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  1. Prabowo-Jokowi Aren’t Close Anymore, Apa Kata Tempo? Podcast

    Prabowo-Jokowi Aren’t Close Anymore

    Apa Kata Tempo? Podcast, June 24, 2026

    Relations between Indonesia’s President Prabowo and the country’s most recent former president Joko Widodo are reported to be cooling.

    The rift stems from the fact that President Prabowo’s Vice President, Gibran Rakabuming Raka – who is former president Widodo’s son—has not been give a role inside President Prabowo’s government.

    Joko Widodo’s hopes of seeing Gibran run as Prabowo’s running mate again in the country’s next presidential election in 2029 is at risk of falling apart, as the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party chair plans to seek a different running mate. The friction is ultimately beneficial for the public, believes Tempo, as a healthy democracy requires contestation.

    Listen below, on Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get good podcasts.

    Visit s.id/bacatempo (when the dds attack is over) to get a discount on a Tempo Digital subscription.

    Download the Tempo app to read Tempo’s in-depth coverage.

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    Featured image credit “Lebaran Dinasti Jokowi” by Tempo cartoonist Yuyun Nurrachman.

    https://open.firstory.me/story/cmqrjwfde0bwg01wwbvayem0p

    In earlier news…

    The Onset of ‘De-Jokowi-sation’ in Indonesian Politics?

    By Made Supriatma, for Fulcrum.sg, June 23, 2025

    Eight months into the job, President Prabowo Subianto appears to have started trimming the sails of his powerful predecessor.

    After nearly a month of mounting controversy, a group calling itself the Forum of Retired TNI Soldiers (FPP) has submitted a letter to Indonesia’s Parliament and People’s Consultative Assembly, urging the initiation of impeachment proceedings against Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka. President Prabowo Subianto has signalled…

    Read the whole piece at Fulcum.sg, The Onset of ‘De-Jokowi-sation’ in Indonesian Politics?

    Also read:

    Prabowo-Jokowi Hot and Cold, Tempo Magazine, 21 June 2026 Edition

    Rate this:

    #Djojohadikusumo #FriedRice #Indonesia #JokoWidodo #Jokowi #Jokowism #MadeSupriatma #News #PoliticalFamily #Politics #Politik #PrabowoGibran #PrabowoSubianto
  2. Op-Ed: The Individual Opposition of Mahfud MD by Kompas.com

    The Individual Opposition of Mahfud MD

    By Budiman Tanuredjo, Senior Journalist for Kompas.com, April 30, 2025

    My friend Sukidi Mulyadi sent me a news link headlined, “Mahfud MD Supports Draft Law on Presidential Power to Prevent ‘Abuse of Power.'” Moments later another colleague shared a different article: “Mahfud Says Constitutional Court Has Outlawed Ministers and Deputy Ministers Holding Two Jobs.”

    I describe Mahfud as an early emerging example of the “individual opposition,” that is to say, an opposition that is not formed by political parties or parliamentary structures, but rather by virtue of the person’s moral legitimacy, government experience, and public courage in opposing the dominance of those in power.

    Indeed there is no political theory to explain the phenomenon of the “individual opposition,” or what to me is a kind of “citizen whistleblower in a democratic crisis” or a “symbol of counter power.”

    On the actual topic of the proposed law, the renewed proposal for a law regulating the exercise of presidential power is a reflection of the current anxiety in the nation and of Mahfud himself. The former Chief Justice of Indonesia’s Constitutional Court is deeply troubled by the state of the law in the country.

    He argues that a law regulating presidential power is needed to prevent a president emerging who could potentially commit an “abuse of power,” who would use their position for the benefit of their own group. This would include using their influence for the interests of their own group and family during the “lame duck” period between a presidential election and inauguration.

    From the presidencies of Sukarno through to Prabowo Subianto, the nation has never had a law regulating presidential power. There has never been any legislation that even minimally distinguished the president’s roles as head of state, head of government, supreme commander of the armed forces, party leader, and head of their family.

    Such a distinction would be aimed at preventing the current conflicts of interest running rampant in the country. One of the causes of these conflicts of interest is the trend to appoint public office holders to multiple positions, as with the double roles of ministers who also serve as chief executive officers or directors of state-owned companies. And this despite the country’s Constitutional Court having prohibited the doubling up of the positions held by ministers and deputy ministers as directors of state-owned companies.

    Article 23 of State Ministries Law No. 39/2008 prohibits ministers from holding double positions as: other state officials; commissioners or directors of state-owned or private companies; or leaders of organizations funded by the central or provincial budgets.

    The question is, is the State Ministries Law being followed? The answer is clearly it is not! Several ministers and deputy ministers hold double positions as the CEOs of companies, including Indonesia’s sovereign wealth fund Danantara, or as the directors of government owned companies. There are several deputy ministers who hold positions of directors of state-owned governments and this is just ignored.

    So what is the point of having included the prohibition against double jobs in the law? Why does Indonesia’s House of Representatives as the body responsible for exercising oversight say nothing? There has been not a critical sound from the House about these violations. But Mahfud has spoken out saying, “This is an indication of corruption,” in an interview with Rizal Mustari on his YouTube channel.

    Some legal products have slipped through the cracks of oversight. One such regulation causing concern and uncertainty among palm oil workers is Presidential Regulation No. 5/2025 On the Regulation of Forest Areas. This regulation established a task force to oversee forest areas with the head of the advisory council as the Minister of Defense and a number of other officials as an Executive Board chaired by the Under Attorney General for Special Crimes.

    Article 5 of the regulation provides that: Forest Areas as the recovery of assets in Forest Areas as provided for in Article 3 can be undertaken through criminal, civil, and administrative mechanisms in accord with the legislation in force.

    After this regulation was issued photos circulated on social media showing areas that had been seized. However, the question is what happens next? I have spoken with a number of palm oil workers concerned about the ongoing operational sustainability and financial burdens of their palm oil businesses. “This has created uncertainty,” they say. The regulation has been identified as raising several issues, such as regulatory conflicts, the institutional structure of the task force led by the Minister of Defense and the Attorney General Office, and the lack of clarify about when criminal sanctions might be used. Governance seems to be a pressing issue needing attention in this country.

    For nearly two months media reports have highlighted complaints from the business community about disruptions from criminals. However, there has been no significant effort to solve the problem. Criminals seem to be acting as proxies for the state. The issue of criminal behavior has only recently emerged as a public concern over the past six months and it appears that it is being tolerated. The business community is having to find ways to secure their operations themselves.

    A variety of anomalies or irregularities in society seem to be left unresolved. Violations of the law seem to be normalized because there is no accountability. Mahfud has previously said that corruption has permeated the legal system in this country.

    But consider philosophers like Aristotle (384-322 BC) who wrote, “law must govern,” and “lawmakers must also be subject to the law.” Cicero (106-43 BC) noted, “we serve the law so that we may be free.” John Locke (1690) wrote, “where law ends, tyranny begins” and John Adams emphasized, “Government of laws, not of men.”

    In this country the law is manipulated, regulations are changed to suit the whims of those in power. In Indonesia, the legal system is clearly in disarray. Judicial verdicts can be bought and sold. Legislation is not crafted for justice but for other interests, including “state reclaiming.” Legal instruments come with a price tag, which explains why the House of Representatives does not want to debate a Seizure of Criminal Asset Law. Rather everyone is opting to remain silent.

    In the context of the powerlessness of the political infrastructure, or, the lack of a crisis in the institutional opposition, Mahfud’s role has become crucial. In a multiparty presidential system like Indonesia’s, institutional opposition (the House of Representatives, political parties) and civil society organizations are often powerless, having been co-opted by power or because they are complicit in enjoying the benefits of power. The House and political parties have lost their oversight function as they have become part of the cycle of power (executive aggrandizement).

    In a context like this, a vacuum has emerged for non-institutional opposition. Figures like Mahfud—who have legal credibility, a track record of reform, and moral authority—can emerge as solitary actors who can provide a check on power.

    He does not represent a party, nor is he a formal opposition leader, however his voice can resonate with the public and shake the foundations of power. According to the ideas of Pierre Bourdieu, Mahfud possesses social capital, cultural capital, and symbolic capital. However, he lacks economic and political capital because he does not hold a position of power. Public intellectuals—such as Sukidi Mulyadi, Zainal Arifin Mochtar, Bivitri Susanti, Fathul Wahid, Sulistyowati Irianto, and Yanuar Nugroho, to name but a few—who are still isolated now have to join forces to create a roadmap for repairing the nation and for developing “the opposition of individuals” into a “civil society opposition.” Editor : Sandro Gatra

    This post is based on https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2025/04/30/13522401/oposisi-individual-mahfud-md. Featured image credit: WSJ.

    In related news:

    https://youtu.be/cpDS23Rbpv4?si=GKqPcRDLaX2bhPL_

    Rate this:

    #BivitriSusanti #BudimanTanuredjo #Democracy #DemocraticDecline #Elections #History #HouseOfRepresentatives #Indonesia #JokoWidodo #News #OpEd #Pemilu #Pemilu2024 #pilpres2024 #Politics #RuleOfLaw
  3. Op-Ed: Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

    Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

    By the Kompas Editorial Board

    JAKARTA, July 5, 2017. Members of the Indonesian House of Representatives are not the representatives of the corrupt. The supposedly honorable representatives of the people are paid from the people’s money.

    The House Committee of Inquiry into Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission plans to go on safari to meet convicted corruption offenders in a number of prisons throughout Indonesia and this has deeply unsettled the sense of justice of citizens — taxpayers. According to the deputy chair of the House inquiry, Representative Risa Mariska, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, “the committee wants to find information on how they felt about their treatment as witnesses, suspects and convicts of corruption offenses.” Risa is a Representative for the 6th West Java electoral district covering the regencies of Bogor and Bekasi. She received 25,578 votes.

    It is very easy to find corruption convicts in prison. They will be overjoyed to tell the inquiry about how the commission behaved when they were questioned, their experience in custody, their belief they were the victims of a conspiracy, their feelings of being entrapped and any amount of other mistreatment.

    Being driven by a coalition of parties supporting the government and armed with this data, the inquiry will collect ammunition for dismantling the anti-corruption body. The aim of the House inquiry at the very least can be seen from the statement of House deputy speaker Fahri Hamzah from the Prosperous Justice Party representing West Nusa Tenggara and it is to review government commissions such as the Corruption Eradication Commission. By ‘review,’ he clearly means disbanding the commission, limiting its authority or transforming it into an ad hoc agency.

    The real aim of the House inquiry is obvious and it is to undermine the Corruption Eradication Commission. The declaration of some politicians that the inquiry is aimed at strengthening the commission does not have a shred of empirical evidence. From the beginning, some House of Representatives politicians have been uncomfortable with steps taken by the commission to eradicate corruption from the country. There are Representatives on trial as well as party chairs and business people who have been arrested. The commission is certainly not without fault. But the way to fix these mistakes is not to exercise the House’s right to establish inquiries of dubious legitimacy.

    Members of the inquiry should realize they are representatives of the people, not representatives of the corrupt. Corrupt behavior by members of the government violates the civil and economic rights of the people. The behavior of constitutional judges who trade in Constitutional Court decisions to enrich themselves is a betrayal of the law. It is the victims of this corrupt behavior that the inquiry should be listening to and not the perpetrators of the corruption.

    Unfortunately, President Joko Widodo’s pronouncements have been too weak in defending the commission. President Widodo has said only that he wants to strengthen the commission. However, President Widodo is apparently not able to intervene in the inquiry because it is a constitutional right of the House of Representatives. The fact is the direction taken by the House inquiry can only be seen as intended to delegitimize the Corruption Eradication Commission.

    This post is based on “Bukan Perwakilan Koruptor” [Not the Representatives of the Corrupt], Kompas Editorial, July 5, 2017 https://kompas.id/baca/opini/2017/07/05/bukan-perwakilan-koruptor/.

    Featured image credit: Paula Bronstein www.paulaphoto.com/. University students protest on top of Indonesia’s capitol building in Jakarta after President Suharto resigned May 21, 1998, “This photographer has spent decades covering war. But she doesn’t focus on the front lines”, Photographs by Paula Bronstein, Story by Tristen Rouse, CNN, September 7, 2024 https://edition.cnn.com/interactive/2024/09/world/paula-bronstein-retrospective-cnnphotos/.

    Rate this:

    #ConstitutionalCourt #Democracy #DemocraticDecline #FahriHamzah #HakAngket #History #HouseOfRepresentatives #Indonesia #JokoWidodo #Kompas #KPK #Law #OpEd #PartaiPolitik #PDIP #PKS #Politics
  4. Op-Ed: Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

    Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

    By the Kompas Editorial Board

    JAKARTA, July 5, 2017. Members of the Indonesian House of Representatives are not the representatives of the corrupt. The supposedly honorable representatives of the people are paid from the people’s money.

    The House Committee of Inquiry into Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission plans to go on safari to meet convicted corruption offenders in a number of prisons throughout Indonesia and this has deeply unsettled the sense of justice of citizens — taxpayers. According to the deputy chair of the House inquiry, Representative Risa Mariska, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, “the committee wants to find information on how they felt about their treatment as witnesses, suspects and convicts of corruption offenses.” Risa is a Representative for the 6th West Java electoral district covering the regencies of Bogor and Bekasi. She received 25,578 votes.

    It is very easy to find corruption convicts in prison. They will be overjoyed to tell the inquiry about how the commission behaved when they were questioned, their experience in custody, their belief they were the victims of a conspiracy, their feelings of being entrapped and any amount of other mistreatment.

    Being driven by a coalition of parties supporting the government and armed with this data, the inquiry will collect ammunition for dismantling the anti-corruption body. The aim of the House inquiry at the very least can be seen from the statement of House deputy speaker Fahri Hamzah from the Prosperous Justice Party representing West Nusa Tenggara and it is to review government commissions such as the Corruption Eradication Commission. By ‘review,’ he clearly means disbanding the commission, limiting its authority or transforming it into an ad hoc agency.

    The real aim of the House inquiry is obvious and it is to undermine the Corruption Eradication Commission. The declaration of some politicians that the inquiry is aimed at strengthening the commission does not have a shred of empirical evidence. From the beginning, some House of Representatives politicians have been uncomfortable with steps taken by the commission to eradicate corruption from the country. There are Representatives on trial as well as party chairs and business people who have been arrested. The commission is certainly not without fault. But the way to fix these mistakes is not to exercise the House’s right to establish inquiries of dubious legitimacy.

    Members of the inquiry should realize they are representatives of the people, not representatives of the corrupt. Corrupt behavior by members of the government violates the civil and economic rights of the people. The behavior of constitutional judges who trade in Constitutional Court decisions to enrich themselves is a betrayal of the law. It is the victims of this corrupt behavior that the inquiry should be listening to and not the perpetrators of the corruption.

    Unfortunately, President Joko Widodo’s pronouncements have been too weak in defending the commission. President Widodo has said only that he wants to strengthen the commission. However, President Widodo is apparently not able to intervene in the inquiry because it is a constitutional right of the House of Representatives. The fact is the direction taken by the House inquiry can only be seen as intended to delegitimize the Corruption Eradication Commission.

    This post is based on “Bukan Perwakilan Koruptor” [Not the Representatives of the Corrupt], Kompas Editorial, July 5, 2017 https://kompas.id/baca/opini/2017/07/05/bukan-perwakilan-koruptor/.

    Featured image credit: Paula Bronstein www.paulaphoto.com/. University students protest on top of Indonesia’s capitol building in Jakarta after President Suharto resigned May 21, 1998, “This photographer has spent decades covering war. But she doesn’t focus on the front lines”, Photographs by Paula Bronstein, Story by Tristen Rouse, CNN, September 7, 2024 https://edition.cnn.com/interactive/2024/09/world/paula-bronstein-retrospective-cnnphotos/.

    Rate this:

    #ConstitutionalCourt #Democracy #DemocraticDecline #FahriHamzah #HakAngket #History #HouseOfRepresentatives #Indonesia #JokoWidodo #Kompas #KPK #Law #OpEd #PartaiPolitik #PDIP #PKS #Politics
  5. Op-Ed: Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

    Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

    By the Kompas Editorial Board

    JAKARTA, July 5, 2017. Members of the Indonesian House of Representatives are not the representatives of the corrupt. The supposedly honorable representatives of the people are paid from the people’s money.

    The House Committee of Inquiry into Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission plans to go on safari to meet convicted corruption offenders in a number of prisons throughout Indonesia and this has deeply unsettled the sense of justice of citizens — taxpayers. According to the deputy chair of the House inquiry, Representative Risa Mariska, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, “the committee wants to find information on how they felt about their treatment as witnesses, suspects and convicts of corruption offenses.” Risa is a Representative for the 6th West Java electoral district covering the regencies of Bogor and Bekasi. She received 25,578 votes.

    It is very easy to find corruption convicts in prison. They will be overjoyed to tell the inquiry about how the commission behaved when they were questioned, their experience in custody, their belief they were the victims of a conspiracy, their feelings of being entrapped and any amount of other mistreatment.

    Being driven by a coalition of parties supporting the government and armed with this data, the inquiry will collect ammunition for dismantling the anti-corruption body. The aim of the House inquiry at the very least can be seen from the statement of House deputy speaker Fahri Hamzah from the Prosperous Justice Party representing West Nusa Tenggara and it is to review government commissions such as the Corruption Eradication Commission. By ‘review,’ he clearly means disbanding the commission, limiting its authority or transforming it into an ad hoc agency.

    The real aim of the House inquiry is obvious and it is to undermine the Corruption Eradication Commission. The declaration of some politicians that the inquiry is aimed at strengthening the commission does not have a shred of empirical evidence. From the beginning, some House of Representatives politicians have been uncomfortable with steps taken by the commission to eradicate corruption from the country. There are Representatives on trial as well as party chairs and business people who have been arrested. The commission is certainly not without fault. But the way to fix these mistakes is not to exercise the House’s right to establish inquiries of dubious legitimacy.

    Members of the inquiry should realize they are representatives of the people, not representatives of the corrupt. Corrupt behavior by members of the government violates the civil and economic rights of the people. The behavior of constitutional judges who trade in Constitutional Court decisions to enrich themselves is a betrayal of the law. It is the victims of this corrupt behavior that the inquiry should be listening to and not the perpetrators of the corruption.

    Unfortunately, President Joko Widodo’s pronouncements have been too weak in defending the commission. President Widodo has said only that he wants to strengthen the commission. However, President Widodo is apparently not able to intervene in the inquiry because it is a constitutional right of the House of Representatives. The fact is the direction taken by the House inquiry can only be seen as intended to delegitimize the Corruption Eradication Commission.

    This post is based on “Bukan Perwakilan Koruptor” [Not the Representatives of the Corrupt], Kompas Editorial, July 5, 2017 https://kompas.id/baca/opini/2017/07/05/bukan-perwakilan-koruptor/.

    Featured image credit: Paula Bronstein www.paulaphoto.com/. University students protest on top of Indonesia’s capitol building in Jakarta after President Suharto resigned May 21, 1998, “This photographer has spent decades covering war. But she doesn’t focus on the front lines”, Photographs by Paula Bronstein, Story by Tristen Rouse, CNN, September 7, 2024 https://edition.cnn.com/interactive/2024/09/world/paula-bronstein-retrospective-cnnphotos/.

    Rate this:

    #ConstitutionalCourt #Democracy #DemocraticDecline #FahriHamzah #HakAngket #History #HouseOfRepresentatives #Indonesia #JokoWidodo #Kompas #KPK #Law #OpEd #PartaiPolitik #PDIP #PKS #Politics
  6. Op-Ed: Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

    Not the Representatives of the Corrupt

    By the Kompas Editorial Board

    JAKARTA, July 5, 2017. Members of the Indonesian House of Representatives are not the representatives of the corrupt. The supposedly honorable representatives of the people are paid from the people’s money.

    The House Committee of Inquiry into Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission plans to go on safari to meet convicted corruption offenders in a number of prisons throughout Indonesia and this has deeply unsettled the sense of justice of citizens — taxpayers. According to the deputy chair of the House inquiry, Representative Risa Mariska, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, “the committee wants to find information on how they felt about their treatment as witnesses, suspects and convicts of corruption offenses.” Risa is a Representative for the 6th West Java electoral district covering the regencies of Bogor and Bekasi. She received 25,578 votes.

    It is very easy to find corruption convicts in prison. They will be overjoyed to tell the inquiry about how the commission behaved when they were questioned, their experience in custody, their belief they were the victims of a conspiracy, their feelings of being entrapped and any amount of other mistreatment.

    Being driven by a coalition of parties supporting the government and armed with this data, the inquiry will collect ammunition for dismantling the anti-corruption body. The aim of the House inquiry at the very least can be seen from the statement of House deputy speaker Fahri Hamzah from the Prosperous Justice Party representing West Nusa Tenggara and it is to review government commissions such as the Corruption Eradication Commission. By ‘review,’ he clearly means disbanding the commission, limiting its authority or transforming it into an ad hoc agency.

    The real aim of the House inquiry is obvious and it is to undermine the Corruption Eradication Commission. The declaration of some politicians that the inquiry is aimed at strengthening the commission does not have a shred of empirical evidence. From the beginning, some House of Representatives politicians have been uncomfortable with steps taken by the commission to eradicate corruption from the country. There are Representatives on trial as well as party chairs and business people who have been arrested. The commission is certainly not without fault. But the way to fix these mistakes is not to exercise the House’s right to establish inquiries of dubious legitimacy.

    Members of the inquiry should realize they are representatives of the people, not representatives of the corrupt. Corrupt behavior by members of the government violates the civil and economic rights of the people. The behavior of constitutional judges who trade in Constitutional Court decisions to enrich themselves is a betrayal of the law. It is the victims of this corrupt behavior that the inquiry should be listening to and not the perpetrators of the corruption.

    Unfortunately, President Joko Widodo’s pronouncements have been too weak in defending the commission. President Widodo has said only that he wants to strengthen the commission. However, President Widodo is apparently not able to intervene in the inquiry because it is a constitutional right of the House of Representatives. The fact is the direction taken by the House inquiry can only be seen as intended to delegitimize the Corruption Eradication Commission.

    This post is based on “Bukan Perwakilan Koruptor” [Not the Representatives of the Corrupt], Kompas Editorial, July 5, 2017 https://kompas.id/baca/opini/2017/07/05/bukan-perwakilan-koruptor/.

    Featured image credit: Paula Bronstein www.paulaphoto.com/. University students protest on top of Indonesia’s capitol building in Jakarta after President Suharto resigned May 21, 1998, “This photographer has spent decades covering war. But she doesn’t focus on the front lines”, Photographs by Paula Bronstein, Story by Tristen Rouse, CNN, September 7, 2024 https://edition.cnn.com/interactive/2024/09/world/paula-bronstein-retrospective-cnnphotos/.

    Rate this:

    #ConstitutionalCourt #Democracy #DemocraticDecline #FahriHamzah #HakAngket #History #HouseOfRepresentatives #Indonesia #JokoWidodo #Kompas #KPK #Law #OpEd #PartaiPolitik #PDIP #PKS #Politics
  7. On May 21st, 2019: Indonesian President #JokoWidodo confirmed as winning re-election, defeating Prabowo Subianto with 55.5% of the vote.

  8. Reblog: The Onset of ‘De-Jokowi-sation’ in Indonesian Politics? by Made Supriatma for Fulcrum.sg

    Eight months into the job, President Prabowo Subianto appears to have started trimming the sails of his powerful predecessor.

    After nearly a month of mounting controversy, a group calling itself the Forum of Retired TNI Soldiers (FPP) has submitted a letter to Indonesia’s Parliament and People’s Consultative Assembly, urging the initiation of impeachment proceedings against Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka. President Prabowo Subianto has signalled…

    The Onset of ‘De-Jokowi-sation’ in Indonesian Politics?

    In related news:

    Hot and Cold Prabowo-Jokowi, Tempo Magazine 21 June 2026 Edition

    Rate this:

    #Djojohadikusumo #FriedRice #Indonesia #JokoWidodo #Jokowi #Jokowism #MadeSupriatma #News #PoliticalFamily #Politics #Politik #PrabowoGibran #PrabowoSubianto
  9. Corruption: Stunned Investigators Find $63 Million in Cash and 51 Kg of Gold in Home of Former Supreme Court Official

    Indonesian Attorney General’s Office Stunned by Discovery of Almost $63 Million and 51 kg of Gold in Ex-Supreme Court Official’s Home

    By the Editorial Team at Kumparan.com, October 25, 2024

    The Indonesian Attorney General’s Office (AGO) conducted a search of the home of former Supreme Court official Zarof Ricar in Jakarta, uncovering nearly Rp 1 trillion (approximately US$63 million) and 51 kilograms of gold.

    The operation is linked to an investigation into an alleged bribery scheme intended to secure an acquittal for Ronald Tannur in his trial for the murder of his girlfriend Dini Sera Afriyanti. Ronald Tannur is the son of former Indonesian House of Representative legislator Edward Tannur (PKB-East Nusa Tenggara II) (https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_Tannur).

    The search of Zarof’s home, conducted on October 24, 2024, took place in two locations: Ricar’s residence in South Jakarta’s Senayan area and his accommodation at the Le Meridien Hotel in Bali. “AGO Special Crimes investigators, on October 24, 2024, searched two sites, including Zarof’s home in South Jakarta and a hotel room in Bali, conducting the operation late into the night,” said Abdul Qohar, Director of the AGO’s Special Crimes Investigation Unit, during a press briefing on Friday, October 25.

    Evidence in the form of cash and gold in the alleged bribery case of Ronald Tannur’s acquittal. Photo: Jonathan Devin/kumparan Kejagung Kaget Temukan Uang Nyaris Rp 1 T & Emas 51 Kg di Rumah Eks Pejabat MA | kumparan.com

    According to Qohar, investigators were astonished by the vast sum of cash they uncovered. “I have to say, even we were surprised,” he said. “We did not expect to find nearly IDR 1 trillion in cash, along with nearly 51 kilograms of gold stored in his residences.”

    During the press conference, the AGO presented stacks of cash in multiple currencies, including Indonesian rupiah and US dollars, covering five different currencies. The breakdown is as follows:

    • Hong Kong Dollar (HKD): 483,320 HKD (equivalent to approximately IDR 975.5 million, at IDR 2,018 per HKD)
    • Euro (EUR): 71,200 EUR (around IDR 1.2 billion, at IDR 16,976 per EUR)
    • US Dollar (USD): 1,897,362 USD (about IDR 29.8 billion, at IDR 15,683 per USD)
    • Indonesian Rupiah (IDR): 5.7 billion IDR
    • Singapore Dollar (SGD): 74,494,427 SGD (equivalent to IDR 885 billion, at IDR 11,880 per SGD)
    • Gold: 51 kilograms of Antam-certified gold bars

    Investigators suspect the funds and gold were part of illicit payments, including bribes and gratuities received by Zarof, allegedly for facilitating appeals in a variety of court cases, including Tannur’s. Qohar noted, “During his tenure as Head of the [Supreme Court’s] Research and Development, Education and Training Agency, Zarof is alleged to have accepted the illicit payments.”

    According to Qohar, all of the assets uncovered—valued at approximately IDR 920.9 billion (US$58 million)—will be subject to further legal examination. Zarof Ricar’s most recent official role was as the head of the Supreme Court’s Research and Development, Education, and Training Agency. He was also given a credit as an executive producer of the recently released film, Sang Pengadil (The Judge).

    Tannur Bribery Case

    Zarof is alleged to have been promised IDR 1 billion (US$63,000) as a “facilitation fee” by Tannur’s lawyer, Lisa Rachmat, in exchange for expediting the appeal process and influencing the court’s decision. The aim was to ensure Tannur’s acquittal, upholding the ruling from the initial trial. Furthermore, Rachmat is suspected of allocating an additional IDR 5 billion (US$315,000) to bribe the judges handling the case, with funds allegedly to be delivered through Zarof.

    The three judges who acquitted Ronald Tannur, from left: Erintuah Damanik, Heru Hanindyo, Mangapul. Photo: Doc. ANTARA/Nur Aprilliana Br Sitorus/ Surabaya District Court https://kumparan.com/kumparannews/kejagung-kaget-temukan-uang-nyaris-rp-1-t-and-emas-51-kg-di-rumah-eks-pejabat-ma-23mnxvvc88a/full

    However, the appeal decision did not favor Tannur, who was ultimately sentenced to five years in prison by the Supreme Court on October 22, 2024. The Indonesian Supreme Court has not yet commented on the case, and Zarof has not made any public statements since being arrested.

    This article is based on https://kumparan.com/kumparannews/kejagung-kaget-temukan-uang-nyaris-rp-1-t-and-emas-51-kg-di-rumah-eks-pejabat-ma-23mnxvvc88a/full.

    In related news:

    In earlier news…

    Why the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) Leaders’ Selection Panel Has to Have Integrity, Koran Tempo

    By Eka Yudha Saputra from Koran Tempo, May 18, 2024

    Various groups have urged Indonesia’s President to appoint a selection panel tasked with nominating leaders for the country’s anti-corruption commission who have integrity, to ensure the leaders nominated are not problematic.

    SEVERAL former leaders of Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission will jointly present criteria for appointment to the selection panel tasked with nominating candidates to lead the country’s Corruption Eradication Committee (KPK) from 2024 to 2029 to President Joko Widodo. They will pass their view by letter to President Joko Widodo today.

    KPK commissioner from 2015 to 2019, Mr. Saut Situmorang, said the letter was an expression of concern from former KPK commissioners regarding the current state of corruption eradication and the fate of the KPK. The fate of the KPK is reflected in the Indonesian Corruption Perception Index score for 2023, according to Transparency International, which stands at 34, from a rating range of 0 to 100. Indonesia’s ranking also fell from 110 to 115.

    Corruption Eradication Commission Office, Jakarta, 14 May 2024. TEMPO/Imam Sukamto https://koran.tempo.co/read/nasional/488493/jokowi-utak-atik-pansel-kpk

    As a result, Mr. Saut hopes that future KPK leaders will be people with integrity. In order to produce quality anti-corruption commission leaders, Mr. Saut also urged the President to choose a leadership selection panel team who have integrity.

    “Integrity is indeed gray. “It’s hard for us to be sure,” said Mr. Saut, on May 17 2024.

    In their letter, a draft copy of which has been obtained by Tempo magazine, the former KPK leaders will ask President Widodo to take into consideration the competency, track record, and independence of proposed members of the selection panel in order to avoid conflicts of interest in selecting potential anti-corruption commission commissioners. Select panel members must also understand the condition of the Corruption Eradication Commission and the current state of the fight against corruption. In this way, the selection panel can work on the basis of the factual reality of the current problem.

    According to the plan, President Widodo will form a selection panel for nominees for KPK leaders at the latest by the beginning of next month, or six months before the end of the terms of office of current KPK leaders. The term of office of KPK leaders for the 2019-2024 period will end in December 2024.

    The selection panel will select a top ten nominees for KPK leaders to be submitted to the President. Then the President will submit names to Indonesia’s House of Representatives to appoint five KPK commissioners for the next period.

    The suspect, former Corruption Eradication Committee Chair, Firli Bahuri, after undergoing further investigation into alleged extortion offences involving former Minister of Agriculture, Syahrul Yasin Limpo, at Police Headquarters, Jakarta, 27 December 2023. TEMPO/Febri Angga Palguna https://koran.tempo.co/read/nasional/488493/jokowi-utak-atik-pansel-kpk

    In previous selections, the selection panel produced KPK leaders who lacked integrity. Three of the five KPK leaders selected have been involved in violations of the code of ethics, namely Mr. Firli Bahuri, Ms. Lili Pintauli Siregar, and Mr. Nurul Ghufron. Ms. Lili even resigned before the KPK Supervisory Board announceed the verdict of her ethical violation inquiry. Meanwhile, Mr. Firli has been recommended for dismissal because he was involved in a corruption case. Meanwhile, Mr. Ghufron is currently under investigation hearings for alleged ethical violations at the KPK Supervisory Board.

    Also read: Op-Ed: Our Legislative Seats Are Expensive, Tempo

    The selection panel for KPK leadership candidates in 2019 consists of Ms. Yenti Ganarsih (chair), Mr. Indriyanto Senoadji (deputy chair), as well as Ms. Harkristuti Harkrisnowo, Mr. Hamdi Moeloek, Mr. Marcus Priyo, Mr. Hendardi, Mr. Al Araf, Ms. Diani Sadia, and Mr. Mualimin Abdi. Ms. Yenti is a lecturer at the Faculty of Law at Trisakti University, Mr. Indriyanto is a professor of criminal law at the University of Indonesia, Ms. Harkristuti is an expert in criminal law, Mr. Hamdi is a psychologist from the University of Indonesia, and Mr. Marcus is an expert in criminal law from Gadjah Mada University. Then Hendardi is the founder of the Setara Institute, Mr. Al Araf is the Director of democracy think tank Imparsial, Ms. Diani is on the expert staff at the National Development Planning Agency, and Mr. Mualimin is the Director General of Human Rights at the Ministry of Law and Human Rights.

    Researcher from the think tank and advocacy non-governmental organization Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), Mr. Kurnia Ramadhana, believes the selection for KPK leaders in 2019 should not be repeated in this selection. He also offered three criteria for the selection panel to avoid them producing problematic KPK leaders. The three criteria are that members of the selection panel have to be legally and ethically clean, have competence in relation to the current state corruption eradication and the condition of the Commission, and not be affiliated with particular groups, government agencies or political parties.

    Mr. Kurnia emphasized that the independence of the selection panel is especially crucial because they will be searching for independent figures to fill the positions of KPK leaders and members of the KPK Supervisory Board for the next five years.

    “The primary gateway to creating this situation lies with the selection panel. “Because of that, the composition of the selection panel should be dominated by independent stakeholders, namely from civil society organizations,” said Mr. Kurnia.

    He also questioned the government’s plan to fill the panel with a composition of five people from government agencies and four from civil society organizations. Mr. Kurnia suspects that the Corruption Eradication Committee Law is the government’s reason for increasing government agency members on the panel composition. However, he asked the President to understand the KPK’s unusual position.

    “One way to return the Corruption Eradication Commission to a normal situation is to include leaders and a Supervisory Board with integrity,” said Mr. Kurnia.

    Researcher from the Gadjah Mada University Anti-Corruption Study Center (Pukat UGM), Mr. Zaenur Rohman, said the President should choose members for the selection panel who are free from political interests and have a clean track record. Mr. Zaenur hopes that the former Mayor of Solo will not choose a selection panel based on the goal of maintaining political interests as he ends his term of office as Indonesia’s President in October.

    “The selected panel must also be willing to accept and consider public input so that problematic KPK leaders are no longer nominated as has happened in the past,” said Mr. Zaenur.

    Researcher from civil society organization Transparency International Indonesia, Mr. Alvin Nicola, said that the selection process for the KPK’s next leadership nominees was designed not to pay attention to the principles of accountability and community participation. He said Article 30 paragraph 2 of the Corruption Eradication Commission Law systematically emphasized the dominance of the government or executive and House of Representatives over the anti-corruption agency.

    “Because of the strong attraction of interests, it is not surprising that the selection process actually produced a KPK leadership product that was full of problems,” said Mr. Alvin.

    Also read: Op-Ed: Megawati and the Corruption Eradication Commission

    Researcher from the Center for Law and Policy Studies (PSHK), Mr. Muhammad Nur Ramadhan, said that actually there are many figures with high integrity who could be nominated as members of the selection panel. But he doubts President Widodo will choose them.

    “In my opinion, the government deliberately did not choose these names because they cannot be compromised,” said Mr. Ramadhan.

    Mr. Ramadhan recalled the condition of the previous panel for proposing KPK leadership nominees. At that time the selection process was not transparent. The panel also did not want to listen to public input and insisted on selecting a number of names of potential leaders who lacked integrity.

    He also highlighted plans for the composition of the panel which will be dominated by representatives from government agencies. “This is not a good thing for the KPK leadership selection process. “The issue of government interference will be the most important concern if this composition is maintained,” he said.

    Former senior KPK investigator, Mr. Novel Baswedan, said the government should reflect carefully on the current condition of the KPK’s leaders. He said that the failure to produce KPK leaders with integrity began with the poor selection of the selection panel.

    Mr. Novel also referred to the importance of transparency and accountability in the selection process for KPK leadership nominees.

    “We are worried that there will be a process of people being dropped in, or that someone will be stage managed, to become the leader of the Corruption Eradication Committee,” said Mr. Novel. He also hopes that President Widodo will select a panel that has integrity and is committed to recruiting quality and ethical KPK leaders. T

    his post is based on https://koran.tempo.co/read/nasional/488493/jokowi-utak-atik-pansel-kpk.

    In related news:

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    #AttorneyGeneral #Corruption #Courts #Democracy #Elections #Governance #History #Indonesia #JokoWidodo #KPK #MahkamahAgung #News #Politics #RuleOfLaw #SupremeCourt
  10. Journal Article: Narratives To Power, by South East Asia Research SOAS UoL

    Narratives to power: The case of the Djojohadikusumo family dynasty over four generations

    By Jemma Purdey & Jemma Purdey, South East Asia Research SOAS UoL, October 18, 2018

    Abstract

    At all levels of politics in Indonesia today, political families have a central place. The families of previous presidents and dynasties in regional and local politics have all been central to Indonesia’s decentralised and increasingly personality-driven democracy.

    This article presents preliminary work on a biographical study of one of Indonesia’s most prominent and enduring political dynasties, the Djojohadikusumo family, who have held positions of power in key national institutions across four generations.

    The study aims to improve our understanding of how this family has conceived itself within political structures as they have shifted over four generations. What characteristics of the dynasty can be identified as enabling its adaptability? How much do external and structural forces sustain the dynasty as a central player? And how much is it sustained by characteristics that are internal, historical, psychological, and culturally specific to the family unit?

    Notes

    1. Mackie J (2010) Patrimonialism: The new order and beyond. In: Aspinall E and G. Fealy (eds) Soeharto’s New Order and Its Legacy. Acton: ANU ePress, pp. 81–98.

    2. Robison R and Hadiz V (2004) Reorganising Power in Indonesia. London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon; Aspinall E (2005) Opposing Suharto: Compromise, Resistance and Regime Change in Indonesia. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press; Aspinall E (2005) Elections and the normalization of politics in Indonesia. South East Asia Research 13(2): 117–156; Buehler M (2010) Decentralisation and local democracy in Indonesia: The marginalisation of the public sphere. In: Aspinall E and Mietzner M (eds) Problems of Democratisation in Indonesia. Singapore: ISEAS, pp. 267–185; Choi N (2011) Local Politics in Indonesia: Pathways to Power. London: Routledge; Winters JA (2011) Oligarchy. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press; Ford M and Pepinsky TB (2013) Beyond oligarchy? Critical exchanges on political power and material inequality in Indonesia. Indonesia 96(1): 1–9.

    3. Sidel JT (2005) Bossism and democracy in the Philippines, Thailand, and Indonesia: Towards an alternative framework for the study of “local strongmen”. In: Harris J, Stokke K and Tornquist O (eds) Politicising Democracy: Local Politics and Democratisation in Developing Countries. London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 51–74.

    4. Heryanto A (2010) Entertainment, domestication and dispersal: Street politics as popular culture. In: Aspinall E and Mietzner M (eds) Problems of Democratisation in Indonesia. Singapore: ISEAS, pp. 181–198; Tomsa D (2010) The Indonesian party system after the 2009 elections: Towards stability? In: Aspinall E and Mietzner M (eds) Problems of Democratisation in Indonesia. Singapore: ISEAS, pp. 141–159.

    5. Buehler (2010); Sidel (2005).

    6. Erb M and Priyambudi Sulistiyanto (eds) (2009) Deepening Democracy in Indonesia? Direct Elections for Local Leaders (Pilkada). Singapore: ISEAS; Buehler M (2013) Married with children. Inside Indonesia 112. Available at: http://www.insideindonesia.org/feature-editions/married-with-children.

    7. Chen J and Adhi Priamarizki (2014) Why abolishing direct local elections undermines Indonesia’s democracy. East Asia Forum, 9 October. Available at: http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2014/10/09/why-abolishing-direct-local-elections-undermines-indonesias-democracy/.

    8. Purdey J (2014) US back flip Modi ban a fillip for Prabowo. Jakarta Post, 23 May. Available at: http://m.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/05/23/us-backflip-modi-ban-a-fillip-prabowo.html.

    …

    South East Asia Research Volume 24, 2016 – Issue 3: Special issue: Political families in Southeast Asia; Cite this article: https://doi.org/10.1177/0967828X16659728

    Featured image credit “Lebaran Dinasti Jokowi” Karya Kartunis Tempo Yuyun Nurrachman.

    In related news:

    https://twitter.com/detikcom/status/1843000773388685687

    Rate this:

    #Asia #Democracy #Development #Djojohadikusumo #ElectionCampaign #Elections #History #Indonesia #JokoWidodo #Megawati #News #Pembangunan #Pemilu1997 #Pemilu2014 #Pemilu2019 #Pemilu2024 #PoliticalFamily #Politics #Politik #PolitikDinasti #PrabowoGibran #Puan
  11. Indonesia’s new leader Prabowo Subianto used his maiden speech on Sunday to rail against corruption and poverty, a stark departure from his popular, soft-spoken predecessor Joko Widodo. japantimes.co.jp/news/2024/10/ #asiapacific #politics #jokowidodo #indonesia #southeastasia #prabowosubianto

  12. Indonesia’s new leader Prabowo Subianto used his maiden speech on Sunday to rail against corruption and poverty, a stark departure from his popular, soft-spoken predecessor Joko Widodo. japantimes.co.jp/news/2024/10/ #asiapacific #politics #jokowidodo #indonesia #southeastasia #prabowosubianto

  13. Prabowo Subianto became Indonesia’s eighth president Sunday, capping a 26-year rise that followed alleged human rights abuses tied to his late former father-in-law and dictator, Suharto. japantimes.co.jp/news/2024/10/ #asiapacific #politics #prabowosubianto #indonesia #jokowidodo #southeastasia

  14. Prabowo Subianto became Indonesia’s eighth president Sunday, capping a 26-year rise that followed alleged human rights abuses tied to his late former father-in-law and dictator, Suharto. japantimes.co.jp/news/2024/10/ #asiapacific #politics #prabowosubianto #indonesia #jokowidodo #southeastasia

  15. After two terms and a decade in power, Joko Widodo has left an indelible mark on Indonesia, presiding over a period of strong economic growth and massive infrastructure development, but critics say he was partial to old-time patronage and dynastic politics. japantimes.co.jp/news/2024/10/ #asiapacific #politics #indonesia #jokowidodo #southeastasia

  16. After two terms and a decade in power, Joko Widodo has left an indelible mark on Indonesia, presiding over a period of strong economic growth and massive infrastructure development, but critics say he was partial to old-time patronage and dynastic politics. japantimes.co.jp/news/2024/10/ #asiapacific #politics #indonesia #jokowidodo #southeastasia

  17. #OnThisDay in 2019, Indonesian President #JokoWidodo proposes moving the country's sinking and over-crowded capital from Jakarta to the island of Borneo (Kalimantan).

  18. Just found out my articles are cited as references for the #Wikipedia pages for #Indonesia and for #JokoWidodo #Jokowi.

    Pretty amazing to imagine that I've influenced the global understanding of Indonesia in a small way.

    en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?s

  19. Just found out my articles are cited as references for the #Wikipedia pages for #Indonesia and for #JokoWidodo #Jokowi.

    Pretty amazing to imagine that I've influenced the global understanding of Indonesia in a small way.

    en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?s