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#jcpoa — Public Fediverse posts

Live and recent posts from across the Fediverse tagged #jcpoa, aggregated by home.social.

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  1. When the distinction between war and peace dissolves into a ceasefire that is neither, and months of bombardment fail to deliver anything like victory, force looks less like strength and more like pointless destruction. japantimes.co.jp/commentary/20 #commentary #worldnews #israel #iran #us #yemen #houthis #babelmandeb #gaza #hamas #lebanon #donaldtrump #nicolasmaduro #un #pakistan #qatar #egypt #saudiarabia #turkey #jcpoa #brazil

  2. When the distinction between war and peace dissolves into a ceasefire that is neither, and months of bombardment fail to deliver anything like victory, force looks less like strength and more like pointless destruction. japantimes.co.jp/commentary/20 #commentary #worldnews #israel #iran #us #yemen #houthis #babelmandeb #gaza #hamas #lebanon #donaldtrump #nicolasmaduro #un #pakistan #qatar #egypt #saudiarabia #turkey #jcpoa #brazil

  3. When the distinction between war and peace dissolves into a ceasefire that is neither, and months of bombardment fail to deliver anything like victory, force looks less like strength and more like pointless destruction. japantimes.co.jp/commentary/20 #commentary #worldnews #israel #iran #us #yemen #houthis #babelmandeb #gaza #hamas #lebanon #donaldtrump #nicolasmaduro #un #pakistan #qatar #egypt #saudiarabia #turkey #jcpoa #brazil

  4. When the distinction between war and peace dissolves into a ceasefire that is neither, and months of bombardment fail to deliver anything like victory, force looks less like strength and more like pointless destruction. japantimes.co.jp/commentary/20 #commentary #worldnews #israel #iran #us #yemen #houthis #babelmandeb #gaza #hamas #lebanon #donaldtrump #nicolasmaduro #un #pakistan #qatar #egypt #saudiarabia #turkey #jcpoa #brazil

  5. Veep JD Vance says ask Iran when the war will be over. The war we won early days?

    It reminds that we had a nuclear deal in place without a shot fired. The Strait of Hormuz was open and our Gulf State allies weren't taking incoming.

    168 school girls were alive and 18 American military personnel and hundred of others were uninjured.
    #war #Iran #JCPOA #Obama #Trump

    Just another thing President Obama did better than Trump .

  6. Veep JD Vance says ask Iran when the war will be over. The war we won early days?

    It reminds that we had a nuclear deal in place without a shot fired. The Strait of Hormuz was open and our Gulf State allies weren't taking incoming.

    168 school girls were alive and 18 American military personnel and hundred of others were uninjured.
    #war #Iran #JCPOA #Obama #Trump

    Just another thing President Obama did better than Trump .

  7. Veep JD Vance says ask Iran when the war will be over. The war we won early days?

    It reminds that we had a nuclear deal in place without a shot fired. The Strait of Hormuz was open and our Gulf State allies weren't taking incoming.

    168 school girls were alive and 18 American military personnel and hundred of others were uninjured.
    #war #Iran #JCPOA #Obama #Trump

    Just another thing President Obama did better than Trump .

  8. Veep JD Vance says ask Iran when the war will be over. The war we won early days?

    It reminds that we had a nuclear deal in place without a shot fired. The Strait of Hormuz was open and our Gulf State allies weren't taking incoming.

    168 school girls were alive and 18 American military personnel and hundred of others were uninjured.
    #war #Iran #JCPOA #Obama #Trump

    Just another thing President Obama did better than Trump .

  9. The Trump’s Avoidable Crisis: Looking Back at the Collapse of the Iran Nuclear Deal

    by Winston Wendell President Barack Obama defended the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with a blunt warning: “The choice we face is ultimately between diplomacy or some form of war.” Now, years later, I watch that warning turn painfully real. When Donald Trump pulled the United States out of a nuclear deal that had kept Tehran’s nuclear ambitions in check, his administration threw the country into a disaster of its own making. On the military front, this war’s a failure […]

    bluepress.blog/2026/07/27/the-

  10. The Trump’s Avoidable Crisis: Looking Back at the Collapse of the Iran Nuclear Deal

    by Winston Wendell President Barack Obama defended the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with a blunt warning: “The choice we face is ultimately between diplomacy or some form of war.” Now, years later, I watch that warning turn painfully real. When Donald Trump pulled the United States out of a nuclear deal that had kept Tehran’s nuclear ambitions in check, his administration threw the country into a disaster of its own making. On the military front, this war’s a failure […]

    bluepress.blog/2026/07/27/the-

  11. The Trump’s Avoidable Crisis: Looking Back at the Collapse of the Iran Nuclear Deal

    by Winston Wendell President Barack Obama defended the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with a blunt warning: “The choice we face is ultimately between diplomacy or some form of war.” Now, years later, I watch that warning turn painfully real. When Donald Trump pulled the United States out of a nuclear deal that had kept Tehran’s nuclear ambitions in check, his administration threw the country into a disaster of its own making. On the military front, this war’s a failure […]

    bluepress.blog/2026/07/27/the-

  12. The Trump’s Avoidable Crisis: Looking Back at the Collapse of the Iran Nuclear Deal

    by Winston Wendell President Barack Obama defended the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with a blunt warning: “The choice we face is ultimately between diplomacy or some form of war.” Now, years later, I watch that warning turn painfully real. When Donald Trump pulled the United States out of a nuclear deal that had kept Tehran’s nuclear ambitions in check, his administration threw the country into a disaster of its own making. On the military front, this war’s a failure […]

    bluepress.blog/2026/07/27/the-

  13. "Islamic Republic of Japan" ?
    Ich kann nicht mehr. Der alte #senile Präsident der #USA verliert wohl gerade die letzten Gehirnzellen.
    #JCPOA kann er auch nicht mehr buchstabieren. SARGT DEN DOCH ENDLICH EIN (politisch) !!
    #Trump

  14. "Islamic Republic of Japan" ?
    Ich kann nicht mehr. Der alte #senile Präsident der #USA verliert wohl gerade die letzten Gehirnzellen.
    #JCPOA kann er auch nicht mehr buchstabieren. SARGT DEN DOCH ENDLICH EIN (politisch) !!
    #Trump

  15. @wyatt_h_knott
    Actually, they were. When we had a SANE Potus who took his time to negotiate the #JCPOA without firing a shot (and no closure of the #StraitOfHormuz.)

  16. @wyatt_h_knott
    Actually, they were. When we had a SANE Potus who took his time to negotiate the #JCPOA without firing a shot (and no closure of the #StraitOfHormuz.)

  17. @wyatt_h_knott
    Actually, they were. When we had a SANE Potus who took his time to negotiate the #JCPOA without firing a shot (and no closure of the #StraitOfHormuz.)

  18. @wyatt_h_knott
    Actually, they were. When we had a SANE Potus who took his time to negotiate the #JCPOA without firing a shot (and no closure of the #StraitOfHormuz.)

  19. What Donald Trump would have to achieve to better Barack Obama’s Iran nuclear deal

    The Trump administration has been very vocal about how much it believes its peace agreement with Iran will…
    #Conflict #Conflicts #War #barackobama #DonaldTrump #Iran #irannucleardeal #JCPOA #jdvance #middleeast #middleeastcrisis #Tehran
    europesays.com/3088167/

  20. Meloni: The President's statements "are completely fabricated. I am frankly stunned. I don't know why the president of the United States behaves this way toward his own allies. After all, this isn't the first time this has happened."
    >Meloni was the only EU leader to attend Tr^mp's inauguration last year.
    UPI: Diplomat Cancels U.S. Trip Amid Argument Over Photo
    #fascist #USA #OurPutin #GOP #KKK #DEI #Italy #diplomacy #summit #illegal #war #Iran #IranWar #Obama #JCPOA
    upi.com/Top_News/World-News/20

  21. Meloni: The President's statements "are completely fabricated. I am frankly stunned. I don't know why the president of the United States behaves this way toward his own allies. After all, this isn't the first time this has happened."
    >Meloni was the only EU leader to attend Tr^mp's inauguration last year.
    UPI: Diplomat Cancels U.S. Trip Amid Argument Over Photo
    #fascist #USA #OurPutin #GOP #KKK #DEI #Italy #diplomacy #summit #illegal #war #Iran #IranWar #Obama #JCPOA
    upi.com/Top_News/World-News/20

  22. Meloni: The President's statements "are completely fabricated. I am frankly stunned. I don't know why the president of the United States behaves this way toward his own allies. After all, this isn't the first time this has happened."
    >Meloni was the only EU leader to attend Tr^mp's inauguration last year.
    UPI: Diplomat Cancels U.S. Trip Amid Argument Over Photo
    #fascist #USA #OurPutin #GOP #KKK #DEI #Italy #diplomacy #summit #illegal #war #Iran #IranWar #Obama #JCPOA
    upi.com/Top_News/World-News/20

  23. Meloni: The President's statements "are completely fabricated. I am frankly stunned. I don't know why the president of the United States behaves this way toward his own allies. After all, this isn't the first time this has happened."
    >Meloni was the only EU leader to attend Tr^mp's inauguration last year.
    UPI: Diplomat Cancels U.S. Trip Amid Argument Over Photo
    #fascist #USA #OurPutin #GOP #KKK #DEI #Italy #diplomacy #summit #illegal #war #Iran #IranWar #Obama #JCPOA
    upi.com/Top_News/World-News/20

  24. Trita Parsi: “The Curse of Endless War.”


    Article republished by Jerry Alatalo | June 19, 2026

    [Editor’s note: Trita Parsi writes, “Remember Afghanistan. For years, American officials lied to the public that victory was just around the corner — six months away, perhaps a year at most. Yet the Afghanistan Papers later revealed that these officials privately understood that victory was nowhere in sight. They knew the war was adrift, but feared the political consequences of admitting it.

    So the war continued. By the time the United States finally withdrew, nearly two decades had passed, and more than $2 trillion had been spent.

    And what was the end result? After twenty years of war, thousands of American and allied lives lost, and hundreds of thousands of Afghan casualties, the United States arrived back where it had begun: it had replaced the Taliban with the Taliban.

    That is the curse of endless war. The refusal to accept an unfavorable reality today merely guarantees a higher bill tomorrow.”

    Peace.]

    *

    Trump Ended His Idiotic Iran War. Good.

    US President Donald Trump (R) meets with the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (L) at the White House on February 11, in Washington DC (Avi Ohayon – GPO – Anadolu Agency)

    Was it worth it? Of course not. But comparing his Iran deal with Obama’s or decrying the terms risks falling into the same traps as previous presidents

    By Trita Parsi, Reposted from Responsible Statecraft, June 18, 2026

    I have spent years fighting against Trump’s push toward war with Iran, and I have the scars to prove it. When Trump withdrew from the JCPOA in 2018, I warned that it would eventually bring us to this moment. Ever since, I have consistently argued against the confrontational path he set the United States on. That record speaks for itself, which is why I can say what follows without any throat-clearing.

    Given the circumstances, President Trump’s decision to strike a deal with Tehran and bring this costly, unnecessary war to an end is the right one. It deserves support, not partisan second-guessing. As Rob Malley — a key member of Barack Obama’s team that negotiated the nuclear deal and later Joe Biden’s lead negotiator with Iran — noted on X, comparing Trump’s memorandum of understanding to Obama’s JCPOA misses the point. What matters is not how the agreement stacks up against past diplomatic achievements, but how it compares to the alternatives before us. And on that score, Malley argued, the MOU is “far preferable to any of the alternatives on offer. Period.”

    I would go further. To examine the Memorandum of Understanding and ask “Was the war worth it?” is nonsensical.

    Of course it wasn’t. How could it have been? The premise itself is deeply flawed: that a failed war of choice would somehow strengthen Washington’s hand at the negotiating table and produce more favorable terms. History offers little support for such a proposition.

    The question is also flawed in another, more consequential way. It implies that a war should not be brought to an end until it has produced better terms — even when the war itself is failing.

    Taken seriously, that logic leads to a dangerous conclusion: that a failed war must continue until the battlefield fortunes somehow improve and a more favorable outcome becomes attainable. Perhaps that day will come. Perhaps it never will. In the meantime, the costs — in lives, treasure, regional stability, and strategic credibility — are treated as secondary considerations.

    This is how endless wars are born.

    Wars become interminable when leaders convince themselves that ending them without victory is politically more costly than continuing them without hope. Once that trap is sprung, every setback becomes an argument for one more deployment, one more escalation, one more year. The objective shifts from achieving a realistic political outcome to avoiding the admission that the original objectives were unattainable.

    American history offers more than a few examples. Presidents inherit wars they did not start, recognize they cannot be won on the promised terms, yet lack the political space to end them. So they postpone the reckoning. They kick the can down the road, handing the burden to their successor, who does the same. The result is a cycle of strategic drift in which the costs accumulate while the prospects for success steadily recede.

    When victory is nowhere in sight, prolonging a conflict in the hope that reality will eventually conform to political rhetoric is not a resolution. It is denial.

    Remember Afghanistan. For years, American officials lied to the public that victory was just around the corner — six months away, perhaps a year at most. Yet the Afghanistan Papers later revealed that these officials privately understood that victory was nowhere in sight. They knew the war was adrift, but feared the political consequences of admitting it.

    So the war continued. By the time the United States finally withdrew, nearly two decades had passed, and more than $2 trillion had been spent.

    And what was the end result? After twenty years of war, thousands of American and allied lives lost, and hundreds of thousands of Afghan casualties, the United States arrived back where it had begun: it had replaced the Taliban with the Taliban.

    That is the curse of endless war. The refusal to accept an unfavorable reality today merely guarantees a higher bill tomorrow.

    Some credit must be given to Trump for breaking this pattern, even as he should be blamed for having started this war in the first place. Political leaders should be judged not only for the mistakes they make, but also for whether they have the courage to correct them.

    Trump could have followed the well-worn path of his predecessors. He could have prolonged the conflict, spent more money, sacrificed more lives, destabilized more economies, and further depleted American power — all while insisting that victory remained just over the horizon. Recall the countless times he declared that the war had been won.

    Indeed, the political costs of continuing the war would likely have been lower than the costs he is paying today for ending it. In American politics, there is often greater punishment for acknowledging failure than for perpetuating it.

    That perverse incentive has trapped presidents for decades. In his testimony on the Vietnam War before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 1966, George Kennan stated the following: “There is more respect to be won in the opinion of the world by a resolute and courageous liquidation of unsound policies than by the most stubborn pursuit of extravagant or unpromising objectives.”

    The criticism coming from some Democrats is particularly disappointing because it echoes the same bad-faith tactics Republicans deployed against the JCPOA in 2015. To be sure, Trump has invited some of this treatment. He spent years attacking Obama’s agreement with a barrage of misleading arguments and exaggerated claims.

    But that does not make it wise for Democrats to return the favor.

    Trump currently owns this failed war, but if the Democrats help torpedo the MOU and war resumes, then they will co-own the next war. Trump’s disaster will become theirs as well.

    This isn’t rocket science. Several Democratic lawmakers have managed to criticize the war, hold Trump accountable for it, yet avoid attack lines that could sabotage the MOU. Their criticisms are primarily over Trump having started this war in the first place, rather than the terms for ending it.

    Rather than attacking the terms of the MOU, Democrats should pressure the administration to protect it from those who are determined to see it fail. The main external threat is the Israeli government and Benjamin Netanyahu’s obsession with sabotaging any opportunity for Iran and the United States to bury the hatchet.

    Instead of relying solely on angry phone calls and public rebukes of Netanyahu, supporters of ending the war should press Trump to act now: suspend military aid to Israel and curtail military and intelligence cooperation. Such measures would limit Israel’s ability to reignite the conflict and dispel any notion in Tel Aviv that Washington will automatically follow Israel into another war. If Israeli leaders understand that the United States will not be drawn into a future conflict on their behalf, their incentive to start one in the first place will be significantly reduced.

    The task now is not to reward Trump politically, nor to excuse the recklessness that produced this war. It is to prevent the war from returning. Democrats can condemn the decision to start it without sabotaging the agreement that ends it. They can hold Trump accountable without helping Netanyahu drag the United States back into conflict. The choice before them is not between opposing Trump and supporting peace. It is between learning from America’s endless wars and repeating them.

    Trita Parsi is the co-founder and Executive Vice President of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft.

    *

    (Source: IsraelPalestineNews.org)

    #BenjaminNetanyahu #DonaldTrump #Iran #Israel #JCPOA #Lebanon #UnitedNations
  25. Trita Parsi: “The Curse of Endless War.”


    Article republished by Jerry Alatalo | June 19, 2026

    [Editor’s note: Trita Parsi writes, “Remember Afghanistan. For years, American officials lied to the public that victory was just around the corner — six months away, perhaps a year at most. Yet the Afghanistan Papers later revealed that these officials privately understood that victory was nowhere in sight. They knew the war was adrift, but feared the political consequences of admitting it.

    So the war continued. By the time the United States finally withdrew, nearly two decades had passed, and more than $2 trillion had been spent.

    And what was the end result? After twenty years of war, thousands of American and allied lives lost, and hundreds of thousands of Afghan casualties, the United States arrived back where it had begun: it had replaced the Taliban with the Taliban.

    That is the curse of endless war. The refusal to accept an unfavorable reality today merely guarantees a higher bill tomorrow.”

    Peace.]

    *

    Trump Ended His Idiotic Iran War. Good.

    US President Donald Trump (R) meets with the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (L) at the White House on February 11, in Washington DC (Avi Ohayon – GPO – Anadolu Agency)

    Was it worth it? Of course not. But comparing his Iran deal with Obama’s or decrying the terms risks falling into the same traps as previous presidents

    By Trita Parsi, Reposted from Responsible Statecraft, June 18, 2026

    I have spent years fighting against Trump’s push toward war with Iran, and I have the scars to prove it. When Trump withdrew from the JCPOA in 2018, I warned that it would eventually bring us to this moment. Ever since, I have consistently argued against the confrontational path he set the United States on. That record speaks for itself, which is why I can say what follows without any throat-clearing.

    Given the circumstances, President Trump’s decision to strike a deal with Tehran and bring this costly, unnecessary war to an end is the right one. It deserves support, not partisan second-guessing. As Rob Malley — a key member of Barack Obama’s team that negotiated the nuclear deal and later Joe Biden’s lead negotiator with Iran — noted on X, comparing Trump’s memorandum of understanding to Obama’s JCPOA misses the point. What matters is not how the agreement stacks up against past diplomatic achievements, but how it compares to the alternatives before us. And on that score, Malley argued, the MOU is “far preferable to any of the alternatives on offer. Period.”

    I would go further. To examine the Memorandum of Understanding and ask “Was the war worth it?” is nonsensical.

    Of course it wasn’t. How could it have been? The premise itself is deeply flawed: that a failed war of choice would somehow strengthen Washington’s hand at the negotiating table and produce more favorable terms. History offers little support for such a proposition.

    The question is also flawed in another, more consequential way. It implies that a war should not be brought to an end until it has produced better terms — even when the war itself is failing.

    Taken seriously, that logic leads to a dangerous conclusion: that a failed war must continue until the battlefield fortunes somehow improve and a more favorable outcome becomes attainable. Perhaps that day will come. Perhaps it never will. In the meantime, the costs — in lives, treasure, regional stability, and strategic credibility — are treated as secondary considerations.

    This is how endless wars are born.

    Wars become interminable when leaders convince themselves that ending them without victory is politically more costly than continuing them without hope. Once that trap is sprung, every setback becomes an argument for one more deployment, one more escalation, one more year. The objective shifts from achieving a realistic political outcome to avoiding the admission that the original objectives were unattainable.

    American history offers more than a few examples. Presidents inherit wars they did not start, recognize they cannot be won on the promised terms, yet lack the political space to end them. So they postpone the reckoning. They kick the can down the road, handing the burden to their successor, who does the same. The result is a cycle of strategic drift in which the costs accumulate while the prospects for success steadily recede.

    When victory is nowhere in sight, prolonging a conflict in the hope that reality will eventually conform to political rhetoric is not a resolution. It is denial.

    Remember Afghanistan. For years, American officials lied to the public that victory was just around the corner — six months away, perhaps a year at most. Yet the Afghanistan Papers later revealed that these officials privately understood that victory was nowhere in sight. They knew the war was adrift, but feared the political consequences of admitting it.

    So the war continued. By the time the United States finally withdrew, nearly two decades had passed, and more than $2 trillion had been spent.

    And what was the end result? After twenty years of war, thousands of American and allied lives lost, and hundreds of thousands of Afghan casualties, the United States arrived back where it had begun: it had replaced the Taliban with the Taliban.

    That is the curse of endless war. The refusal to accept an unfavorable reality today merely guarantees a higher bill tomorrow.

    Some credit must be given to Trump for breaking this pattern, even as he should be blamed for having started this war in the first place. Political leaders should be judged not only for the mistakes they make, but also for whether they have the courage to correct them.

    Trump could have followed the well-worn path of his predecessors. He could have prolonged the conflict, spent more money, sacrificed more lives, destabilized more economies, and further depleted American power — all while insisting that victory remained just over the horizon. Recall the countless times he declared that the war had been won.

    Indeed, the political costs of continuing the war would likely have been lower than the costs he is paying today for ending it. In American politics, there is often greater punishment for acknowledging failure than for perpetuating it.

    That perverse incentive has trapped presidents for decades. In his testimony on the Vietnam War before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 1966, George Kennan stated the following: “There is more respect to be won in the opinion of the world by a resolute and courageous liquidation of unsound policies than by the most stubborn pursuit of extravagant or unpromising objectives.”

    The criticism coming from some Democrats is particularly disappointing because it echoes the same bad-faith tactics Republicans deployed against the JCPOA in 2015. To be sure, Trump has invited some of this treatment. He spent years attacking Obama’s agreement with a barrage of misleading arguments and exaggerated claims.

    But that does not make it wise for Democrats to return the favor.

    Trump currently owns this failed war, but if the Democrats help torpedo the MOU and war resumes, then they will co-own the next war. Trump’s disaster will become theirs as well.

    This isn’t rocket science. Several Democratic lawmakers have managed to criticize the war, hold Trump accountable for it, yet avoid attack lines that could sabotage the MOU. Their criticisms are primarily over Trump having started this war in the first place, rather than the terms for ending it.

    Rather than attacking the terms of the MOU, Democrats should pressure the administration to protect it from those who are determined to see it fail. The main external threat is the Israeli government and Benjamin Netanyahu’s obsession with sabotaging any opportunity for Iran and the United States to bury the hatchet.

    Instead of relying solely on angry phone calls and public rebukes of Netanyahu, supporters of ending the war should press Trump to act now: suspend military aid to Israel and curtail military and intelligence cooperation. Such measures would limit Israel’s ability to reignite the conflict and dispel any notion in Tel Aviv that Washington will automatically follow Israel into another war. If Israeli leaders understand that the United States will not be drawn into a future conflict on their behalf, their incentive to start one in the first place will be significantly reduced.

    The task now is not to reward Trump politically, nor to excuse the recklessness that produced this war. It is to prevent the war from returning. Democrats can condemn the decision to start it without sabotaging the agreement that ends it. They can hold Trump accountable without helping Netanyahu drag the United States back into conflict. The choice before them is not between opposing Trump and supporting peace. It is between learning from America’s endless wars and repeating them.

    Trita Parsi is the co-founder and Executive Vice President of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft.

    *

    (Source: IsraelPalestineNews.org)

    #BenjaminNetanyahu #DonaldTrump #Iran #Israel #JCPOA #Lebanon #UnitedNations
  26. Trita Parsi: “The Curse of Endless War.”


    Article republished by Jerry Alatalo | June 19, 2026

    [Editor’s note: Trita Parsi writes, “Remember Afghanistan. For years, American officials lied to the public that victory was just around the corner — six months away, perhaps a year at most. Yet the Afghanistan Papers later revealed that these officials privately understood that victory was nowhere in sight. They knew the war was adrift, but feared the political consequences of admitting it.

    So the war continued. By the time the United States finally withdrew, nearly two decades had passed, and more than $2 trillion had been spent.

    And what was the end result? After twenty years of war, thousands of American and allied lives lost, and hundreds of thousands of Afghan casualties, the United States arrived back where it had begun: it had replaced the Taliban with the Taliban.

    That is the curse of endless war. The refusal to accept an unfavorable reality today merely guarantees a higher bill tomorrow.”

    Peace.]

    *

    Trump Ended His Idiotic Iran War. Good.

    US President Donald Trump (R) meets with the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (L) at the White House on February 11, in Washington DC (Avi Ohayon – GPO – Anadolu Agency)

    Was it worth it? Of course not. But comparing his Iran deal with Obama’s or decrying the terms risks falling into the same traps as previous presidents

    By Trita Parsi, Reposted from Responsible Statecraft, June 18, 2026

    I have spent years fighting against Trump’s push toward war with Iran, and I have the scars to prove it. When Trump withdrew from the JCPOA in 2018, I warned that it would eventually bring us to this moment. Ever since, I have consistently argued against the confrontational path he set the United States on. That record speaks for itself, which is why I can say what follows without any throat-clearing.

    Given the circumstances, President Trump’s decision to strike a deal with Tehran and bring this costly, unnecessary war to an end is the right one. It deserves support, not partisan second-guessing. As Rob Malley — a key member of Barack Obama’s team that negotiated the nuclear deal and later Joe Biden’s lead negotiator with Iran — noted on X, comparing Trump’s memorandum of understanding to Obama’s JCPOA misses the point. What matters is not how the agreement stacks up against past diplomatic achievements, but how it compares to the alternatives before us. And on that score, Malley argued, the MOU is “far preferable to any of the alternatives on offer. Period.”

    I would go further. To examine the Memorandum of Understanding and ask “Was the war worth it?” is nonsensical.

    Of course it wasn’t. How could it have been? The premise itself is deeply flawed: that a failed war of choice would somehow strengthen Washington’s hand at the negotiating table and produce more favorable terms. History offers little support for such a proposition.

    The question is also flawed in another, more consequential way. It implies that a war should not be brought to an end until it has produced better terms — even when the war itself is failing.

    Taken seriously, that logic leads to a dangerous conclusion: that a failed war must continue until the battlefield fortunes somehow improve and a more favorable outcome becomes attainable. Perhaps that day will come. Perhaps it never will. In the meantime, the costs — in lives, treasure, regional stability, and strategic credibility — are treated as secondary considerations.

    This is how endless wars are born.

    Wars become interminable when leaders convince themselves that ending them without victory is politically more costly than continuing them without hope. Once that trap is sprung, every setback becomes an argument for one more deployment, one more escalation, one more year. The objective shifts from achieving a realistic political outcome to avoiding the admission that the original objectives were unattainable.

    American history offers more than a few examples. Presidents inherit wars they did not start, recognize they cannot be won on the promised terms, yet lack the political space to end them. So they postpone the reckoning. They kick the can down the road, handing the burden to their successor, who does the same. The result is a cycle of strategic drift in which the costs accumulate while the prospects for success steadily recede.

    When victory is nowhere in sight, prolonging a conflict in the hope that reality will eventually conform to political rhetoric is not a resolution. It is denial.

    Remember Afghanistan. For years, American officials lied to the public that victory was just around the corner — six months away, perhaps a year at most. Yet the Afghanistan Papers later revealed that these officials privately understood that victory was nowhere in sight. They knew the war was adrift, but feared the political consequences of admitting it.

    So the war continued. By the time the United States finally withdrew, nearly two decades had passed, and more than $2 trillion had been spent.

    And what was the end result? After twenty years of war, thousands of American and allied lives lost, and hundreds of thousands of Afghan casualties, the United States arrived back where it had begun: it had replaced the Taliban with the Taliban.

    That is the curse of endless war. The refusal to accept an unfavorable reality today merely guarantees a higher bill tomorrow.

    Some credit must be given to Trump for breaking this pattern, even as he should be blamed for having started this war in the first place. Political leaders should be judged not only for the mistakes they make, but also for whether they have the courage to correct them.

    Trump could have followed the well-worn path of his predecessors. He could have prolonged the conflict, spent more money, sacrificed more lives, destabilized more economies, and further depleted American power — all while insisting that victory remained just over the horizon. Recall the countless times he declared that the war had been won.

    Indeed, the political costs of continuing the war would likely have been lower than the costs he is paying today for ending it. In American politics, there is often greater punishment for acknowledging failure than for perpetuating it.

    That perverse incentive has trapped presidents for decades. In his testimony on the Vietnam War before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 1966, George Kennan stated the following: “There is more respect to be won in the opinion of the world by a resolute and courageous liquidation of unsound policies than by the most stubborn pursuit of extravagant or unpromising objectives.”

    The criticism coming from some Democrats is particularly disappointing because it echoes the same bad-faith tactics Republicans deployed against the JCPOA in 2015. To be sure, Trump has invited some of this treatment. He spent years attacking Obama’s agreement with a barrage of misleading arguments and exaggerated claims.

    But that does not make it wise for Democrats to return the favor.

    Trump currently owns this failed war, but if the Democrats help torpedo the MOU and war resumes, then they will co-own the next war. Trump’s disaster will become theirs as well.

    This isn’t rocket science. Several Democratic lawmakers have managed to criticize the war, hold Trump accountable for it, yet avoid attack lines that could sabotage the MOU. Their criticisms are primarily over Trump having started this war in the first place, rather than the terms for ending it.

    Rather than attacking the terms of the MOU, Democrats should pressure the administration to protect it from those who are determined to see it fail. The main external threat is the Israeli government and Benjamin Netanyahu’s obsession with sabotaging any opportunity for Iran and the United States to bury the hatchet.

    Instead of relying solely on angry phone calls and public rebukes of Netanyahu, supporters of ending the war should press Trump to act now: suspend military aid to Israel and curtail military and intelligence cooperation. Such measures would limit Israel’s ability to reignite the conflict and dispel any notion in Tel Aviv that Washington will automatically follow Israel into another war. If Israeli leaders understand that the United States will not be drawn into a future conflict on their behalf, their incentive to start one in the first place will be significantly reduced.

    The task now is not to reward Trump politically, nor to excuse the recklessness that produced this war. It is to prevent the war from returning. Democrats can condemn the decision to start it without sabotaging the agreement that ends it. They can hold Trump accountable without helping Netanyahu drag the United States back into conflict. The choice before them is not between opposing Trump and supporting peace. It is between learning from America’s endless wars and repeating them.

    Trita Parsi is the co-founder and Executive Vice President of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft.

    *

    (Source: IsraelPalestineNews.org)

    #BenjaminNetanyahu #DonaldTrump #Iran #Israel #JCPOA #Lebanon #UnitedNations
  27. Trita Parsi: “The Curse of Endless War.”


    Article republished by Jerry Alatalo | June 19, 2026

    [Editor’s note: Trita Parsi writes, “Remember Afghanistan. For years, American officials lied to the public that victory was just around the corner — six months away, perhaps a year at most. Yet the Afghanistan Papers later revealed that these officials privately understood that victory was nowhere in sight. They knew the war was adrift, but feared the political consequences of admitting it.

    So the war continued. By the time the United States finally withdrew, nearly two decades had passed, and more than $2 trillion had been spent.

    And what was the end result? After twenty years of war, thousands of American and allied lives lost, and hundreds of thousands of Afghan casualties, the United States arrived back where it had begun: it had replaced the Taliban with the Taliban.

    That is the curse of endless war. The refusal to accept an unfavorable reality today merely guarantees a higher bill tomorrow.”

    Peace.]

    *

    Trump Ended His Idiotic Iran War. Good.

    US President Donald Trump (R) meets with the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (L) at the White House on February 11, in Washington DC (Avi Ohayon – GPO – Anadolu Agency)

    Was it worth it? Of course not. But comparing his Iran deal with Obama’s or decrying the terms risks falling into the same traps as previous presidents

    By Trita Parsi, Reposted from Responsible Statecraft, June 18, 2026

    I have spent years fighting against Trump’s push toward war with Iran, and I have the scars to prove it. When Trump withdrew from the JCPOA in 2018, I warned that it would eventually bring us to this moment. Ever since, I have consistently argued against the confrontational path he set the United States on. That record speaks for itself, which is why I can say what follows without any throat-clearing.

    Given the circumstances, President Trump’s decision to strike a deal with Tehran and bring this costly, unnecessary war to an end is the right one. It deserves support, not partisan second-guessing. As Rob Malley — a key member of Barack Obama’s team that negotiated the nuclear deal and later Joe Biden’s lead negotiator with Iran — noted on X, comparing Trump’s memorandum of understanding to Obama’s JCPOA misses the point. What matters is not how the agreement stacks up against past diplomatic achievements, but how it compares to the alternatives before us. And on that score, Malley argued, the MOU is “far preferable to any of the alternatives on offer. Period.”

    I would go further. To examine the Memorandum of Understanding and ask “Was the war worth it?” is nonsensical.

    Of course it wasn’t. How could it have been? The premise itself is deeply flawed: that a failed war of choice would somehow strengthen Washington’s hand at the negotiating table and produce more favorable terms. History offers little support for such a proposition.

    The question is also flawed in another, more consequential way. It implies that a war should not be brought to an end until it has produced better terms — even when the war itself is failing.

    Taken seriously, that logic leads to a dangerous conclusion: that a failed war must continue until the battlefield fortunes somehow improve and a more favorable outcome becomes attainable. Perhaps that day will come. Perhaps it never will. In the meantime, the costs — in lives, treasure, regional stability, and strategic credibility — are treated as secondary considerations.

    This is how endless wars are born.

    Wars become interminable when leaders convince themselves that ending them without victory is politically more costly than continuing them without hope. Once that trap is sprung, every setback becomes an argument for one more deployment, one more escalation, one more year. The objective shifts from achieving a realistic political outcome to avoiding the admission that the original objectives were unattainable.

    American history offers more than a few examples. Presidents inherit wars they did not start, recognize they cannot be won on the promised terms, yet lack the political space to end them. So they postpone the reckoning. They kick the can down the road, handing the burden to their successor, who does the same. The result is a cycle of strategic drift in which the costs accumulate while the prospects for success steadily recede.

    When victory is nowhere in sight, prolonging a conflict in the hope that reality will eventually conform to political rhetoric is not a resolution. It is denial.

    Remember Afghanistan. For years, American officials lied to the public that victory was just around the corner — six months away, perhaps a year at most. Yet the Afghanistan Papers later revealed that these officials privately understood that victory was nowhere in sight. They knew the war was adrift, but feared the political consequences of admitting it.

    So the war continued. By the time the United States finally withdrew, nearly two decades had passed, and more than $2 trillion had been spent.

    And what was the end result? After twenty years of war, thousands of American and allied lives lost, and hundreds of thousands of Afghan casualties, the United States arrived back where it had begun: it had replaced the Taliban with the Taliban.

    That is the curse of endless war. The refusal to accept an unfavorable reality today merely guarantees a higher bill tomorrow.

    Some credit must be given to Trump for breaking this pattern, even as he should be blamed for having started this war in the first place. Political leaders should be judged not only for the mistakes they make, but also for whether they have the courage to correct them.

    Trump could have followed the well-worn path of his predecessors. He could have prolonged the conflict, spent more money, sacrificed more lives, destabilized more economies, and further depleted American power — all while insisting that victory remained just over the horizon. Recall the countless times he declared that the war had been won.

    Indeed, the political costs of continuing the war would likely have been lower than the costs he is paying today for ending it. In American politics, there is often greater punishment for acknowledging failure than for perpetuating it.

    That perverse incentive has trapped presidents for decades. In his testimony on the Vietnam War before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 1966, George Kennan stated the following: “There is more respect to be won in the opinion of the world by a resolute and courageous liquidation of unsound policies than by the most stubborn pursuit of extravagant or unpromising objectives.”

    The criticism coming from some Democrats is particularly disappointing because it echoes the same bad-faith tactics Republicans deployed against the JCPOA in 2015. To be sure, Trump has invited some of this treatment. He spent years attacking Obama’s agreement with a barrage of misleading arguments and exaggerated claims.

    But that does not make it wise for Democrats to return the favor.

    Trump currently owns this failed war, but if the Democrats help torpedo the MOU and war resumes, then they will co-own the next war. Trump’s disaster will become theirs as well.

    This isn’t rocket science. Several Democratic lawmakers have managed to criticize the war, hold Trump accountable for it, yet avoid attack lines that could sabotage the MOU. Their criticisms are primarily over Trump having started this war in the first place, rather than the terms for ending it.

    Rather than attacking the terms of the MOU, Democrats should pressure the administration to protect it from those who are determined to see it fail. The main external threat is the Israeli government and Benjamin Netanyahu’s obsession with sabotaging any opportunity for Iran and the United States to bury the hatchet.

    Instead of relying solely on angry phone calls and public rebukes of Netanyahu, supporters of ending the war should press Trump to act now: suspend military aid to Israel and curtail military and intelligence cooperation. Such measures would limit Israel’s ability to reignite the conflict and dispel any notion in Tel Aviv that Washington will automatically follow Israel into another war. If Israeli leaders understand that the United States will not be drawn into a future conflict on their behalf, their incentive to start one in the first place will be significantly reduced.

    The task now is not to reward Trump politically, nor to excuse the recklessness that produced this war. It is to prevent the war from returning. Democrats can condemn the decision to start it without sabotaging the agreement that ends it. They can hold Trump accountable without helping Netanyahu drag the United States back into conflict. The choice before them is not between opposing Trump and supporting peace. It is between learning from America’s endless wars and repeating them.

    Trita Parsi is the co-founder and Executive Vice President of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft.

    *

    (Source: IsraelPalestineNews.org)

    #BenjaminNetanyahu #DonaldTrump #Iran #Israel #JCPOA #Lebanon #UnitedNations
  28. Congratulations 🎊 to corrupt rapist Red Don and his team of “negotiators” 🤣🤣 who sacrificed American lives and perhaps $50B or more of our tax dollars to achieve a worse outcome in every respect than the #JCPOA.

    And also congrats to #AIPAC and every other pro-#Israel person or organization opposed to the JCPOA for their assistance in this effort. Couldn’t’ve done it without you!

    Together you’re Making #Iran Great Again.

    Idiots.

    #Amerika #impeach47 #resist #Ω #donotcomply #crushICE

  29. Congratulations 🎊 to corrupt rapist Red Don and his team of “negotiators” 🤣🤣 who sacrificed American lives and perhaps $50B or more of our tax dollars to achieve a worse outcome in every respect than the #JCPOA.

    And also congrats to #AIPAC and every other pro-#Israel person or organization opposed to the JCPOA for their assistance in this effort. Couldn’t’ve done it without you!

    Together you’re Making #Iran Great Again.

    Idiots.

    #Amerika #impeach47 #resist #Ω #donotcomply #crushICE