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  1. “From Tripoli to Nabatiye: Redspark’s Journey Through Lebanon”—Part 1

    I. Introduction

    At the end of 2025, part of the Redspark collective traveled to Lebanon to meet with various members and organizations of the Resistance and to learn more about the country’s current situation. The following article, presented in two parts, is a political overview of our trip and meetings.

    Over a week’s time, we crossed Lebanon from north to south. Lebanon is often reduced to its capital, Beirut—a simplification that our hosts warned us against even before we arrived. Indeed, our trips to Saida (Sidon), Trablus (Tripoli), and Nabatiye allowed us to witness the diversity of political, economic, and cultural experiences that exist across the country.

    More than a year after the so-called end of hostilities (October 8, 2023–November 27, 2024) between the Forces of Resistance and the Zionist entity—which continues, despite the ceasefire, to bomb the Southern provinces undeterred—the atmosphere remains tense or torn, between the clear foreboding of a new war to come and the calm of a pacified, even depoliticized, society.

    The following articles do not aim to provide a detailed overview of Lebanese politics—from the Resistance, the Palestinian camps, the agents of imperialism, to the rebellious elements of civil society. Rather, our intention is to share our experience, while providing context where necessary for a clearer understanding of our observations. The first article will focus on the history of the peoples inhabiting the country, the creation of Lebanon by French and British imperialism, and the numerous struggles and conflicts that have unfolded over the course of the 20th and 21st centuries. In addition, it will address the current political context, shaped in the wake of October 7, 2023.

    The following articles will focus on the various forces involved in or affiliated with the Resistance. It will also discuss the concrete conditions in the Palestinian camps—the historical cradle of the Palestinian and Arab Resistance—which today stands at a crossroads between continued pacification and the hope for a renewal of vigorous struggles.

    II. Historical Context

    The historic tragedy, or crime, of which the peoples of the region have been both victims and actors is the artificial creation by foreign powers of the states in which they have come to live since the beginning of the last century. This condition, and the indignation that continues to accompany it, is illustrated by a recurring remark made by several comrades we met during our visit: “Lebanon should not exist.”

    The history of Lebanon is precisely that of its colonial borders: between itself and the “countries” that surround it—all of which are, in essence, part of the Arab nation; between religious and ethnic communities divided in order to weaken them all—some manipulated by imperialist forces, others demonized and vilified by those same powers.

    In this context, the anti-Zionist struggle of the Lebanese and their Palestinian brothers and sisters is just one expression of the struggle against this century-old wound, inflicted by the same agents who once drew the Syrian, Lebanese, Palestinian, Jordanian, and other borders on a map laid out on a desk in London or Paris.

    History of the people in the region

    The region known in Arabic as the Asian Masriq—referred to in the Western tradition as the Levant and Mesopotamia—is part of the Arab world, the Arab nation. The Arabic language, spoken by the majority but not the entire population, has been present since at least the 7th century. In areas close to the Mediterranean coast, of which Lebanon is a part, a mosaic of different peoples and religious communities has constituted the demographic reality for many centuries: Sunnis, Shi’as, and Druze make up the larger Muslim majority; Eastern Catholics (Maronites), Greek Orthodox, and Greek Catholics (Melkites) constitute the Christian minorities; Assyrians, Armenians, Kurds, and Arab Jews also inhabit the region, forming pockets that are interwoven into the wider social fabric.

    Division by imperialist states

    Under the Ottoman Empire, life in Lebanon was organized through the millet system—legally recognized religious and/or ethnic communities—which granted legal autonomy to these groups in exchange for the jizya, a poll tax paid by non-Muslims. While this tax symbolized a form of protection (note that in most Christian countries, no similar form of protection for non-Christian religious groups existed), it also established a second-class citizenship which, although tolerated for centuries, became a source of resentment with the rise of nationalism, with some seeing it as humiliating fiscal discrimination.

    The country’s geography strongly dictated socio-economic distinctions: Sunnis and Greek Orthodox Christians dominated the coastline and its trading cities, while Maronites occupied the north of Mount Lebanon and Druze the south of the mountain. The Shi’as, for their part, formed the majority groups in the plains and valleys of the Beqaa in the east and in Jabal Amel in the south.

    In the 17th century, the Maronite Church aligned itself with the authority of Rome, creating an institutional bridge with Europe. This link enabled the formation of a local elite with ties to Western nations, which could serve as commercial intermediaries. The major economic turning point came when France, and more specifically the city of Lyon, sought to secure its supply of unprocessed silk. The temperate climate of Mount Lebanon and its steep terraces were ideal for planting mulberry trees for silkworm breeding. Under the impetus of Maronite merchants and investors from Lyon, the mountain was transformed into an open-air production hub.

    This Maronite economic boom fueled tensions with the Druze aristocracy, whose land ownership was declining. France and England took advantage of these frictions for imperialist purposes: Paris positioned itself as the historical protector of the Maronites to establish its influence in the eastern Mediterranean, while London supported the Druze to counter French hegemony and secure trade routes to India. This power play, coupled with a strategy of division on the part of the Ottoman government in Constantinople (now Istanbul) to maintain control, began to transform local solidarity into identity divisions, culminating in the outbreak of violent conflicts—which degenerated into massacres—in 1860 between Maronites and Druze.

    Faced with the passivity of the Ottoman troops and international outrage the conflict had caused, Napoleon III sent a French expeditionary force to secure the region. This major crisis forced the Ottomans to grant Mount Lebanon international autonomy, known as the Moutassarrifiya, establishing for the first time a governing council divided according to religious affiliation, thus cementing political confessionalism (“sectarianism”) as a crisis management tool for decades to come.

    Zionist interests from the beginning and throughout

    The Ottoman Empire’s entry into World War I alongside Germany marked a sharp acceleration in imperialist predation in the region. On the Mediterranean side of the Mashriq, the Ottomans established a regime of terror against the Druze and Maronites, regarded by the Ottoman government—having recently become dominated by Turkish nationalists—as a pro-French and pro-British “fifth column” within the Empire.

    However, it was the naval blockade imposed by the Allied powers that ultimately destroyed the local economy: the resulting Great Famine (1915–1918) decimated a third of the population of Mount Lebanon, transforming the mountain into an open-air cemetery to crush any hint of revolt.

    At the same time, the Zionist project asserted itself as a strategic ally of British imperialism; from the first aliyahs, waves of European Jews settling in Palestine, in the 1880s, the movement was part of a strategy of settler colonialism. Zionist leaders, such as Herzl and later Weizmann, explicitly presented their project to the colonial powers as an “outpost of civilization against barbarism” in the East, offering the British Empire a loyal outpost to secure the Suez Canal and the emerging oil routes. This convergence of interests culminated in 1917 with the Balfour Declaration, in which London promised a “national home for the Jewish people” on land that did not belong to it.

    While the British exploited the Arab Revolt’s aspirations for independence with promises of sovereignty over a greater Arab Nation, they secretly negotiated the Sykes-Picot Agreement with France (1916). This arbitrary division of the Middle East into spheres of influence after the end of the First World War, transformed Lebanon and Syria into French mandates and Palestine, Jordan, and Iraq into British mandates, establishing a new colonial order based on geographical fragmentation and the exacerbation of communal antagonisms.

    The interwar period was marked by a radicalization of the struggle against the mandates’ structures. In Lebanon, resistance was organized around interfaith trade union fronts, particularly during the major strikes at the Régie des Tabacs (“Tobacco Authority”) where workers challenged the French monopoly, which was perceived as an economic extension of the military occupation. In Palestine, colonial exploitation and the acceleration of land expropriations led to the Great Arab Revolt of 1936–1939. This massive peasant uprising, directed against both the British administration and the Zionist militias, was bloodily suppressed, structurally weakening Palestinian society on the eve of the decisive confrontation.

    We spoke with a member of Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), who recounted the painful history of the Palestinian people:

    Palestinians have been under occupation since the early 20th century, first by the UK and France, who set up “Mandatory Palestine,” before the Zionist entity was created based on a racial and religious identity. The people of Palestine were mostly peasants tilling the land, from which they were chased.

    In 1948, the creation of the State of Israel and the Nakba (“Catastrophe”) led to the expulsion of 700,000 Palestinians. Lebanon participated in the 1948 war with a modest army, focusing on securing its southern border and liberating border villages such as Al-Malkiyya. The failure of the Arab armies and the 1949 armistice resulted in the arrival of more than 100,000 refugees in Lebanon, and the brutal severance of the vital Beirut-Haifa economic axis.

    When we first met activist and former political prisoner Georges Abdallah, he explained that

    Before European colonialism, the Arab world generally considered itself a single political and cultural entity, whatever the differences in language, religion, and local customs may have been. Inter-imperialist competition in the region is what fractured this unity. This process was accelerated with the birth of the Zionist project.

    Anti-Zionist resistance in Lebanon immediately took root in the wake of the Nakba, initially led by left-wing and Arab nationalist parties who saw the Zionist entity as a “base for imperialism” in the heart of the region. This opposition was not only military but also ideological; it denounced the Zionist project as a tool for dividing the Arab peoples in order to facilitate oil extraction and Western strategic control. These early nuclei of resistance, combining Lebanese militants and Palestinian refugees, laid the groundwork for future liberation movements that would challenge Israel’s regional hegemony from the 1960s onward.

    Lebanon’s specific history and how it explains its current conditions

    From the early 1950s onward, Lebanese activists, particularly those from the ranks of the Lebanese Communist Party and Nasserist movements, were inspired by the progressive regime established in Egypt after 1952, which nationalized the Suez Canal four years later. They began to take an interest in the plight of the refugees in the camps and to deepen their common struggle with the Palestinians, in the context of the prevailing Arab nationalist spirit of the time.

    During this same period, the Lebanese Communist Party, founded in 1924 (initially forming a single party with its Syrian branch), became the leading Lebanese political force to organize concrete resistance in southern Lebanon. The LCP’s popularity was largely due to its rejection of the 1947 UN Partition Plan, in defiance of the official Comintern position, making it the only USSR- and former Comintern-affiliated party in the Arab world to do so. This enabled the party to gain support not only among Pan-Arabists, but also more broadly among the Arab masses.

    Regarding the camps, Khaled Barakat, founder of the new Palestinian left-wing organization Masar Badil, give us an account of the historical conditions in the camps during those years:

    In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the literature shows a situation rather similar to today’s: poverty, passivity, integration into the host country’s society, etc. In the mid-1960s, youth movements began popping up everywhere in the camps and in the diaspora in general (“Youth of Revenge,” “Heroes of Return,” and others).

    However, this initial resistance posed a dilemma for the central government in Beirut: The Lebanese state, dominated by a mercantile bourgeoisie with ties with the West, feared that this activism would provoke Israeli reprisals and radicalize the masses. The revolts in the camps in the wake of the proletarian movements and oppressed peoples around the world that arose beginning in 1967—combined with the traumatic Arab defeat in the Six-Day War that same year—provoked an explosion of militant activity in the region and proved the sectarian government’s fears correct.

    When “Black September” took place in Jordan in 1970—during which the Jordanian left and the Palestinian resistance, allied in an effort to overthrow the reactionary Hashemite monarchy under the thumb of Western imperialism, were repressed by the army—the Palestinian resistance and the PLO fled from Amman to Lebanon. The arrival of the Palestinian Resistance leadership and the Lebanese left’s growing activism—including the Progressive Socialist Party and the Arab Socialist Action Party (Lebanon)—started to create cracks in the National Pact of 1943, an unwritten agreement that divided power between Christian and Muslim elites on the basis of an outdated census, and which was approved by the French colonial authorities as the foundational document allowing nominal independence.

    On top of all that came the signing of the 1969 Cairo Agreements, which, along with the aforementioned 1970 PLO headquarters’ establishment in Beirut, marked the point of no return: Under pressure from the streets and from neighboring countries, the Lebanese state ceded sovereignty over its own camps to the PLO and allowed it to conduct military operations from southern Lebanon. This decision institutionalized a “state within a state” and exacerbated class contradictions, as the Lebanese right (mainly the Maronite oligarchy) saw the Palestinian Resistance as an existential threat to its domination.

    The situation came to a head in 1975, marking the beginning of the Lebanese “Civil War” (1975–1990). This was not simply an inter-religious conflict, but a full-blown social and geopolitical war. It pitted the Lebanese National Movement, later renamed the Lebanese National Resistance Front or “Jammoul” (secular left, communists, Nasserists allied with the Palestinians), which demanded democratic and secular reform of the system, against the reactionary pro-imperialist camp of the Phalangists (named after Franco’s Spanish fascist militias) and supported by Israel and the West, mainly from the Maronite community.

    The Left made considerable advances, and the Phalangists retreated to the heights of Mount Lebanon, where they were entrenched, and which they hoped to turn into an independent republic as a last desperate act in the face of their increasingly numerous opponents. However, they were saved from defeat in 1982 by the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, known as “Peace in Galilee.” By besieging Beirut and forcing the PLO to flee to Tunis, Israel and its imperialist allies aimed to physically eliminate the Arab revolutionary center in Lebanon.

    This invasion was marked by the massacres of thousands of Palestinian civilians refugees in the Sabra and Shatila camps, which were supervised if not instigated by the Zionist armed forces, and broke the Lebanese left. Over 3,000 Palestinians were slaughtered in the Sabra and Shatila camp alone. In Saida’s Ain al-Hilweh camp, over 1,000 were killed, as were more than 1,000 in Burj al-Shamali camp in Tyros. The decline of Marxist movements and Arab nationalism accelerated under the impact of repression and the collapse of the Soviet Union.

    The Taif Agreement (1989), imposed under the aegis of Saudi Arabia and Syria, put an end to the fighting but buried any hope of secular reform. Instead of abolishing sectarianism, it redefined it in favor of a new power-sharing arrangement between the same Sunni, Shi’a, and Christian elites already in place. Our host, one of the leaders of the People’s Democratic Party—a communist party based mainly in Saida—explained:

    Jammoul was dissolved only one year after the collapse of the Soviet Union…. As a result, major internal party conflicts emerged, especially within the LCP. After the end of the Lebanese Civil War in 1990, the Taif Agreement consolidated the postwar order. The Taif Agreement led to the disarmament of all non-state armed actors in the country, with the exception of Hezbollah. In addition, it institutionalized the country’s sectarian division and laid the groundwork for the neoliberal shock strategies that would follow in the 1990s.

    The LCP leadership participated in the agreement with the aim of securing a share of posts and functions within the Lebanese state apparatus and its institutions, which were being divided among the former wartime factions. The Communist Party was indeed granted a limited share, but only at the price of far-reaching political concessions.

    Its consent to incorporation into the sectarian system already represented a fundamental class compromise. This led to a growing alienation between the party leadership and its base, a gap that has continued to widen. Between the Taif Agreement of 1990 and the 2006 war, the LCP lost considerable influence and significance.

    Regarding the communist forces’ historically difficult organization in Lebanon, as well as their rapid decline beginning in the 1990s after several decades of relative success, our host said:

    Blindly following the often wrong policies of the USSR concerning the Arab world, the LCP explicitly disapproved of the United Arab Republic’s foundation in 1958 [the first concrete step towards the creation of a united Arab nation], for which it ended up paying a heavy price in terms of credibility among the masses. In the same vein, the LCP, aligned with the Soviet Union, made similar policy mistakes and further detached itself from the masses. Despite all of this, in their heyday, the LCP organized hundreds of thousands of Lebanese youth and workers. It had a strong armed wing and was widely respected in society and abroad. But at the beginning of the “civil war,” the party deviated and adopted a militaristic line, leaving aside politics and mass work. Later, they joined the newly formed Jammoul front, which improved their political line and reputation among the people. Yet, after the Taif Agreement was signed in 1990, marking the end of the bloody conflict, the party tried to enter government, which led them to compromise on many issues. This, again, stained its reputation.

    This happened not only in Lebanon but also in other parts of the Arab world. Objectively, the collapse of the USSR meant the loss of material support. In Lebanon, Palestine, and elsewhere, this led to widespread corruption among nationalist and left-wing groups. It was in the ideological and political vacuum of this period that a shift towards religious-based resistance took place. Within the Shi’a community, historically the most disadvantaged, new grassroots social and political movements, galvanized by the Iranian Revolution of 1979, proposed a synthesis between national liberation struggle and Islamic revolutionism, proving itself to be more effective militarily than the traditional left.

    The most known among them is Hezbollah, or “Party of God.” Hezbollah originally split from the “Movement of the Dispossessed,” from which the Amal Movement later developed. Amal had been founded by Musa al-Sadr. In its early years, Hezbollah was an Islamic revolutionary movement that occasionally advocated establishing a Shi’a Islamic state in Lebanon. However, it was also able to adapt and develop from a Shi’a resistance movement into a national force capable of incorporating different social groups, although it remains, in the end, a sectarian Shi’a party.

    Hezbollah emerged in direct response to the Israeli invasion of 1982. During the occupation of Beirut, Jammoul drove the Zionist troops out of the city within a few weeks. In the south, the newly formed Hezbollah led the armed struggle to fight for the liberation of the entire country. This process was the result of a long and costly struggle, which eventually culminated in the liberation of southern Lebanon on May 25, 2000.

    The “Islamic Resistance” became the spearhead of the struggle against occupation, leading to Israel’s withdrawal from the South in 2000, without the signing of a peace treaty. The 2006 war was the culmination of this new configuration: Hezbollah stood up to the Israeli army for 33 days. While this military victory reinforced its prestige as a “bulwark” against Zionist expansionism, it also sharpened internal divisions.

    III. Current Context

    2006–2023

    The period between the 2006 July War and October 7, 2023, represents a complex trajectory defined by the military strengthening of the Resistance alongside a catastrophic internal collapse of the Lebanese state. Following the 33-day Israeli invasion in 2006, the Hezbollah-led resistance emerged with immense regional prestige, viewed as a formidable force capable of imposing a stalemate on the Zionist entity. According to different comrades from the Lebanese Left we met, at that particular point Hezbollah could have taken state power proper if it wanted.[1]

    However, this external military capacity was a sharp contrast to a domestic scene increasingly paralyzed by the sectarian power-sharing system solidified by the 1989 Taif Agreement (above). This deadlock created a permanent battleground between the “March 8 Alliance,” which favored the Resistance, and the pro-Western “March 14 Alliance,” a situation that effectively neutralized the state’s ability to implement structural reforms.

    The 2008 global financial crisis was largely mitigated in Lebanon by a surge in diaspora remittances and high-interest rates that kept the banking sector buoyant. But this temporary resilience masked the structural corruption of what would later be identified as a state-sponsored Ponzi scheme. For decades, the Banque du Liban (the Lebanese Central Bank) maintained a fixed exchange rate by borrowing from commercial banks at exorbitant interest rates, using new depositors’ dollars to pay off old debts and finance a bloated, corrupt state.

    The 2011 “Arab Spring” briefly manifested in Lebanon through protests demanding the end of the sectarian regime, but it was quickly overshadowed by the war in Syria. Hezbollah’s intervention in Syria to protect the Axis of Resistance—of which Syria’s Assad government was a part—consolidated its military regional standing but also deepened domestic fractures, straining its historical ties with some traditional left-wing forces. It also damaged Hezbollah’s popularity throughout Lebanon, not so much because of the Syrian civil war, but because of the intensifying sectarian tensions that resulted. The intervention was therefore particularly unpopular among the Sunni population.

    By 2016, a compromise that brought Michel Aoun to the presidency marked a new phase where Hezbollah and its allies became primary stakeholders in the government. To maintain stability and protect the Resistance from domestic vulnerability, Hezbollah constructed a web of complex alliances with traditional sectarian actors, including those deeply embedded in the corrupt financial order. This pragmatic positioning meant that when the economic bubble finally burst, Hezbollah was perceived by many as an indirect guarantor of the failing political system they had sought to shield. The party also became inextricably linked to the administrative negligence that led to the August 2020 Beirut Port explosion, killing 200.

    The spontaneous “October 17 Revolution” of 2019—called the “Thawra,” or “Revolution” in Arabic—was a mass uprising against the state-sponsored financial system that had collapsed by October of that year, devastating the working and middle classes. While the protests targeted the entire ruling class, the movement was fragmented; traditional left forces, such as the Lebanese Communist Party, sought radical secular and social reforms, but were often sidelined by sectarian repression or “NGO-ized” groups backed by Western interests. Reactionary forces, particularly the Lebanese Armed Forces, increasingly weaponized this economic misery to demand the disarmament of the Resistance, aligning themselves with Western and Saudi interests.

    For Hezbollah, the party occupied a contradictory position; while its base identified with the economic grievances, the leadership viewed the Thawra as a potential geopolitical tool for Western-backed regime change. Hezbollah is not only an organization focused on armed resistance, but is also a “party-state” and an economic apparatus that binds its social base through welfare, credit, services, jobs, loyalty networks, and sectarian mobilization. As Hezbollah became more deeply integrated into the Lebanese state, it increasingly represented the interests of Shi’a capitalists and made compromises with other members of Lebanon’s ruling class. This is one reason Hezbollah did not support the 2019 protests. It is an anti-Zionist and anti-imperialist organization and also a representative of the Shi’a bourgeoisie and a part of Lebanon’s sectarian-capitalist order.

    As a result, its supporters at times physically intervened to break up protest camps, effectively preventing the movement from toppling the sectarian presidency of Michel Aoun—a Maronite reactionary and opportunist, former Commander of the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF, backing the phalangists against the Resistance) during the civil war. Michel Aoun’s presidency (2016–2022) epitomized the “Marouch” (Maronite-Shi’a) alliance, a cornerstone of Hezbollah’s domestic strategy to secure a Christian cover for its armed resistance. This web of alliances extended beyond Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement to include complex, often transactional relationships with Sunni figures like Najib Mikati and traditional Christian leaders. These ties were designed to integrate Hezbollah into the Lebanese “patchwork,” ensuring that no state decision could be made without its consent.

    By the eve of October 7, 2023, the balance of power within the Resistance had shifted decisively toward the “Islamic Resistance,” while the traditional left was weakened both in terms of organization and also theory.

    In terms of imperialist maneuvering in the country, during 2006 to October 7, 2023, the US pursued a policy of “controlled instability,” funding the LAF as a counterweight to Hezbollah while using aggressive sanctions to strangle the Resistance’s social base and accelerate the banking collapse. The US’s policies in the Middle East have always been implemented in order to “divide and conquer.” And as our Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) host said during one of our meetings:

    The “New Middle East” conceived by Henry Kissinger started, so to speak, in Lebanon: different, politically segregated ethnic and religious “communities” living one next to the other—Maronites, Sunnis, Armenian Orthodox, Shi’as, etc.

    France also intensified its neo-colonial diplomacy in the country, particularly after the 2020 port blast; President Macron issued ultimatums to preserve the sectarian elite under the guise of Western-led “reforms.” Meanwhile, China offered condition-free infrastructure projects through its “Belt and Road Initiative”—offering the Chinese imperialist trade-road another access to the Mediterranean Sea through the port of Beirut. However, these efforts were consistently blocked by a Lebanese political class fearful of US retaliation.

    Since October 7, 2023: The war, the genocide, the loss of the war, the South in Lebanon, the “ceasefire,” preparations for restart of the war

    Since the launch of the Al-Aqsa Flood on October 7, 2023, Lebanon has been forcibly re-centered as a primary theater of the regional anti-imperialist struggle, even as it faces this moment from a position of profound internal exhaustion. The war in Lebanon, initially framed by Hezbollah as a “support front” to alleviate the genocide in Palestine, rapidly escalated into a full-scale Israeli invasion in late 2024 that systematically decimated the border regions of the South—as mentioned before, a historically important center of mass Resistance against Zionism. Israel utilized a “scorched earth” strategy, employing white phosphorus and targeted demolitions to render entire villages uninhabitable, effectively erasing the social and agricultural fabric that sustained the Resistance for decades. While the forces of the Lebanese Resistance (Hezbollah, Amal, different Palestinian parties and Leftist groups) maintained a formidable tactical presence, the sheer scale of the Zionist technological and aerial onslaught—culminating in the assassination of Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah and much of the senior leadership—led to a strategic impasse that many analysts characterize as an indirect loss of the previous deterrent balance.

    The resulting “ceasefire” established in late 2024 has proven to be a fragile and one-sided instrument of containment rather than a precursor to peace. In practice, the agreement has functioned as a mechanism for the intensified surveillance and disarmament of the South, with the Lebanese Armed Forces being pushed by the US and France to act as a buffer against any regrouping of the Resistance.

    A comrade close to the Saida-based People’s Democratic Party, told us that

    Since the “end” of the last war in November 2024, Israel has never ceased to bomb the South, and as of today missiles continue to hit Nabatiye. Whenever construction materials arrive on site to rebuild what has been destroyed, the Zionists target them, preventing the region from crawling out of the rubble caused by the war.

    On the road to Nabatiye, the same comrade told us that when she hears Westerners discuss the question of “demilitarizing Hezbollah in the South,” she always wonder if those people know what that concretely means. “Because the armed men of Hezbollah are nothing more than villagers and city dwellers who have decided to defend their homeland.” Where should they go if “‘Hezbollah’ has to go?” “They live here; they’ve always been here.” She added, “we owe everything to those fighters of October 7.” Facing the Nabatiye mountains bordering Israel, her son, a 16-year-old activist, explained what the stakes were for the Resistance in the region, and what the ceasefire really was about from Hezbollah’s perspective:

    During the “66-day war” [the war between Israel and Hezbollah in 2023–2024], in its attempt to conquer the South, Israel was not able to capture the strategically important village of Al-Khiyam in its entirety, because of the mountainous terrain but mainly because of the strong presence of the Resistance. Al-Khiyam’s importance lies in the fact that it represents the access point to the road leading all the way to Saida. If Israel had been able to secure the area, it could have been able to advance all the way to the coast and enclose the entire South.

    The ceasefire is de facto only one-sided, as only the Resistance has stopped attacking Israel. Why does it accept such unfavorable conditions? There was, back then, immense pressure from all sides to sign a ceasefire with the Zionists. Even if the Resistance were to launch a new offensive, it will only do so once there is again a majority in the country who would support it. This means today propaganda work is important, as well as going to the masses and winning their hearts.

    Throughout this period, the mobilization of the Lebanese masses has been starkly uneven. While the families of the South and the Beqaa valley (another Shi’a majority bastion, where Hezbollah is strong) have borne the brunt of the displacement and death, a significant portion of the urban middle class and the political elite has exhibited a chilling indifference, often prioritizing the preservation of a hollowed-out “normalcy” over the existential demands of the liberation struggle.

    Our translator told us more about the “territorial dissociation” between the capital and the Southern “governorates” (Lebanese provinces), adding that

    it had reached such extreme levels that at the peak of the war, during which the South was attacked and bombed by Israel which attempted an invasion, Beirut’s inhabitants were mostly living their lives as if nothing was going on in the country. People were partying at night, having breakfast in the morning, not affected at all in their daily lives.

    Perhaps most revealing has been the internal political realignment. As the pressure intensified, Hezbollah’s “allies”—Sunni and Christian blocs that previously benefited from the party’s protection—have largely retracted their support, revealing their primary interest: the preservation of their own sectarian privileges rather than any genuine commitment to fighting Zionism or imperialism. This abandonment has forced a (for now limited) reach-out by the Resistance to more traditional left-wing and secular forces like the PDP and the LCP.

    As of early 2026, the situation in the South remains a powder keg; the ongoing Israeli violations of the ceasefire and the state’s failure to rebuild the destroyed regions are widely seen as the precursors for a restart of hostilities. The Resistance is currently in a phase of deep internal reassessment, if not crisis. This is not merely the result of territorial or human losses, but is the consequences of structural and symbolic shocks that have fundamentally altered the regional landscape. The most immediate was the assassination of Nasrallah in late 2024, a leader whose strategic charisma and authority acted as a rare unifying force in Lebanese anti-imperialist politics (and beyond), commanding a popular legitimacy that transcended the Shi’a community. This decapitation of the leadership coincided with the sudden and total collapse of the Assad regime in Syria in December 2024—a key member of the Axis of Resistance.

    This isolation is further exacerbated by the situation in Iran, which, since the beginning of 2026, has been grappling with its most severe internal economic and social crisis in decades. Plagued by record inflation and widespread domestic unrest even before the US/Israeli military attacks beginning in February 2026, Tehran has been prevented from exerting its usual influence or providing the level of financial and political sponsorship that historically anchored the Lebanese front.

    In the meantime, neither the Leftist forces nor Lebanese “civil society” are developing the capacity to fill this vacuum. On the Left, some small groups (such as the “Free Palestine Front”) and some LCP party chapters are only slowly getting out of the Soviet-nostalgia morass in which the entire region’s communist movement is still generally frozen (we will go into more depth in a later chapter of this series). On the other side, the Lebanese masses outside of the Beqaa valley and the Southern territories are, according to our observations and the testimonies of our local contacts, rather depoliticized as the fatigue accumulated over the span of multiple successive wars makes people “think of armed struggle as ‘outdated,’” leading to activists waging armed struggle “to be mocked.”

    In regards the evolution of the local communist movement, we asked: How does one become a communist in Lebanese society? The reply was brief but informative of some of the difficulties faced by the movement:

    Beyond the banal anti-communism present in most societies, in Lebanon it hasn’t recently become “cool” to be a “commie” as is the case in many Western countries today. Either you come from a family with a Leftist tradition, or a mix between hard living conditions, the experience of being marginalized in society and a high level of curiosity present can lead someone to become interested in communism. This happens only rarely.

    Nonetheless, one person added that the communist movement has a potentially much larger pool of recruitment and a stronger pull factor compared to other forces.

    Because its secularism and class-based politics transcend sectarian divisions which blocks, for instance, Hezbollah to grow in Christian and Sunni communities, and vice versa for Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad.

    References

    References1According to those same comrades, Hezbollah’s restraint from seizing state power following its 2006 tactical victory reflects a strategic recognition of Lebanon’s sectarian constraints. As a primarily Shi’a force, it understood that unilateral governance would lack national legitimacy and invite immediate collapse or civil war. Consequently, while Hezbollah remains a formidable vanguard against Zionism and imperialism, its structural tethering to the sectarian order prevents it from spearheading a genuine social revolution. This limitation became concrete during the 2019 Revolution, when the party prioritized system stability over popular demands, ultimately siding with the sectarian government to suppress a movement aimed at dismantling the very framework that precludes revolutionary change.

    source: Red Spark

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p= #lebanon #maoist #redSpark #resistance #westAsia
  2. TKP/ML Prisoner Pays Tribute to Assassinated Indian Maoist Leaders: Türkiye

    From his cell in Türkiye, Hüseyin Uzundağ, held in a high-security prison since 2002, has published a long poem dedicated to several leaders of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) who died in clashes with Indian security forces. He pays tribute to Basavaraj (Nambala Keshava Rao), General Secretary of the CPI (Maoist), killed on May 21, 2025, along with 27 other members of the movement, as well as to Hidma, commander of the People’s Liberation Army, and Renuka, a Maoist activist, both killed in 2025. Entitled “Farewell to the Tigers of Gundekot,” the text celebrates the people’s war in India and the figures of the fighters from the Adivasi communities, the indigenous population of central India.

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p= #guerrilla #maoist #tkpMl #Türkiye #westAsia
  3. India: Political Prisoners Stage Hunger Strike in Tribute to Father Stan Swamy

    Two prisoners facing charges in cases linked, according to Indian authorities, to the Maoist insurgency, staged a one-day hunger strike on July 5, 2026, the fifth anniversary of Father Stan Swamy’s death. Surendra Gadling, a lawyer and defendant in the Bhima Koregaon–Elgar Parishad case, and Dinkar Gota, prosecuted in a case related to an alleged Maoist attack in Gadchiroli, denounced institutional repression as responsible for the Jesuit priest’s death in custody in 2021.

    The two men, prosecuted in cases related respectively to the Bhima Koregaon–Elgar Parishad case and an alleged attack in Gadchiroli, denounced institutional repression which they believe is responsible for Stan Swamy’s death. This action also aims to demand justice for political prisoners and to maintain the memory of Stan Swamy’s commitment to the rights of indigenous Adivasis communities, Dalits and disadvantaged populations.

    Source: https://secoursrouge.org/inde-des-prisonniers-politiques-observent-une-greve-de-la-faim-en-hommage-au-pere-stan-swamy/

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p= #asia #hungerStrike #india #maoist #PoliticalPrisoners
  4. NPA Unit Launches Harassment Operation Against AFP Soldiers In Negros Occidental Province

    The 62nd IB soldiers were shaken at their detachment in Barangay Sikatuna, Isabela, Negros Occidental Province on June 12 when the New People’s Army (NPA)-Central Negros (Leonardo Panaligan Command) launched a harassment operation. Red fighters fired at the detachment around 7:50 p.m. while the encamped soldiers were resting.

    One fascist soldier was killed and another was wounded in the armed action. The 62nd IB concealed this out of embarrassment, since the people’s army carried it out in the middle of intense military operations in Central Negros.

    Soldiers encamped at the detachment committed heaping violations against residents’ human rights. Their crimes include harassment, physical abuse, and forcing peasants to surrender.

    NPA-Central Negros spokesperson Ka JB Regalado said the armed action succeeded because of the full support of revolutionary organizations in the area.

    “This shows the unity of the Red army with the Negrense people who remain chained to the exploitative system prevailing on the island,” NPA-Negros Island spokesperson said Ka Maoche Legislador. He added that the Red army will continue its efforts to break this chain by destroying the armed mercenary of greedy landlords and comprador bourgeoisie.

    Source : philippinerevolution.nu/angbay

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p= #asia #guerrilla #maoist #ndfp #npa #resistance #socialism
  5. Philippines: Two Soldiers Killed in Clashes with the New People’s Army

    Recently, an armed clash occurred in Cauayan between the Philippine army and fighters from the New People’s Army (NPA), resulting in two military deaths, according to local authorities. The incident took place amid ongoing tensions in the region, which is regularly marked by clashes between government forces and Maoist guerrillas. The NPA claims its units withdrew without losses and accuses the army of spreading false information about the cause of death.

    Source: https://secoursrouge.org/philippines-deux-soldats-tues-lors-daffrontements-avec-la-nouvelle-armee-populaire/

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p= #asia #guerrilla #maoist #npa #philippines
  6. Women Revolutionaries Are A Shining Example In The People’s War Of India: RS-YM/Bangladesh Statement

    The “Naxalbari Rebellion” stands as one of the epoch-making events in world history. It raised a clarion call for liberation among the oppressed and exploited people of India; the “thunder of Naxalbari” resonated far and wide. This rebellion marked as the beginning chapter of people writing their own history of liberation through a New Democratic Revolution, guided by Maoist ideology, in a country oppressed by imperialism. Its impact has been immense across all fields politics, economy, culture, literature, family, and the environment.

    Over the last 60 years, the Maoist communist movement in India has navigated various ups and downs, successes, and failures. Throughout this journey, women have remained an inseparable part of the revolution. Numerous women revolutionaries have been martyred in state-sponsored killings. From the merger of India’s two major Maoist parties the MCCI and the CPI (ML) People’s War Group to form the CPI (Maoist) in 2004, hundreds of women have been martyred in just six years. Many others have held the red flag of revolution high while enduring horrific torture in captivity.

    Since 2009, during military operations such as ‘Salwa Judum’ and ‘Operation Green Hunt’, state military and paramilitary forces have raped, mutilated, burned, and inhumanly tortured and killed many women in cold blood. Horrific atrocities, such as dismembering bodies and throwing them into wells and drains, have occurred. Alongside physical oppression, sexual violence against women has been used as a planned political weapon,it is a deliberate part of the fascist state’s warfare policy.

    In any conflict, the enemies of the people mainly target women as a means to seize power easily. ‘Operation Kagaar’ is no exception. Since January 2024, more than a hundred revolutionary and indigenous women have been martyred in front line battles during this ongoing military operation. The state has detained many and killed them in cold blood. According to reports from the CPI (Maoist), between December 2024 and November 2025, 320 people were martyred in this “final war” called ‘Kagaar’, of whom 117 were women. In certain actions, the number of female guerrillas more higher than men. Notably, the number of female cadres has increased significantly from the 1990s to the current decade.

    This raises a crucial question: Why are women joining the Maoist movement in such large numbers despite facing terrible state repression? What drives them? What is their hope? According to official statements, 60% of the total members of the CPI (Maoist) are women, and women serve as chief commanders in 20 out of 27 divisions. The reason women are joining in such force is their understanding that only a New Democratic Revolution can shatter patriarchy and the patriarchal state system.

    Consequently, many women have joined the liberation struggle, sometimes leaving their children in the care of others. They have demonstrated that motherhood is not limited to bearing children, but extends to protecting the future of all oppressed children. Many women have continued the fight even from prison; even after surviving torture and being released, they return to the struggle.

    In the bourgeois system, women are valued as commodities. While a few bourgeois women may gain individual empowerment, they remain upholders of patriarchy and do not represent the masses of oppressed women. Today, the Hindutva fascist Modi government is conducting a horrific military operation to eradicate Maoism, killing hundreds of Maoists and tribals. The central and state governments have deployed 850,000 police, central armed forces, commando units, the army, and the air force—supported by American and Israeli military advisors against the PLGA (People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army). And the revolutionaries of CPI (Maoist) continue their resistance against aggressors.

    Women Maoists are a vital part of this ongoing resistance. The history of oppressed women is inseparable from the large history of the oppressed people. Without women, the victory of any revolution is impossible; no war can be won without them. In the Indian People’s War, countless martyrs including Comrade Renuka, Comrade Aruna, and Comrade Raje have taught us this lesson. In a patriarchal social system where women are often not even considered as “human”,there women are holding up half of the sky in the ongoing People’s War in India. The path of liberation chosen by women in the Indian Maoist movement to establish socialism and communism is the only path forward. We, too, must walk in that path.

    Revolutionary Student-Youth Movement/Bangladesh

    April 14, 2026

    Source : maoistroad.blogspot.com/2026/0

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p= #asia #Bangladesh #guerrilla #india #maoist #resistance #RevolutionaryStudentYouthMovementBangladesh
  7. COUNTRY-MADE WEAPONRY ASSEMBLY UNEARTHED IN ODISHA'S KANDHAMAL

    BSF found a local gun factory in Odisha's Kandhamal on March 21 2026. It might be linked to Maoists. Officials are searching for suspects.

    #Odisha #Kandhamal #BSF #Maoist #GunFactory

    newsletter.tf/odisha-kandhamal

  8. BSF found a gun factory in Odisha. They found many finished guns and parts, showing a big effort to make weapons locally.

    #Odisha #Kandhamal #BSF #Maoist #GunFactory
    newsletter.tf/odisha-kandhamal

  9. Two Alleged Maoists Taken Into Police Custody In Latehar District: India

    wo persons police believe to be zonal commanders of the CPI (Maoist) were arrested in Jharkhand’s Latehar district on Saturday, Latehar SP Kumar Gaurav announced to the press today.

    The arrests were made following intelligence inputs received by police concerning a CPI (Maoist) zonal commander that was alleged to be moving through Netarhat, Mahuadanr, Baresand, Garu and Chhipadohar areas with his squad, according to the SP.

    “Based on the information, a police team was set up and a search operation conducted within Chhipadohar police station limits. During the operation, the duo was arrested, while three others managed to escape,” the SP was quoted as saying in his report to the press.

    Arms and ammunition, including an AK-47, were also recovered from the possession of the arrested persons in question, the SP told the press in conclusion.

    Source : thehindu.com/news/national/jha

    source: Red Spark

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p= #asia #guerrilla #india #maoist #repression #resistance
  10. Police Report 2 Naxalites Killed Battling Security Personnel In Bijapur District: India

    Two Naxalites were killed in an encounter with security forces on Thursday morning in Chhattisgarh’s Bijapur district, Bijapur Superintendent of Police (SP) Jitendra Yadav announced to the press today.

    The firefight took place in a forested area along the Indravati River when a joint team of security personnel was out on an anti-Naxalite operation, the SP declared in his report.

    According to the SP, the security forces had received reliable intelligence inputs concerning the presence and movement of Naxalites in the region. Acting on this information, teams of security personnel launched a search operation.

    As the search operation began, a squad of Naxalites opened fire on the security personnel. The security forces retaliated, leading to an exchange of fire. Following the gun battle, the bodies of two uniformed Naxalites were recovered from the site of the encounter, the SP stated in his prepared remarks.

    As per the SP’s statement, weapons and explosives were seized from the spot. The recovered items include a Self-Loading Rifle (SLR), an INSAS rifle, a 12-bore rifle, and a large quantity of ammunition and explosives.

    The SP told the press that he suspected the Naxalites had gathered in the area to carry out a major attack on security forces.

    Several other Naxalites are believed to have escaped by taking advantage of the dense forest. A search operation is still underway in the area, the SP said in conclusion.

    Source : etvbharat.com/en/state/naxalit

    Source : tribuneindia.com/news/india/2-

    Source : telanganatoday.com/two-naxalit

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p= #asia #guerrilla #india #maoist #naxalites #repression
  11. STF Jawan Injured In IED Blast Triggered By Alleged Naxalites In Bijapur District

    A Special Task Force (STF) jawan was injured on Monday when a pressure improvised explosive device (IED), allegedly planted by Naxalites, went off in Chhattisgarh’s Bijapur district, a police official announced to the press today.

    The incident took place when a team of security personnel were out on an area domination operation in the southern part of the district, according to the police official.

    “The STF jawan inadvertently came in contact with the pressure IED, triggering a blast that left him injured. After preliminary treatment, he was referred to a medical center for further medication,” the police official was quoted as saying in conclusion.

    Source : theprint.in/india/stf-jawan-in

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p= #asia #guerrilla #india #maoist #naxalites #resistance
  12. Philippines: New People’s Army Claims Elimination of 7 Soldiers and Agents

    In the Philippines, the NPA (New People’s Army, the armed wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines) claims to have killed seven soldiers and intelligence agents in a single week in the Negros Oriental region. On February 11, an NPA unit executed an armed forces officer involved in violence against civilians and peasant leaders. On February 15, five soldiers from the 11th Infantry Battalion attacking an NPA detachment in Barangay Santo Niño, Tanjay, were killed during a counter-offensive. Finally, on February 17, an intelligence agent from the 94th Battalion was killed by an NPA commando after resuming his surveillance activities.

    Source: https://secoursrouge.org/philippines-la-nouvelle-armee-populaire-revendique-lelimination-de-7-soldats-et-agents/

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p= #asia #guerrilla #maoist #npa #philippines
  13. Police Report 5 Maoists Killed In Firefight With Security Forces In Mulugu District: India

    Five Maoists were reportedly killed in an exchange of fire with security forces along the Telangana-Chhattisgarh border in Mulugu district this morning, a police official announced to the press today.

    According to the police official, the encounter took place during a joint search operation in the forest areas of Doli and Jelia villages in Venkatapuram mandal. The operation was part of ‘Operation Kagaar-2’.

    Security personnel from the CRPF, CoBRA, Greyhounds and the District Reserve Guard (DRG), numbering around 5,000, participated in the operation in the Karregutta hillocks, considered to be a stronghold of the CPI (Maoist), the police official declared in his report to the press.

    The exchange of fire began at dawn when patrolling teams encountered a squad of armed Maoists. The identities of the deceased were yet to be officially confirmed. Those killed were suspected to be members of an Area Committee of the Maoist party. Security forces reportedly recovered automatic weapons, Maoist literature and other materials from the site of the encounter, the police official told the press.

    As per the police official’s report, security forces have launched an intensified combing operation along the Telangana-Chhattisgarh border following intelligence inputs that senior Maoist leaders may be sheltering in the area, including Central Committee Member (CCM) Devji, Mala Raji Reddy and senior leader Bade Chokkaram alias Damodar.

    The police official further stated that the special operation is being carried out in forest areas of Venkatapuram mandal in Mulugu district and adjoining border regions, adding that though officials have not officially confirmed the presence of senior leaders, sources indicated that some Maoist functionaries may have moved into Mulugu district to evade security surveillance.

    The police official concluded his remarks by saying that combing operations were continuing in the area, and that further details were awaited.

    Source : deccanchronicle.com/southern-s

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p= #asia #guerrilla #india #maoist #repression #resistance
  14. In one of Jharkhand’s biggest anti-Maoist operations, security forces killed 16 Maoists, including top leader Anal Da with a Rs 2.35 crore bounty, during an encounter in Saranda forest. english.mathrubhumi.com/multim #Jharkhand #Maoist #AnalDa #SarandaForest #CRPF

  15. 2 CoBRA Jawans Injured In IED Blast Triggered By Alleged Naxalites In Bijapur District

    Two jawans of the CRPF’s Commando Battalion for Resolute Action (CoBRA) unit suffered injuries when an improvised explosive device (IED), allegedly planted by Naxalites, went off in Chhattisgarh’s Bijapur district, a police official announced to the press today.

    According to the police official, the explosion took place on Sunday afternoon, when a joint team of security personnel was out on an anti-Naxal combing operation in the Farsegarh police station area. Personnel belonging to the Special Task Force (STF) and District Reserve Guard (DRG) — both units of the state police — and CoBRA were involved in the operation, which is still underway.

    When the patrolling team was cordoning off the forest of Farsegarh-Pillur Kandlaparti, an IED allegedly planted by Naxalites exploded, causing minor injuries to two CoBRA jawans. The injured personnel were shifted to a hospital in Raipur, where their condition was reported to be stable and out of danger, the police official said in conclusion.

    Source : etvbharat.com/en/state/two-crp

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p= #asia #guerrilla #india #maoist #naxalites
  16. RFK Jr and #Trump #MAGA may actually be a #Maoist movement. #uspol Anyone remember Holiday in Cambodia by the Dead Kennedys? No irony to consider, just a rock band calling the future.

    youtu.be/pDNoVqiGb_c?si=_4uqRk

  17. Fierce Clash Breaks Out Between Security Personnel And Alleged Maoists Along Bijapur-Dantewada Inter-District Border

    Twelve persons believed to be cadres of the Maoist party and three personnel of the District Reserve Guard (DRG), a specialized unit of the state police, were killed in a fierce exchange of fire in the West Bastar division area along the Bijapur–Dantewada inter-district border on Wednesday, Inspector General of Police (Bastar Range) Sundarraj Pattilingam announced to the press today.

    According to the IGP, two DRG personnel also sustained injuries in the skirmish and their conditions were stated to be out of danger. They have been admitted in a hospital for immediate medical attention.

    As per the IGP’s report, the gun battle broke out in a forest along the border of Bijapur-Dantewada districts when a joint team of security personnel was out on an anti-Maoist operation. Personnel belonging to the DRG from Dantewada and Bijapur, and Special Task Force, both units of the state police, and CoBRA (Commando Battalion for Resolute Action- an elite unit of CRPF) were involved in the operation.

    The operation was planned following intelligence inputs concerning the presence of Maoists operating in the area. Additional reinforcement has been rushed into the area and efforts are on to cordon off the region, as the forces have intensified the search operation in and around the encounter scene, the IGP told the press.

    So far, the bodies of 12 individuals purported to be Maoists have been recovered from the encounter spot, but their identities have yet to be established, the IGP stated in his prepared remarks, adding that a large cache of weapons including AK-47 rifles, Self Loading Rifles, Light Machine Gun, INSAS assault rifles, .303 rifles, explosives and other items of use by the Maoists have also been seized from the site.

    In conclusion, the IGP stated that detailed information will be shared after the combing operation is over, adding that the identification process of the recovered bodies of the alleged Maoists will be carried out after the operation concludes, and that there remains a possibility of recovering more bodies of persons suspected to be Maoists from the area of the encounter.

    According to the police the area where the gunfight occurred is stated to be the epicenter of activity of the CPI (Maoist).

    Source : newindianexpress.com/nation/20

    Source : telanganatoday.com/chhattisgar

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=

    #asia #guerrilla #india #maoist #naxal #resistance

  18. We Will Continue Our Long-Term People’s War Path: CPI

    Our party, Sonu, who is a member of the Central Committee and Politburo of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), and Satish, who is a member of the Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee, deceived some other cadres with opportunism and a destructive attitude and surrendered to the governments of Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh. Both of them, who are politically degraded, made an agreement with the governments of Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh and surrendered as per the plan. Almost 3 months ago, they announced in the press that the Chief Minister of Maharashtra had contacted them to surrender. Satish had contacted the Deputy Chief Minister of Chhattisgarh through journalists. Based on these communications, the District Police Officer of Gadchiroli has publicly announced that operations in these areas will be suspended for a short period of time. The District Police Officer of Narayanpur has issued orders. The government armed forces of Gadchiroli, Bijapur and Narayanpur districts in these two states have provided security. A large number of forces were deployed on the banks of the Indravati river and its nearby areas on the border of the two states from October 13th until their surrender on the 16th. Their surrender was facilitated. Both of them ended their political career of the past decades in this way with a tendency of class harmony and collusion with the state.

    Sonu and Satish, who have surrendered to the Indian state, are violating the party line to cover up their political downfall. It is being said that due to the changes in the current circumstances of the country, the long-term strategy of people’s war has expired, and therefore we are temporarily ceasing the armed struggle and will openly participate in the people’s struggles. It is also being said that our party’s General Secretary Comrade Namballa Kesava Rao said that before becoming a martyr, we should lay down our arms and prepare for peace talks. This is a complete lie. Sonu and Satish are distorting the facts.

    In fact, the martyr Comrade Namballa Kesava Rao wrote letters to him explaining the shortcomings in Satish’s understanding regarding peace talks. In these letters, he explained that the party should not think about laying down arms, and that even if there was something like that, it was a matter for the Central Committee to think about. He reminded that in the history of the world revolutionary movement, when severe restrictions broke out in the respective countries, the revolutionary parties suffered many losses, and the people were subjected to hardships and hardships. He wrote that the party that gave up the armed struggle and went public in Chile was lost for nothing. In order to avoid the losses faced in the Kagaar operation, the Central Committee and the Politburo explained that they should firmly commit to implementing the strategies formulated in February and August 2024, and also take strategies in accordance with the changing circumstances. Therefore, we clearly state that it is not Comrade Namballa Kesava Rao’s opinion to lay down arms and go for peace talks.

    The Central Committee, which discussed the changes in the country’s circumstances, prepared the document ‘Changes in the relations of production in India – Our Political Program’ in 2021. It made it clear that although feudalism has weakened to some extent in the country, feudalism is still the main contradiction. It also explained that although there have been some changes in capitalist relations compared to the past, the majority of the people depend on agriculture and that the land issue is fundamental, and therefore the long-term line of people’s war should be continued. It discussed in detail the changes brought about by imperialist globalization in the country in the past decades and formulated changes in strategies. It provided guidance on how to take action in each area depending on the specific circumstances. It answered the questions raised on this document. Neither Sonu nor Satish disagreed with this document. Now they are openly expressing their views contrary to the document. In fact, it would have been useful for the party if they had studied the country’s situation and given appropriate suggestions and advice. It would have been healthy if the internal discussion had continued in the party. But, they misled the cadres by using their responsible positions and the weakness in political studies among the cadres. They acted irresponsibly and violated their duties. The fact that some SZC members also accepted these false formulations and surrendered along with them shows their lack of study.

    Whether in India or in any other country, the exploitative ruling classes launch restrictive campaigns just because the movement is progressing in the revolutionary movement. In this process, the revolutionary movement is subject to ebbs, flows, and twists and turns. There is a sense of incompetence in the cadres. Forces that are useful to the state are created from the weak among the people. Serious losses are incurred. However, the parties do not change their strategy because of this. Strategy depends only on the current conditions of the country. An explanation should be given to the matter of Sonu and Satish saying that the conditions have changed. These superficial words are not political discussions. Their understanding and betrayal are nothing but fear for their lives.

    The party never covers up its shortcomings and mistakes, and has never covered them up. With the three wonderful weapons of the party, the people’s army and the united movement, the Indian working class has become the vanguard of the revolutionary movement.

    We hope that the oppressed people, groups, democrats, progressives, journalists and the people in the country will understand these things and continue to be participants in the revolution as their duty. On this occasion, we once again inform you that the Communist Party of India (Maoist) will complete the new democratic revolution in the country through the agrarian revolution, achieve people’s sovereignty and establish an equal society and ultimately achieve communism.

    Comrade Abhay,

    Authorized Spokesperson,

    Central Committee,

    Communist Party of India (Maoist)

    Source : maoistroad.blogspot.com/2025/1

    Source : icspwindia.site/2025/11/13/we-

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=

    #asia #guerrilla #india #maoist #naxal #resistance

  19. Support the Filipino People in Demanding Justice for the Crimes of Duterte’s Police Chief Bato Dela Rosa, Long-Time US Counterinsurgency Operative: FFPS

    Friends of the Filipino People in struggle join the Filipino people in welcoming the reports that the International Criminal Court (ICC) has issued an arrest warrant for Senator Ronald ‘Bato’ Dela Rosa due to his role in the killings of former President Rodrido Duterte’s so-called ‘War on Drugs’.

    Dela Rosa was the head of the Philippine National Police during Duterte’s presidency and was the direct architect of many of the brutal policies which lead to what human rights groups estimate is over 30,000 deaths. On the first day of his appointment on July 1st 2016, he circulated a memo, officially launching the nationwide war on drugs, code named Project ‘Double Barrel’. This formalised and institutionalised mass killings with the state aim of the “neutralization of illegal drug personalities nationwide”. However, Dela Rosa also has a long track record of coordinating campaigns of mass killings and extrajudicial violence that predate Duterte’s presidency, dating back to the US-directed anti-communist counterinsurgency campaigns of the post-Martial Law period.

    As a junior lieutenant in the Armed Forces of the Philippines stationed in Davao City in 1986, Dela Rosa was the handler of the armed anti-Communist paramilitary group and cult, the Holy Christian Crusaders, known as the ‘Tadtad’ (Filipino for ‘Chop Chop) for their practice of chopping the heads off of their victims. The Tadtads were known for brutal killings and grave human rights abuses on those they considered members of sympathisers of the New People’s Army (NPA) in Davao city. Rather than being ashamed of his role in these abuses, Dela Rosa still proudly boasts of his role directing the Tadtads. In 2020, shortly after the passing of the Anti-Terror Law by the US-Duterte regime directly targeting revolutionary and progressive forces in the country, Dela Rosa promoted his Anti-Communist credentials by posting an edited clip from the 1988 documentary film ‘A Rustling of the Leaves: Inside the Philippine Revolution’ (Dir. Nettie Wild). In this clip he shows his full awareness of a recent massacre committed by the Tadtads.

    The Tadtads were just one group of many anti-communist paramilitary groups that the Philippine government used in their counter-insurgency campaign against the revolutionary forces, patterned after the US Counterinsurgency guide. These anti-communist paramilitary groups – the most well-known which being the Alsa Masa (Masses Rising) – also known as CAFGUs (Citizen Armed Force Geographical Unit) were institutionalised as a key part of the Philippine Government’s counter-insurgency strategy under the post-Martial law Aquino government. Due to the widespread human rights abuses by these paramilitaries, the GRP began to dismantle them in 1993, only to halt this process in 1996 – with many of these groups still playing important roles in the Government’s counter-insurgency strategy.

    Not only did Dela Rosa have a specific and devastating role in the apparatus of terror under the US-Duterte regime, but the death squads that he played a role in overseeing in-part inspired the Davao Death Squad (DDS) that Duterte used to pursue his so-called ‘War on Drugs’ during his time as Mayor of Davao City. This strategy was applied nationwide when he became president in 2016.

    This strategy – which had its origins in the anti-communist counter insurgency – influenced a new wave of anti-communist repression after Duterte unilaterally terminated peace talks with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines in November 2017. Like the ‘War on Drugs’, a new ‘whole of nation’ approach was taken as part of a renewed and reinvigorated the counter-insurgency program increased. Programs like the National Task Force for Ended Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) and the Anti-Terror law of 2020 brought terror to activists and communities ‘Red-Tagged’ as communists or communist sympathisers.

    The recent International People’s Tribunal (2024) on exposed serious humanitarian abuses under this program – which have continued to this day under the Marcos Jr regime. Evidence of grave human rights abuses such wilful killing of civilians, use of indiscriminate acts of war like bombings and strafings, abduction, forced disappearances, torture, and extra-judicial killings were examined by the tribunal – which declared both the Duterte and Marcos Jr Regime ‘GUILTY’ of war crimes and grave abuses of international humanitarian law.

    Anti-communist counterinsurgency operations in the Philippines are patterned after the US Counterinsurgency Guide and have been both directly and indirectly backed by the US. These operations have persisted from the post-Martial Law period through the US-backed Duterte regime and Dela Rosa, and continue to this day under the US-aligned Marcos Jr. administration.

    After Duterte’s arrest by the ICC, the Marcos Jr regime sought to distance itself from the human rights abuses of his predecessor by introducing the NAP-UPD. Essentially a renaming of the ‘Whole of Nation’ approach to counter-insurgency, NAP-UPD continues to tag revolutionaries, legal democratic activists, and civilians as terrorists; promote fake ‘localised’ peace talks’ and surrenders; and continues the massive ramping up of military deployment in poor – particularly rural – communities, placing them in a state of de-facto martial law.

    The prosecution of Duterte, and the reported arrest warrant wouldn’t have happened without the struggles of the victims and families of victims of their brutal regimes. We must meet this struggle by growing and deepening our international solidarity with those struggling for national and social liberation in the Philippines – from legal civilian activists at risk of red-tagging and harassment, to those Red Fighters who make the ultimate sacrifice so that the Philippines may one day be free.

    To learn more about the NAP-UPD, read FFPS’s primer here.

    To learn more in how this is affecting rural communities, see our reportback from the recent International Solidarity Mission.

    Source: FFPS

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=

    #asia #guerrilla #maoist #ndfp #npa #philippines

  20. CPI Calls For Bharat Bandh On October 24

    The Central Committee of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) has called for a countrywide bandh on October 24 to protest against what it termed as the “ongoing war waged by the government against the Maoist Party leaders and cadre in the interests of corporate forces.”

    In a statement issued on October 15, that was released to the media on Monday, CPI (Maoist) Central Committee Spokesperson, Comrade Abhay, alleged that the security forces were carrying out an extended “counter-insurgency war” for over five-and-a-half months in regions such as Narayanpur, Bijapur, Kanker, Sukma (Chhattisgarh), West Singhbhum (Jharkhand), and parts of Odisha, leading to large-scale operations against Maoist cadres.

    The Maoist Party Spokesperson claimed that several of their senior leaders, including Comrade Manoj (Modem Laxmi Krishna), Comrade Vijay (Chinna Haas), and others were “killed in fake encounters” in Odisha, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand during September.

    The Party accused security forces of arresting, torturing, and executing its members in custody without following due legal process.

    Comrade Abhay alleged that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government was turning India into a “corporate Hindu state” by destroying democratic institutions, persecuting minorities, and silencing dissenters. He also accused the government of turning anti-urban dissenters and intellectuals into “urban Naxalites” as part of what it called a “dangerous fascist conspiracy” to eliminate all opposition.

    Comrade Abhay appealed to all progressive, democratic, left-wing parties, Dalit and Adivasi organizations, women’s and student groups, and the general public to participate in the protest week and make the October 24 bandh a success.

    The Maoist Party urged citizens to organize meetings, rallies, and cultural programmes in villages and towns during the protest week to “expose and resist the anti-people war being waged by the government”.

    Earlier, the CPI (Maoist) had declared its surrendered top leaders including Mallojula Venugopal Rao alias Sonu and Takkallapalli Vasudeva Rao alias Rupesh as “traitors to the revolution” and called upon the revolutionary cadre to punish these “betrayers” according to revolutionary justice.

    In a four-page Telugu statement dated October 16 that was released to the media on Sunday, CPI (Maoist) Central Committee Spokesperson, Comrade Abhay, said the surrender of Sonu, along with Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee member Deepa and 60 others before Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis on October 14 at Gadchiroli was a counter-revolutionary act, a betrayal of the Maoist party and an action that weakens the revolution.

    Source : hindustantimes.com/india-news/

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=

    #asia #cpi #guerrilla #india #maoist #resistance

  21. India: Police Chief Killed, Two Others Seriously Injured in Maoist Attack

    A head constable of the Indian Central Reserve Force (CRPF) was killed and two other personnel were injured in an explosive device detonated by Maoists in India’s Jharkhand state. This comes as part of a “Week of Resistance” organized by the PCI (Maoist) from October 8 to 14, which will be followed by a day of general strike on October 15, in order to denounce the Kagaar counter-insurgency operation.

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=

    #asia #guerrilla #india #maoist #naxalites

  22. India: Maoists Kill Police Informant

    A BJP worker (the ruling far-right party) was killed by Maoists in the Bijapur district of Chhattisgarh on Monday (October 13) evening. He was accused of being a police informant. In particular, he was accused of having provided information leading to arrests by security forces in their sector as part of the Kagaar counter-insurgency operation. Since January 2024, security force operations have led to the killing of 472 Maoists in Chhattisgarh.

    Source: https://secoursrouge.org/inde-des-maoistes-tuent-un-informateur-de-la-police/

    abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=

    #asia #guerrilla #india #informers #maoist #naxalites

  23. "President #Trump has seized control of private enterprise’s strategic decision-making and #investment policies while invading #corporate board rooms so that he may dictate #leadership staffing, punish corporate critics, and demand public compliance with his political agenda. This is far more dangerous to #capitalism than a city-run grocery store."

    At last the #American right wing has abandoned laissez-faire capitalism—but only because of their cultish devotion to mad, piggish grifter, which is arguably WORSE.
    ___
    Is #MAGA going #Marxist and #Maoist? Trump’s assault on #free-market capitalism yahoo.com/news/articles/maga-g

    #uspol #economics

  24. Every day there are news reports of 17, 22, 31 “Maoists” killed. Many of those killed are simply tribal villagers caught in the crosshairs of the deadly, remote-controlled sophistry of modern weaponry. How do these weapons decide who is a Maoist? How do you throw a bomb from a helicopter and know it will land only on a Maoist? What does a Maoist look like? Nobody knows. If supporting the Adivasi cause or reading Karl Marx in your city apartment can get you labelled an urban naxal, then every forest-dweller clinging to her land can be a Maoist. The labels work like infrared emissions, attracting arrests and bullets with unerring regularity.

    https://frontline.thehindu.com/the-nation/adivasi-rights-maoist-conflict-tribal-land-grab-operation-kagar-state-violence-naxals/article69412406.ece

    #adivasi #indigenous #maoist #naxal #naxalite #UrbanNaxal

  25. Maoist IED explosions left two polling personnel and an equal number of paramilitary jawans wounded in Bastar's Kanker and Narayanpur districts on Monday, a day before the first phase of voting in Chhattisgarh. Maoists have called for a boycott of the assembly polls. In the fortnight leading up to the polls, five people, including two BJP leaders, were murdered by Maoists in Bastar. The first phase involves 20 constituencies, 12 of which are in the Maoist-affected Bastar division.
    #Maoist #Bastar
    timesofindia.indiatimes.com/ci

  26. Ok, here is my introduction:

    I'm a #nonbinary, #agender, #asexual, #demiromantic, #neurodivergent (#ADHD confirmed, #Autism suspected) GenXer. Also diagnosed with #PTSD, #PsoriaticArthritis, and #asthma as well.

    I'm a bit of a #history and #anthropology geek, and I like #StarTrek, other #SciFi shows, and #anime.

    The past few years, I've been particularly interested in studying #Marxist #Leninist #Maoist theories of #socialism, #communism, dialectical materialism, and historical materialism.

  27. #Nepal - Coalition leaders agree to form government led by Congress in Koshi

    >After UML leader Hikmat Karki failed to garner a vote of confidence, the #Maoist Centre, Congress, CPN (Unified #Socialist ) and Janata Samajbadi Party are working hard to form a new government but due to lack of the necessary numbers to ensure a majority, they had sought the help of the top leaders of their parties in #Kathmandu

    kathmandupost.com/politics/202 kathmandupost.com/politics/202

  28. Activist Study/Araling Aktibista (ARAK) (1999) by the Communist Party of the Philippines.

    Human-Read #Audiobook of Basic Course in Revolutionary Outlook, Dialectical Analysis, Mass Line Formation, and Party Organization by #SocialismForAll / #S4A

    #socialism #socialist #communism #communist #marxism #marxist #maoism #maoist #mlm

    youtube.com/watch?v=QAeqyplzbP

  29. CW: ML, twitter

    how mls think honestly scares me. like this is so so fare from anything remotely communist.

    #ml #statist #maoist #communist

  30. The OAKKE ( #Maoist communist organization founded in 1985 ,which the entire political system
    in Greece, it put them completely in the structured obscurity) was today in the Constitution of Athens again there together with the refugee from #Iran & #Ukraine. The 2 resistance currents of the Ukrainian and Iranian people, against the neo-Nazi axis Russia-China-Iran, are in continuous cross-party disharmony. The Greek pseudo-left (the self-proclaimed "left and communist" parties), who are completely pro-Putin, are completely indifferent.
    #SlavaUkraini #مهسا_امینی #Mahsa_Amini

  31. malayalam.asiavillenews.com/ar മൂന്ന് പേർ അടങ്ങുന്ന മാവോയിസ്റ്റ് സംഘം തണ്ടർബോൾട്ടിനെ ആക്രമിക്കുകയായിരുന്നുവെന്നു പൊലീസ് പറയുന്നു.
    #maoist #Wayanad

  32. Bombay denies grant anticipatory bail to civil rights activists Gautam Navlakha and Anand Teltumbde in the Elgar Parishad- alleged #Maoist links case.[PTI]