pro quo” that soon leaked to the Washington Post.

    The campaign’s strategy, another longtime fund-raiser told me,
    was essentially to let Trump be Trump:

    “He talks the same book to everybody.”

    Oliver, the former Bush finance director, observed that the difference between the model of the Bush campaigns and Trump’s is the difference between having a large pool of “institutional investors” which had been built up in the course of years, and a series of ad-hoc “transactional” dealings with a relatively small group of the ultra-rich.

    Sean Wilentz, a historian at Princeton University, offered another key distinction. Trump’s billionaires—many of whom have made their fortunes as hedge-fund managers, activist investors, and corporate raiders—tend to be highly motivated ideologues and individual operators. “It’s transactional, but their end of the bargain is a lot different than just having access to the President of the United States,” Wilentz told me. “They see Trump as their instrument. This is an investment for them to take power.” Wilentz noted that, unlike the “traditional corporate conservative élite” dating back to the Gilded Age, this new “class of the super-rich” appears both more numerous and less civic-minded. “The other guys might have been robber barons,” Wilentz said. “These guys are oligarchs.”

  35. #Charles #Koch, perhaps the most legendary Republican financier of recent decades,
    has never backed Trump, either.

    The political network affiliated with him and his late brother #David remained officially neutral in the Presidential races of 2016 and 2020,
    and spent tens of millions of dollars trying to defeat Trump in this year’s Republican primaries,
    -- much of it supporting Haley.

    When she dropped out, the Koch network concentrated on down-ballot races.

    But Kochworld, like the Republican Party more broadly, remains divided.

    “There are a lot of donors in that network lobbying Charles from the perspective of,
    I know you don’t like him,
    but he’s better than the alternative,”
    Marc Short, who worked for a Koch-affiliated group
    and later served as Vice-President Mike Pence’s chief of staff, said.

    Nevertheless, neither Koch nor Pence is supporting Trump this fall
    —a remarkable rift, given the role that each of them has played in Republican politics.

    At the same time, Trump has cultivated a new group of what might be called #maga #megadonors.

    A study conducted for The New Yorker by the campaign-finance expert Robert Maguire,
    of the nonprofit good-government group #crew,
    found that, as of this summer,
    more than forty of the G.O.P.’s biggest super-pac donors during Romney’s 2012 campaign had never given to a pro-Trump super pac,
    including Oracle’s co-founder #Larry #Ellison,
    the Dallas real-estate tycoon #Harlan #Crow,
    and the hotel magnate J. W. #Marriott, Jr.

    Meanwhile, nearly sixty pro-Trump donors in the study,
    including #Lutnick, #Mellon, #Perlmutter, and the Wisconsin shipping magnates #Richard and #Elizabeth #Uihlein, had given nothing to the pro-Romney super pac.

    Others have significantly increased their giving.

    The #Adelsons, for example, donated $53 million to the pro-Romney super pac in 2012 and $90 million to support Trump in 2020,
    when they were the largest individual donors of the cycle.

    By the end of September, Miriam Adelson had given $100 million to back Trump in 2024.

    With such sums at stake, Trump has pursued what the former Bush Pioneer called a “high touch” approach to the Republican billionaire class.

    🔥The ex-President has all but invited donors to view their contributions as business investments,
    telling oil-and-gas executives who went to see him in April at Mar-a-Lago, for example, that,
    💥because he would allow unrestricted drilling,
    🧨they should raise $1 billion for his campaign
    —a statement redolent of Sondland’s “quid pro quo” that soon leaked to the Washington Post.

    The campaign’s strategy, another longtime fund-raiser told me,
    was essentially to let Trump be Trump:

    “He talks the same book to everybody.”

    Oliver, the former Bush finance director, observed that the difference between the model of the Bush campaigns and Trump’s is the difference between having a large pool of “institutional investors” which had been built up in the course of years, and a series of ad-hoc “transactional” dealings with a relatively small group of the ultra-rich.

    Sean Wilentz, a historian at Princeton University, offered another key distinction. Trump’s billionaires—many of whom have made their fortunes as hedge-fund managers, activist investors, and corporate raiders—tend to be highly motivated ideologues and individual operators. “It’s transactional, but their end of the bargain is a lot different than just having access to the President of the United States,” Wilentz told me. “They see Trump as their instrument. This is an investment for them to take power.” Wilentz noted that, unlike the “traditional corporate conservative élite” dating back to the Gilded Age, this new “class of the super-rich” appears both more numerous and less civic-minded. “The other guys might have been robber barons,” Wilentz said. “These guys are oligarchs.”

  36. Trump was fund-raising off his conviction with small-dollar donors as well;

    His campaign, which portrayed him as the victim of a politicized justice system, brought in nearly $53 million in the twenty-four hours after the verdict.

    Several megadonors who had held back from endorsing Trump announced that they were now supporting him,
    including
    🔸#Miriam #Adelson, the widow of the late casino mogul #Sheldon Adelson;
    🔸the Silicon Valley investor #David #Sacks, who said that the case against Trump was a sign of America turning into a “Banana Republic”;
    🔸and the venture capitalist #Shaun #Maguire, who, less than an hour after the verdict, posted on X that he was donating $300,000 to Trump, 👉calling the prosecution a “radicalizing experience.” 👈

    A day later, #Timothy #Mellon, the banking-family scion, wrote a $50-million check to the Make America Great Again super pac.

    #Ed #Rogers, a longtime G.O.P. lobbyist, had never publicly endorsed Trump or raised money for his campaigns.

    On May 31st, the day after Trump’s conviction, he sent his first contribution to the ex-President. “There was no case to make that that was not targeted prosecution,” he told me.

    He predicted that other Republicans who, like him, had been “allergic” to Trump would now get on board as well.

    “I tell people I am a Bill Barr, Chris Sununu, Nikki Haley Republican,” he said, listing the names of Republican officials who had criticized Trump in blistering terms only to support him again in 2024;

    Haley, despite having called Trump “unhinged” and a threat to the Republic, had announced the week before his conviction that she would vote for him.

    “The choices are 🔹Biden or Trump🔹, and I’m at peace with that,” Rogers said in June.
    “I wish it was a different equation, but it’s not.”

    ❗️Many donors I spoke with at the time described
    🧨Trump’s trial as an impetus,
    but they tended to cite a litany of other reasons, too, including questions about
    🔸Biden’s age and fitness to serve another term, concerns about his
    🔸economic policies, and gripes about some of his
    🔸appointees, such as the head of the Federal Trade Commission, Lina Khan, who has launched high-profile antitrust investigations.

    Trump, despite his populist rhetoric, deficit spending, and support for market-distorting tariffs,
    has sold himself as a pro-business candidate.

    He has promised extensive deregulation,
    nearly unfettered drilling for oil and gas,
    and tax cuts for corporations and wealthy individuals.

    “A lot of the donors have just come to the conclusion that, when you add it all up,
    the risks with Trump are behavioral
    —personal behavior and what he says
    —versus the policies,” the attendee at the Fifth Avenue fund-raiser told me.

    It was a “rationalization” adopted by “even those who were initially very put off, very alienated, by his behavior at the end of his Presidency.”

    🆘 By late May, Trump’s campaign had more money in the bank than Biden’s.

    The incumbent President’s disastrous performance in a June 27th debate against Trump only accelerated the trend.

    “After the debate, Biden looks like a loser,
    so these people who were never going to give to Biden,
    they’re now even more attracted to the idea of giving to former President Trump,”
    the attendee at Fanjul’s dinner said.

    “Because he looks like a winner.”

    The following month, as Democratic donors and elected officials frantically pressured Biden to drop out of the race,
    Trump and the Republicans again outraised the Democrats.

    “The Zeitgeist in the business world is that Trump is going to be President again,”
    a billionaire C.E.O. who is not a Trump supporter told me at the time.

    “Therefore, why fall on your sword on principle?”

    He added, “Businesspeople
    —their main focus in life is to make money,
    and you make money by backing winners. . . .

    They’ve concluded, O.K., he’s going to be President,
    let’s hold our nose and do what we have to do.”

  37. Trump was fund-raising off his conviction with small-dollar donors as well;

    His campaign, which portrayed him as the victim of a politicized justice system, brought in nearly $53 million in the twenty-four hours after the verdict.

    Several megadonors who had held back from endorsing Trump announced that they were now supporting him,
    including
    🔸#Miriam #Adelson, the widow of the late casino mogul #Sheldon Adelson;
    🔸the Silicon Valley investor #David #Sacks, who said that the case against Trump was a sign of America turning into a “Banana Republic”;
    🔸and the venture capitalist #Shaun #Maguire, who, less than an hour after the verdict, posted on X that he was donating $300,000 to Trump, 👉calling the prosecution a “radicalizing experience.” 👈

    A day later, #Timothy #Mellon, the banking-family scion, wrote a $50-million check to the Make America Great Again super pac.

    #Ed #Rogers, a longtime G.O.P. lobbyist, had never publicly endorsed Trump or raised money for his campaigns.

    On May 31st, the day after Trump’s conviction, he sent his first contribution to the ex-President. “There was no case to make that that was not targeted prosecution,” he told me.

    He predicted that other Republicans who, like him, had been “allergic” to Trump would now get on board as well.

    “I tell people I am a Bill Barr, Chris Sununu, Nikki Haley Republican,” he said, listing the names of Republican officials who had criticized Trump in blistering terms only to support him again in 2024;

    Haley, despite having called Trump “unhinged” and a threat to the Republic, had announced the week before his conviction that she would vote for him.

    “The choices are 🔹Biden or Trump🔹, and I’m at peace with that,” Rogers said in June.
    “I wish it was a different equation, but it’s not.”

    ❗️Many donors I spoke with at the time described
    🧨Trump’s trial as an impetus,
    but they tended to cite a litany of other reasons, too, including questions about
    🔸Biden’s age and fitness to serve another term, concerns about his
    🔸economic policies, and gripes about some of his
    🔸appointees, such as the head of the Federal Trade Commission, Lina Khan, who has launched high-profile antitrust investigations.

    Trump, despite his populist rhetoric, deficit spending, and support for market-distorting tariffs,
    has sold himself as a pro-business candidate.

    He has promised extensive deregulation,
    nearly unfettered drilling for oil and gas,
    and tax cuts for corporations and wealthy individuals.

    “A lot of the donors have just come to the conclusion that, when you add it all up,
    the risks with Trump are behavioral
    —personal behavior and what he says
    —versus the policies,” the attendee at the Fifth Avenue fund-raiser told me.

    It was a “rationalization” adopted by “even those who were initially very put off, very alienated, by his behavior at the end of his Presidency.”

    🆘 By late May, Trump’s campaign had more money in the bank than Biden’s.

    The incumbent President’s disastrous performance in a June 27th debate against Trump only accelerated the trend.

    “After the debate, Biden looks like a loser,
    so these people who were never going to give to Biden,
    they’re now even more attracted to the idea of giving to former President Trump,”
    the attendee at Fanjul’s dinner said.

    “Because he looks like a winner.”

    The following month, as Democratic donors and elected officials frantically pressured Biden to drop out of the race,
    Trump and the Republicans again outraised the Democrats.

    “The Zeitgeist in the business world is that Trump is going to be President again,”
    a billionaire C.E.O. who is not a Trump supporter told me at the time.

    “Therefore, why fall on your sword on principle?”

    He added, “Businesspeople
    —their main focus in life is to make money,
    and you make money by backing winners. . . .

    They’ve concluded, O.K., he’s going to be President,
    let’s hold our nose and do what we have to do.”

  38. Trump was fund-raising off his conviction with small-dollar donors as well;

    His campaign, which portrayed him as the victim of a politicized justice system, brought in nearly $53 million in the twenty-four hours after the verdict.

    Several megadonors who had held back from endorsing Trump announced that they were now supporting him,
    including
    🔸#Miriam #Adelson, the widow of the late casino mogul #Sheldon Adelson;
    🔸the Silicon Valley investor #David #Sacks, who said that the case against Trump was a sign of America turning into a “Banana Republic”;
    🔸and the venture capitalist #Shaun #Maguire, who, less than an hour after the verdict, posted on X that he was donating $300,000 to Trump, 👉calling the prosecution a “radicalizing experience.” 👈

    A day later, #Timothy #Mellon, the banking-family scion, wrote a $50-million check to the Make America Great Again super pac.

    #Ed #Rogers, a longtime G.O.P. lobbyist, had never publicly endorsed Trump or raised money for his campaigns.

    On May 31st, the day after Trump’s conviction, he sent his first contribution to the ex-President. “There was no case to make that that was not targeted prosecution,” he told me.

    He predicted that other Republicans who, like him, had been “allergic” to Trump would now get on board as well.

    “I tell people I am a Bill Barr, Chris Sununu, Nikki Haley Republican,” he said, listing the names of Republican officials who had criticized Trump in blistering terms only to support him again in 2024;

    Haley, despite having called Trump “unhinged” and a threat to the Republic, had announced the week before his conviction that she would vote for him.

    “The choices are 🔹Biden or Trump🔹, and I’m at peace with that,” Rogers said in June.
    “I wish it was a different equation, but it’s not.”

    ❗️Many donors I spoke with at the time described
    🧨Trump’s trial as an impetus,
    but they tended to cite a litany of other reasons, too, including questions about
    🔸Biden’s age and fitness to serve another term, concerns about his
    🔸economic policies, and gripes about some of his
    🔸appointees, such as the head of the Federal Trade Commission, Lina Khan, who has launched high-profile antitrust investigations.

    Trump, despite his populist rhetoric, deficit spending, and support for market-distorting tariffs,
    has sold himself as a pro-business candidate.

    He has promised extensive deregulation,
    nearly unfettered drilling for oil and gas,
    and tax cuts for corporations and wealthy individuals.

    “A lot of the donors have just come to the conclusion that, when you add it all up,
    the risks with Trump are behavioral
    —personal behavior and what he says
    —versus the policies,” the attendee at the Fifth Avenue fund-raiser told me.

    It was a “rationalization” adopted by “even those who were initially very put off, very alienated, by his behavior at the end of his Presidency.”

    🆘 By late May, Trump’s campaign had more money in the bank than Biden’s.

    The incumbent President’s disastrous performance in a June 27th debate against Trump only accelerated the trend.

    “After the debate, Biden looks like a loser,
    so these people who were never going to give to Biden,
    they’re now even more attracted to the idea of giving to former President Trump,”
    the attendee at Fanjul’s dinner said.

    “Because he looks like a winner.”

    The following month, as Democratic donors and elected officials frantically pressured Biden to drop out of the race,
    Trump and the Republicans again outraised the Democrats.

    “The Zeitgeist in the business world is that Trump is going to be President again,”
    a billionaire C.E.O. who is not a Trump supporter told me at the time.

    “Therefore, why fall on your sword on principle?”

    He added, “Businesspeople
    —their main focus in life is to make money,
    and you make money by backing winners. . . .

    They’ve concluded, O.K., he’s going to be President,
    let’s hold our nose and do what we have to do.”

  39. Trump was fund-raising off his conviction with small-dollar donors as well;

    His campaign, which portrayed him as the victim of a politicized justice system, brought in nearly $53 million in the twenty-four hours after the verdict.

    Several megadonors who had held back from endorsing Trump announced that they were now supporting him,
    including
    🔸#Miriam #Adelson, the widow of the late casino mogul #Sheldon Adelson;
    🔸the Silicon Valley investor #David #Sacks, who said that the case against Trump was a sign of America turning into a “Banana Republic”;
    🔸and the venture capitalist #Shaun #Maguire, who, less than an hour after the verdict, posted on X that he was donating $300,000 to Trump, 👉calling the prosecution a “radicalizing experience.” 👈

    A day later, #Timothy #Mellon, the banking-family scion, wrote a $50-million check to the Make America Great Again super pac.

    #Ed #Rogers, a longtime G.O.P. lobbyist, had never publicly endorsed Trump or raised money for his campaigns.

    On May 31st, the day after Trump’s conviction, he sent his first contribution to the ex-President. “There was no case to make that that was not targeted prosecution,” he told me.

    He predicted that other Republicans who, like him, had been “allergic” to Trump would now get on board as well.

    “I tell people I am a Bill Barr, Chris Sununu, Nikki Haley Republican,” he said, listing the names of Republican officials who had criticized Trump in blistering terms only to support him again in 2024;

    Haley, despite having called Trump “unhinged” and a threat to the Republic, had announced the week before his conviction that she would vote for him.

    “The choices are 🔹Biden or Trump🔹, and I’m at peace with that,” Rogers said in June.
    “I wish it was a different equation, but it’s not.”

    ❗️Many donors I spoke with at the time described
    🧨Trump’s trial as an impetus,
    but they tended to cite a litany of other reasons, too, including questions about
    🔸Biden’s age and fitness to serve another term, concerns about his
    🔸economic policies, and gripes about some of his
    🔸appointees, such as the head of the Federal Trade Commission, Lina Khan, who has launched high-profile antitrust investigations.

    Trump, despite his populist rhetoric, deficit spending, and support for market-distorting tariffs,
    has sold himself as a pro-business candidate.

    He has promised extensive deregulation,
    nearly unfettered drilling for oil and gas,
    and tax cuts for corporations and wealthy individuals.

    “A lot of the donors have just come to the conclusion that, when you add it all up,
    the risks with Trump are behavioral
    —personal behavior and what he says
    —versus the policies,” the attendee at the Fifth Avenue fund-raiser told me.

    It was a “rationalization” adopted by “even those who were initially very put off, very alienated, by his behavior at the end of his Presidency.”

    🆘 By late May, Trump’s campaign had more money in the bank than Biden’s.

    The incumbent President’s disastrous performance in a June 27th debate against Trump only accelerated the trend.

    “After the debate, Biden looks like a loser,
    so these people who were never going to give to Biden,
    they’re now even more attracted to the idea of giving to former President Trump,”
    the attendee at Fanjul’s dinner said.

    “Because he looks like a winner.”

    The following month, as Democratic donors and elected officials frantically pressured Biden to drop out of the race,
    Trump and the Republicans again outraised the Democrats.

    “The Zeitgeist in the business world is that Trump is going to be President again,”
    a billionaire C.E.O. who is not a Trump supporter told me at the time.

    “Therefore, why fall on your sword on principle?”

    He added, “Businesspeople
    —their main focus in life is to make money,
    and you make money by backing winners. . . .

    They’ve concluded, O.K., he’s going to be President,
    let’s hold our nose and do what we have to do.”

  40. Trump was fund-raising off his conviction with small-dollar donors as well;

    His campaign, which portrayed him as the victim of a politicized justice system, brought in nearly $53 million in the twenty-four hours after the verdict.

    Several megadonors who had held back from endorsing Trump announced that they were now supporting him,
    including
    🔸#Miriam #Adelson, the widow of the late casino mogul #Sheldon Adelson;
    🔸the Silicon Valley investor #David #Sacks, who said that the case against Trump was a sign of America turning into a “Banana Republic”;
    🔸and the venture capitalist #Shaun #Maguire, who, less than an hour after the verdict, posted on X that he was donating $300,000 to Trump, 👉calling the prosecution a “radicalizing experience.” 👈

    A day later, #Timothy #Mellon, the banking-family scion, wrote a $50-million check to the Make America Great Again super pac.

    #Ed #Rogers, a longtime G.O.P. lobbyist, had never publicly endorsed Trump or raised money for his campaigns.

    On May 31st, the day after Trump’s conviction, he sent his first contribution to the ex-President. “There was no case to make that that was not targeted prosecution,” he told me.

    He predicted that other Republicans who, like him, had been “allergic” to Trump would now get on board as well.

    “I tell people I am a Bill Barr, Chris Sununu, Nikki Haley Republican,” he said, listing the names of Republican officials who had criticized Trump in blistering terms only to support him again in 2024;

    Haley, despite having called Trump “unhinged” and a threat to the Republic, had announced the week before his conviction that she would vote for him.

    “The choices are 🔹Biden or Trump🔹, and I’m at peace with that,” Rogers said in June.
    “I wish it was a different equation, but it’s not.”

    ❗️Many donors I spoke with at the time described
    🧨Trump’s trial as an impetus,
    but they tended to cite a litany of other reasons, too, including questions about
    🔸Biden’s age and fitness to serve another term, concerns about his
    🔸economic policies, and gripes about some of his
    🔸appointees, such as the head of the Federal Trade Commission, Lina Khan, who has launched high-profile antitrust investigations.

    Trump, despite his populist rhetoric, deficit spending, and support for market-distorting tariffs,
    has sold himself as a pro-business candidate.

    He has promised extensive deregulation,
    nearly unfettered drilling for oil and gas,
    and tax cuts for corporations and wealthy individuals.

    “A lot of the donors have just come to the conclusion that, when you add it all up,
    the risks with Trump are behavioral
    —personal behavior and what he says
    —versus the policies,” the attendee at the Fifth Avenue fund-raiser told me.

    It was a “rationalization” adopted by “even those who were initially very put off, very alienated, by his behavior at the end of his Presidency.”

    🆘 By late May, Trump’s campaign had more money in the bank than Biden’s.

    The incumbent President’s disastrous performance in a June 27th debate against Trump only accelerated the trend.

    “After the debate, Biden looks like a loser,
    so these people who were never going to give to Biden,
    they’re now even more attracted to the idea of giving to former President Trump,”
    the attendee at Fanjul’s dinner said.

    “Because he looks like a winner.”

    The following month, as Democratic donors and elected officials frantically pressured Biden to drop out of the race,
    Trump and the Republicans again outraised the Democrats.

    “The Zeitgeist in the business world is that Trump is going to be President again,”
    a billionaire C.E.O. who is not a Trump supporter told me at the time.

    “Therefore, why fall on your sword on principle?”

    He added, “Businesspeople
    —their main focus in life is to make money,
    and you make money by backing winners. . . .

    They’ve concluded, O.K., he’s going to be President,
    let’s hold our nose and do what we have to do.”

  41. Backed by a cabal of wealthy conservative patrons like industrialist #David #Koch,
    banker #Richard #Mellon #Scaife,
    and the devout Catholic entrepreneur #Frank #Hanna,
    the Federalist Society under Leo became a breeding ground for conservative judges who were recruited at law school,
    groomed through the society’s program of events and talks,
    and then bound together through their careers.

    “The key was to figure out how to develop what I call a ‘pipeline’
    — basically, where you recruit students in law school,
    you get them through law school,
    they come out of law school,
    and then you find ways of continuing to involve them in legal policy,” Leo later explained.

    In 2005, the Federalist Society began openly advocating for #John #Roberts
    — a former member
    — to be nominated to fill a vacant seat at the Supreme Court,
    the first time it had campaigned publicly for a particular candidate.

    A few months later, its sway had grown so much that it torpedoed President George W. Bush’s own preferred candidate for another vacant seat on the Supreme Court
    #Harriet #Miers, a judge and close friend of the president who wasn’t a member of the Federalist Society
    — and pressured him to nominate #Samuel #Alito, one of its members, in her place.

    Leo worked closely with the "Judicial Confirmation Network",
    a new nonprofit organization set up using funds from #Robin #Arkley, a California businessman known as the
    “foreclosure king,” who had made billions buying up mortgages of people in financial difficulties.

    The idea for #JCN had been hatched at a dinner in Washington attended by Leo and Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia shortly after Bush’s reelection in late 2004.

    JCN spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on radio and online advertisement to shape public opinion.

    It was run by #Neil and #Ann #Corkery, a couple who had been members of #Opus #Dei since at least the eighties.

    Neil had been a critical figure in getting a new residence for male, celibate members of the Catholic movement built in Reston, Virginia.

    “Opus Dei members preach their faith through their work as well as the friendships they develop,” Ann explained.

    She and her husband would later preach their faith by becoming central figures in a series of nonprofits that would channel dark money for Leo’s efforts.

  42. Backed by a cabal of wealthy conservative patrons like industrialist #David #Koch,
    banker #Richard #Mellon #Scaife,
    and the devout Catholic entrepreneur #Frank #Hanna,
    the Federalist Society under Leo became a breeding ground for conservative judges who were recruited at law school,
    groomed through the society’s program of events and talks,
    and then bound together through their careers.

    “The key was to figure out how to develop what I call a ‘pipeline’
    — basically, where you recruit students in law school,
    you get them through law school,
    they come out of law school,
    and then you find ways of continuing to involve them in legal policy,” Leo later explained.

    In 2005, the Federalist Society began openly advocating for #John #Roberts
    — a former member
    — to be nominated to fill a vacant seat at the Supreme Court,
    the first time it had campaigned publicly for a particular candidate.

    A few months later, its sway had grown so much that it torpedoed President George W. Bush’s own preferred candidate for another vacant seat on the Supreme Court
    #Harriet #Miers, a judge and close friend of the president who wasn’t a member of the Federalist Society
    — and pressured him to nominate #Samuel #Alito, one of its members, in her place.

    Leo worked closely with the "Judicial Confirmation Network",
    a new nonprofit organization set up using funds from #Robin #Arkley, a California businessman known as the
    “foreclosure king,” who had made billions buying up mortgages of people in financial difficulties.

    The idea for #JCN had been hatched at a dinner in Washington attended by Leo and Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia shortly after Bush’s reelection in late 2004.

    JCN spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on radio and online advertisement to shape public opinion.

    It was run by #Neil and #Ann #Corkery, a couple who had been members of #Opus #Dei since at least the eighties.

    Neil had been a critical figure in getting a new residence for male, celibate members of the Catholic movement built in Reston, Virginia.

    “Opus Dei members preach their faith through their work as well as the friendships they develop,” Ann explained.

    She and her husband would later preach their faith by becoming central figures in a series of nonprofits that would channel dark money for Leo’s efforts.

  43. Backed by a cabal of wealthy conservative patrons like industrialist #David #Koch,
    banker #Richard #Mellon #Scaife,
    and the devout Catholic entrepreneur #Frank #Hanna,
    the Federalist Society under Leo became a breeding ground for conservative judges who were recruited at law school,
    groomed through the society’s program of events and talks,
    and then bound together through their careers.

    “The key was to figure out how to develop what I call a ‘pipeline’
    — basically, where you recruit students in law school,
    you get them through law school,
    they come out of law school,
    and then you find ways of continuing to involve them in legal policy,” Leo later explained.

    In 2005, the Federalist Society began openly advocating for #John #Roberts
    — a former member
    — to be nominated to fill a vacant seat at the Supreme Court,
    the first time it had campaigned publicly for a particular candidate.

    A few months later, its sway had grown so much that it torpedoed President George W. Bush’s own preferred candidate for another vacant seat on the Supreme Court
    #Harriet #Miers, a judge and close friend of the president who wasn’t a member of the Federalist Society
    — and pressured him to nominate #Samuel #Alito, one of its members, in her place.

    Leo worked closely with the "Judicial Confirmation Network",
    a new nonprofit organization set up using funds from #Robin #Arkley, a California businessman known as the
    “foreclosure king,” who had made billions buying up mortgages of people in financial difficulties.

    The idea for #JCN had been hatched at a dinner in Washington attended by Leo and Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia shortly after Bush’s reelection in late 2004.

    JCN spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on radio and online advertisement to shape public opinion.

    It was run by #Neil and #Ann #Corkery, a couple who had been members of #Opus #Dei since at least the eighties.

    Neil had been a critical figure in getting a new residence for male, celibate members of the Catholic movement built in Reston, Virginia.

    “Opus Dei members preach their faith through their work as well as the friendships they develop,” Ann explained.

    She and her husband would later preach their faith by becoming central figures in a series of nonprofits that would channel dark money for Leo’s efforts.

  44. Backed by a cabal of wealthy conservative patrons like industrialist #David #Koch,
    banker #Richard #Mellon #Scaife,
    and the devout Catholic entrepreneur #Frank #Hanna,
    the Federalist Society under Leo became a breeding ground for conservative judges who were recruited at law school,
    groomed through the society’s program of events and talks,
    and then bound together through their careers.

    “The key was to figure out how to develop what I call a ‘pipeline’
    — basically, where you recruit students in law school,
    you get them through law school,
    they come out of law school,
    and then you find ways of continuing to involve them in legal policy,” Leo later explained.

    In 2005, the Federalist Society began openly advocating for #John #Roberts
    — a former member
    — to be nominated to fill a vacant seat at the Supreme Court,
    the first time it had campaigned publicly for a particular candidate.

    A few months later, its sway had grown so much that it torpedoed President George W. Bush’s own preferred candidate for another vacant seat on the Supreme Court
    #Harriet #Miers, a judge and close friend of the president who wasn’t a member of the Federalist Society
    — and pressured him to nominate #Samuel #Alito, one of its members, in her place.

    Leo worked closely with the "Judicial Confirmation Network",
    a new nonprofit organization set up using funds from #Robin #Arkley, a California businessman known as the
    “foreclosure king,” who had made billions buying up mortgages of people in financial difficulties.

    The idea for #JCN had been hatched at a dinner in Washington attended by Leo and Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia shortly after Bush’s reelection in late 2004.

    JCN spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on radio and online advertisement to shape public opinion.

    It was run by #Neil and #Ann #Corkery, a couple who had been members of #Opus #Dei since at least the eighties.

    Neil had been a critical figure in getting a new residence for male, celibate members of the Catholic movement built in Reston, Virginia.

    “Opus Dei members preach their faith through their work as well as the friendships they develop,” Ann explained.

    She and her husband would later preach their faith by becoming central figures in a series of nonprofits that would channel dark money for Leo’s efforts.

  45. Backed by a cabal of wealthy conservative patrons like industrialist #David #Koch,
    banker #Richard #Mellon #Scaife,
    and the devout Catholic entrepreneur #Frank #Hanna,
    the Federalist Society under Leo became a breeding ground for conservative judges who were recruited at law school,
    groomed through the society’s program of events and talks,
    and then bound together through their careers.

    “The key was to figure out how to develop what I call a ‘pipeline’
    — basically, where you recruit students in law school,
    you get them through law school,
    they come out of law school,
    and then you find ways of continuing to involve them in legal policy,” Leo later explained.

    In 2005, the Federalist Society began openly advocating for #John #Roberts
    — a former member
    — to be nominated to fill a vacant seat at the Supreme Court,
    the first time it had campaigned publicly for a particular candidate.

    A few months later, its sway had grown so much that it torpedoed President George W. Bush’s own preferred candidate for another vacant seat on the Supreme Court
    #Harriet #Miers, a judge and close friend of the president who wasn’t a member of the Federalist Society
    — and pressured him to nominate #Samuel #Alito, one of its members, in her place.

    Leo worked closely with the "Judicial Confirmation Network",
    a new nonprofit organization set up using funds from #Robin #Arkley, a California businessman known as the
    “foreclosure king,” who had made billions buying up mortgages of people in financial difficulties.

    The idea for #JCN had been hatched at a dinner in Washington attended by Leo and Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia shortly after Bush’s reelection in late 2004.

    JCN spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on radio and online advertisement to shape public opinion.

    It was run by #Neil and #Ann #Corkery, a couple who had been members of #Opus #Dei since at least the eighties.

    Neil had been a critical figure in getting a new residence for male, celibate members of the Catholic movement built in Reston, Virginia.

    “Opus Dei members preach their faith through their work as well as the friendships they develop,” Ann explained.

    She and her husband would later preach their faith by becoming central figures in a series of nonprofits that would channel dark money for Leo’s efforts.

  46. "Boston Strong! And sane too, it seems, booing JD Vance at a Firefighters' Union (IAFF) Speech

    >> J.D. Vance Booed by Entire Crowd During Dumpster Fire Speech

    newrepublic.com/maz/post/18544

    > Vance was brutally burned during a campaign stop, ironically at a firefighters’ union conference.

    Like his hero, Sir #TrumpVirus, this fellow shape-shifting creature once again revealed his lack of soul, and abundance of #weird.

    #Hope #Truth #democracy vs. #JDVance #nihilism #Project2025 #Thiel #Mellon