#hectorllaitul — Public Fediverse posts

Héctor Llaitul recibe distinción en Francia por lucha mapuche: para el capitalismo chileno es conspiración internacional

https://tardigram.com/m/Politica/t/75529

📰 Quién es Rodrigo Arenas, el diputado franco-chileno que entregó medalla de honor a Héctor Llaitul
🔗 https://www.biobiochile.cl/noticias/bbcl-explica/bbcl-explica-notas/2026/09/16/quien-es-rodrigo-arenas-el-diputado-franco-chileno-que-entrego-medalla-de-honor-a-hector-llaitul.shtml

#rodrigoarenas #hectorllaitul #diputadofrancochileno

📰 Héctor Llaitul, condenado a 23 años en Chile, recibe medalla de la Asamblea Nacional de Francia
🔗 https://www.biobiochile.cl/noticias/nacional/chile/2026/09/16/hector-llaitul-condenado-a-23-anos-en-chile-recibe-medalla-de-la-asamblea-nacional-de-francia.shtml

#hectorllaitul #condenado #chile #medalla #asambleanacional

Héctor Llaitul: Brief Balance of the Fascist Offensive

In our analysis, the first thing we can affirm is that the previous Chilean government, of a “progressive” nature, has been responsible for opening the doors to the extreme right. This phenomenon has been a constant in different countries where fascism has been reinstated in recent times. Situation that contributes to confusing people. The “pseudo-progressives” present themselves by pretending to be what they are not, which ends up being misleading. Disoriented and deceived, people end up voting almost as punishment for an option that harms them in the long run. The responsibility for the vacuum used by “progressivism” is the same as that of the traditional left, which has not only been defeated, but is assumed as such, losing lines and principles.

If we stop at the behavior of progressives in the different countries that have managed to come to power, they end up administering the neoliberal model. This can be observed, for example, in Spain after the end of Franco’s dictatorship. The figure of Felipe González, an example for transitional Chile and who seemed to support a radical discourse, very soon ended up managing the model with privatizations and anti-popular measures. In Chile, the Boric Government immediately showed its true liberal essence, which brought with it disastrous consequences for the Mapuche people. It was with less concealment than the González school. Similar experiences were lived in neighboring countries, in Brazil with Lula, Ecuador with Correa, Morales in Bolivia and with the Kischners in Argentina, where the reactionary right just waited their turn.

Without a doubt, the Latin American extreme right turned out to be the most protected and subordinated to the American machinery, subjected and functional to the Yankee multinational corporations. In recent times, North American policy has not forgiven and its domination even occurs in a warlike logic: the case of Venezuela and Cuba. Perhaps for the same reason we can understand why the progressives in Chile were so fierce and cruel to persecute and repress the Mapuche and all other expressions of resistance, fully submitting to the prevailing post-dictatorship system and creating the conditions for a new neo-fascist and neo-colonial offensive. Now, with a far-right government and with many Pinochet supporters in power, the progressives have only limited themselves to negotiating, using the same Constitution that they were supposed to want to change, manipulating the social and political movement. Movement that will certainly protest again while they have to wait quietly for another 4 years attached to the institutional path. Because they only want positions and end up accepting compromises from those in power.

In this context, it should not be forgotten that Boric and the parties of his alliance left a much more repressive and modernized institutional framework of an openly anti-Mapuche nature, as was not known (Naim Retamal Law, Antitomas Law, Permanent Militarization, Anti-Terrorist Law, etc.). Regulations that extend to the social reality of the oppressed in general. They left everything ready, today the fascists only have to administer and apply the inherited measures.

To better understand the change of government within the framework of interbourgeois power, it is important to review the rearrangement of big capital in the Mapuche ancestral territory. Our analysis in this regard is that today, as an oppressed people, we must continue fighting mainly against the capitalist system. Along these lines, the enemy of the Mapuche cause are all capitalist investments in Wallmapu, primarily forestry investments because they support the largest property system usurped against the communities, especially those that once had a project to rearticulate lof and broader territorial spaces for the true composition of the Mapuche Nation People. The fight is mainly against them because of the serious effects that monocultures represent for our ñuke mapu and for the ecosystem in general.

Along with the fight against forestry companies, there is also a fight against different capitalist investment projects that attack communities, an occupation based on dispossession and mechanisms of economic control of the territory, an occupation by “accumulation by dispossession.” We are talking about megaprojects of all kinds that invade and prey on our ancestral territories, read hydroelectric plants, wind projects, real estate, mining, roads, etc., where large corporations, big capital, appropriate assets, lands and rights of communities to generate profits.

Likewise, the so-called “clean energy projects” are a chimera, given that they are installed in usurped spaces. We have already maintained that the last administrations have openly committed to maintaining the system of dispossession at any cost. A reality that only favors large economic groups, and although they include proposals under more “friendly” silvo-agricultural models, they share an extractivist sense that also affects and denigrates Mapuche culture. Not only due to the transformation of the territory at the service of capitalism but also due to the imposition of a pro-capitalist, Western colonial logic that greatly impacts the Mapuche social, political, ideological and cultural fabric.

Faced with this framework, we must sustain our proposal of struggle based on the resistance and reconstruction of our nation people against all expressions of globalized capitalism. Our main definitions are to confront global imperialism and the local colonialist dispossession that we suffer from the oligarchy and the bourgeois state. In this sense, we must reaffirm that we will maintain an autonomist and revolutionary Mapuche movement, with clearly anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist definitions. Bases to build a great process of Mapuche National liberation.

Amulepe taiñ weichan!!
Freedom to all Mapuche political prisoners!!

SOURCE: Vocesenlucha

by Héctor Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca /Resumen Latinoamericano, June 16, 2026

Héctor Llaitul: Brief Balance of the Fascist Offensive

In our analysis, the first thing we can affirm is that the previous Chilean government, of a “progressive” nature, has been responsible for opening the doors to the extreme right. This phenomenon has been a constant in different countries where fascism has been reinstated in recent times. Situation that contributes to confusing people. The “pseudo-progressives” present themselves by pretending to be what they are not, which ends up being misleading. Disoriented and deceived, people end up voting almost as punishment for an option that harms them in the long run. The responsibility for the vacuum used by “progressivism” is the same as that of the traditional left, which has not only been defeated, but is assumed as such, losing lines and principles.

If we stop at the behavior of progressives in the different countries that have managed to come to power, they end up administering the neoliberal model. This can be observed, for example, in Spain after the end of Franco’s dictatorship. The figure of Felipe González, an example for transitional Chile and who seemed to support a radical discourse, very soon ended up managing the model with privatizations and anti-popular measures. In Chile, the Boric Government immediately showed its true liberal essence, which brought with it disastrous consequences for the Mapuche people. It was with less concealment than the González school. Similar experiences were lived in neighboring countries, in Brazil with Lula, Ecuador with Correa, Morales in Bolivia and with the Kischners in Argentina, where the reactionary right just waited their turn.

Without a doubt, the Latin American extreme right turned out to be the most protected and subordinated to the American machinery, subjected and functional to the Yankee multinational corporations. In recent times, North American policy has not forgiven and its domination even occurs in a warlike logic: the case of Venezuela and Cuba. Perhaps for the same reason we can understand why the progressives in Chile were so fierce and cruel to persecute and repress the Mapuche and all other expressions of resistance, fully submitting to the prevailing post-dictatorship system and creating the conditions for a new neo-fascist and neo-colonial offensive. Now, with a far-right government and with many Pinochet supporters in power, the progressives have only limited themselves to negotiating, using the same Constitution that they were supposed to want to change, manipulating the social and political movement. Movement that will certainly protest again while they have to wait quietly for another 4 years attached to the institutional path. Because they only want positions and end up accepting compromises from those in power.

In this context, it should not be forgotten that Boric and the parties of his alliance left a much more repressive and modernized institutional framework of an openly anti-Mapuche nature, as was not known (Naim Retamal Law, Antitomas Law, Permanent Militarization, Anti-Terrorist Law, etc.). Regulations that extend to the social reality of the oppressed in general. They left everything ready, today the fascists only have to administer and apply the inherited measures.

To better understand the change of government within the framework of interbourgeois power, it is important to review the rearrangement of big capital in the Mapuche ancestral territory. Our analysis in this regard is that today, as an oppressed people, we must continue fighting mainly against the capitalist system. Along these lines, the enemy of the Mapuche cause are all capitalist investments in Wallmapu, primarily forestry investments because they support the largest property system usurped against the communities, especially those that once had a project to rearticulate lof and broader territorial spaces for the true composition of the Mapuche Nation People. The fight is mainly against them because of the serious effects that monocultures represent for our ñuke mapu and for the ecosystem in general.

Along with the fight against forestry companies, there is also a fight against different capitalist investment projects that attack communities, an occupation based on dispossession and mechanisms of economic control of the territory, an occupation by “accumulation by dispossession.” We are talking about megaprojects of all kinds that invade and prey on our ancestral territories, read hydroelectric plants, wind projects, real estate, mining, roads, etc., where large corporations, big capital, appropriate assets, lands and rights of communities to generate profits.

Likewise, the so-called “clean energy projects” are a chimera, given that they are installed in usurped spaces. We have already maintained that the last administrations have openly committed to maintaining the system of dispossession at any cost. A reality that only favors large economic groups, and although they include proposals under more “friendly” silvo-agricultural models, they share an extractivist sense that also affects and denigrates Mapuche culture. Not only due to the transformation of the territory at the service of capitalism but also due to the imposition of a pro-capitalist, Western colonial logic that greatly impacts the Mapuche social, political, ideological and cultural fabric.

Faced with this framework, we must sustain our proposal of struggle based on the resistance and reconstruction of our nation people against all expressions of globalized capitalism. Our main definitions are to confront global imperialism and the local colonialist dispossession that we suffer from the oligarchy and the bourgeois state. In this sense, we must reaffirm that we will maintain an autonomist and revolutionary Mapuche movement, with clearly anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist definitions. Bases to build a great process of Mapuche National liberation.

Amulepe taiñ weichan!!
Freedom to all Mapuche political prisoners!!

SOURCE: Vocesenlucha

by Héctor Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca /Resumen Latinoamericano, June 16, 2026

Héctor Llaitul: Boric’s Role in the Neofascist Offensive in Wallmapu

The Boric administration will be remembered as the worst of the post-dictatorship governments for the struggle of the Mapuche Nation. An assessment of the actions carried out by his administration highlights:

– Militarization of Wallmapu through the bellicose States of Emergency, which were maintained permanently throughout his four years in office.

– The failed Peace and Understanding Agreement, which turned out to be a farce and a mockery of the communities, which is why it received widespread rejection from the entire Mapuche movement. Its most concrete result was the complete lack of land restitution.

– Modernization of the State’s repressive apparatus, which involved, among other things, the acquisition of Israeli technology for police use and abuse in Wallmapu.

– Reestablishment of the National Security Doctrine, which provided the ideological framework for persecution and repression, as during the Pinochet dictatorship, and which currently defines the Mapuche people as the internal enemy of the Chilean State.

– Continued criminalization of the Mapuche cause through much harsher legislation, which includes even more cruel and repressive laws and regulations, such as the anti-land occupation law, designed to return land to forestry companies. The Naím Retamal law, or “trigger-happy” law, grants impunity to police and military personnel who commit acts of repression. The refinement of the Anti-Terrorist Law extends to the persecution of even the support networks of those who struggle.

– Persecution and imprisonment of the largest number of Mapuche community members ever seen under previous governments, now exceeding 150 Mapuche Political Prisoners (MPPs). These prisoners are subjected to degrading treatment and violations of their political and cultural rights, including cases of torture.

– Repression of all demonstrations and movements for the essential rights of the Mapuche Nation, primarily those concerning land reclamation, where progress in territorial restitution for many communities was also halted. This was achieved through repressive policies carried out by judges, police, and prosecutors, many of whom are known to be anti-Mapuche and operated within a militarized context where prerogatives and actions are at the disposal of the Armed Forces.

In short, the Boric government used repression, militarization, imprisonment, torture, and various abuses against our people to strengthen the system of domination.

Furthermore, he intensified extreme neoliberal policies. This was evident not only in his economic measures favoring businesses in ancestral territory, but also at the national level, such as the ratification of the TPP 11; the signing of free trade agreements with the European Union, China, and US imperialism; the privatization of copper to Canadian capital; and the privatization of lithium and its transfer to transnational corporations, where the figure of Ponce Lerou, Pinochet’s former son-in-law, was given preferential treatment, despite his active participation in the privatization of ancestral Mapuche territory.

So, what did Boric, the Broad Front, the Communist Party, and the former Concertación coalition do as a government? The answer is clear and unequivocal: they betrayed the Mapuche people and handed us over to oppressive institutions, thus perpetuating the system of domination. Without a doubt, they attempted, with the full force of the State, to halt the struggle for the reconstruction of the Nation, the defense and recovery of our ancestral lands. They disregarded our historical demands. Our fundamental struggle is against the capitalist regime that devastates and plunders our historical territory. Our struggle is against the unscrupulous businesspeople who, through their investments, destroy our ancestral lands.

We are a Nation with a centuries-long history of struggle against domination and invasion, and we know very well how the elites, the Chilean bourgeoisie, have built their power on the foundation of dispossession, oppression, exploitation, and injustices against our people.

Today, Boric leaves with his arrogant rhetoric, but he will be remembered as a despot who sought to use us as a symbol of struggle and then betrayed us, siding with the same powerful elites as always.

Boric will go down in history as a sinister individual who facilitated all the conditions for the far right to bring Kast to power, and to launch a neo-fascist offensive that will amount to a new war of extermination for the Mapuche people. In fact, Boric has ensured impunity for the repressors of the Mapuche movement, giving free rein to forestry capital and revealing his true reactionary and treacherous nature toward the Mapuche cause.

Beyond the measures denounced, Boric will be remembered for having paved the way for the fascists, favoring the powerful and the main economic groups, since his administration reproduced the neoliberal model, allowing the realignment of big capital in Wallmapu and in present-day Chile.

These policies, in structural and ideological terms, have created the conditions for the accumulation and reproduction of large capital in the usurped territories, placing themselves against the processes of autonomous territorial restitution that we, the communities and organizations in resistance, are carrying out with dignity. This will exacerbate the contradictions and intensify the territorial struggle.

The Mapuche struggle will not stop in the face of a new offensive by fascism. Our ancestors already taught us the path of resistance; from our lonko (chiefs) we learned the marrichiweu ka weuwaiñ pu peñi pu lamngen (the spirit of resistance for our brothers and sisters).

Freedom for the imprisoned Mapuche political prisoners and all the imprisoned weichafe (warriors)!

By Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca /Werken Noticias /Resumen Latinoamericano, March 14, 2026.

Héctor Llaitul: Boric’s Role in the Neofascist Offensive in Wallmapu

The Boric administration will be remembered as the worst of the post-dictatorship governments for the struggle of the Mapuche Nation. An assessment of the actions carried out by his administration highlights:

– Militarization of Wallmapu through the bellicose States of Emergency, which were maintained permanently throughout his four years in office.

– The failed Peace and Understanding Agreement, which turned out to be a farce and a mockery of the communities, which is why it received widespread rejection from the entire Mapuche movement. Its most concrete result was the complete lack of land restitution.

– Modernization of the State’s repressive apparatus, which involved, among other things, the acquisition of Israeli technology for police use and abuse in Wallmapu.

– Reestablishment of the National Security Doctrine, which provided the ideological framework for persecution and repression, as during the Pinochet dictatorship, and which currently defines the Mapuche people as the internal enemy of the Chilean State.

– Continued criminalization of the Mapuche cause through much harsher legislation, which includes even more cruel and repressive laws and regulations, such as the anti-land occupation law, designed to return land to forestry companies. The Naím Retamal law, or “trigger-happy” law, grants impunity to police and military personnel who commit acts of repression. The refinement of the Anti-Terrorist Law extends to the persecution of even the support networks of those who struggle.

– Persecution and imprisonment of the largest number of Mapuche community members ever seen under previous governments, now exceeding 150 Mapuche Political Prisoners (MPPs). These prisoners are subjected to degrading treatment and violations of their political and cultural rights, including cases of torture.

– Repression of all demonstrations and movements for the essential rights of the Mapuche Nation, primarily those concerning land reclamation, where progress in territorial restitution for many communities was also halted. This was achieved through repressive policies carried out by judges, police, and prosecutors, many of whom are known to be anti-Mapuche and operated within a militarized context where prerogatives and actions are at the disposal of the Armed Forces.

In short, the Boric government used repression, militarization, imprisonment, torture, and various abuses against our people to strengthen the system of domination.

Furthermore, he intensified extreme neoliberal policies. This was evident not only in his economic measures favoring businesses in ancestral territory, but also at the national level, such as the ratification of the TPP 11; the signing of free trade agreements with the European Union, China, and US imperialism; the privatization of copper to Canadian capital; and the privatization of lithium and its transfer to transnational corporations, where the figure of Ponce Lerou, Pinochet’s former son-in-law, was given preferential treatment, despite his active participation in the privatization of ancestral Mapuche territory.

So, what did Boric, the Broad Front, the Communist Party, and the former Concertación coalition do as a government? The answer is clear and unequivocal: they betrayed the Mapuche people and handed us over to oppressive institutions, thus perpetuating the system of domination. Without a doubt, they attempted, with the full force of the State, to halt the struggle for the reconstruction of the Nation, the defense and recovery of our ancestral lands. They disregarded our historical demands. Our fundamental struggle is against the capitalist regime that devastates and plunders our historical territory. Our struggle is against the unscrupulous businesspeople who, through their investments, destroy our ancestral lands.

We are a Nation with a centuries-long history of struggle against domination and invasion, and we know very well how the elites, the Chilean bourgeoisie, have built their power on the foundation of dispossession, oppression, exploitation, and injustices against our people.

Today, Boric leaves with his arrogant rhetoric, but he will be remembered as a despot who sought to use us as a symbol of struggle and then betrayed us, siding with the same powerful elites as always.

Boric will go down in history as a sinister individual who facilitated all the conditions for the far right to bring Kast to power, and to launch a neo-fascist offensive that will amount to a new war of extermination for the Mapuche people. In fact, Boric has ensured impunity for the repressors of the Mapuche movement, giving free rein to forestry capital and revealing his true reactionary and treacherous nature toward the Mapuche cause.

Beyond the measures denounced, Boric will be remembered for having paved the way for the fascists, favoring the powerful and the main economic groups, since his administration reproduced the neoliberal model, allowing the realignment of big capital in Wallmapu and in present-day Chile.

These policies, in structural and ideological terms, have created the conditions for the accumulation and reproduction of large capital in the usurped territories, placing themselves against the processes of autonomous territorial restitution that we, the communities and organizations in resistance, are carrying out with dignity. This will exacerbate the contradictions and intensify the territorial struggle.

The Mapuche struggle will not stop in the face of a new offensive by fascism. Our ancestors already taught us the path of resistance; from our lonko (chiefs) we learned the marrichiweu ka weuwaiñ pu peñi pu lamngen (the spirit of resistance for our brothers and sisters).

Freedom for the imprisoned Mapuche political prisoners and all the imprisoned weichafe (warriors)!

By Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca /Werken Noticias /Resumen Latinoamericano, March 14, 2026.

“Operation Huracán Has Not Ended”: Column by Héctor Llaitul

“With the determination of those responsible in the set-up in the Huracán case, the repressive policy of the State is well established and has had and continues with all previous governments and the current one, which, in our opinion, is the worst of all for leaving on a platter to the ultra-right the certain possibility of policies of extermination of our people…”

Knowing the verdict handed down by the Temuco Court in the so-called Huracán Case and which reveals one of the most serious police setups since the end of the civil-military dictatorship, we want to highlight that, beyond the conviction of two generals and the operational heads of the intelligence unit, this resolution does not directly establish, nor does it point out anything about the responsibility of the political authorities who were involved in this intelligence operation against the Mapuche movement in struggle.

Because it must be absolutely clear that it was an operation directed against the Mapuche Autonomist and Revolutionary Movement, where not only evidence was fabricated, information was manipulated that ended with Mapuche community members arrested based mainly on false messages, but also attempted to distort the true nature of the historical conflict.

By the way, we are referring to the responsibility of the government of Michelle Bachelet and her Undersecretary of the Interior Mahmud Aleuy, who are directly responsible for the implementation of this repressive policy of persecution.

Along with this omission, and beyond the fact that it has not been possible to criminally configure the idea of ​​an illicit association to mount evidence against community members – which would have implications in other cases -, here is another aspect that raises a lot of distrust and that has to do with a kind of compromise that the state institutions have offered to the business community, those that are directly committed to our fight for Mapuche territorial and political claims.

A negotiation that offers stability so that the powerful continue plundering the ancestral Wallmapu.

This is why we can deduce and affirm that, from the beginning, the objective sought by this intelligence operation was to try to distort and muddy the just and centuries-old struggle of our Nation People, inventing a supposed intersection of communication and information of the different expressions of the Mapuche cause.

We are also of the opinion that the responsibilities in the Huracán case are not limited to the political, police and prosecutorial authorities.

The media dimension, the actions of the large media outlets at the service of the powerful, have also not been subject to criminal charges, official and right-wing media belonging to large economic groups that contributed to legitimizing an operation that was fraudulent and criminal. A journalism that, as in the times of the dictatorship, has become, by action or negligence, an ally of a state-business setup.

A repressive and fraudulent state policy

We believe that the background of mounting tests responds to a State policy with the aim of primarily persecuting our organization, the expression of struggle that is the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco – CAM and its historical leadership.

Because it was not only about demonizing it, but also about distorting its objectives, its scope, the approaches and the political action, that is, trying to hit the process of transformations against extractivist policies, as well as against the plundering of ancestral territory, to achieve the development of a proposal for the reconstruction of the Mapuche Nation based, mainly, on a project of rearticulation of communities with an autonomist and self-determination perspective, a process based on an anti-capitalist praxis, anti-oligarchic and anti-imperialist.

In this context, the direction of this assembly was very clear, going against a leadership consistent with the revolutionary approaches from the Mapuche world. It is for this reason that we maintain that the scope of Huracán persists, because the leaders who follow the path of territorial and revolutionary political struggle today are prisoners by the Chilean State itself.

It is also necessary to emphasize that with the determination of those responsible for the set-up in the Huracán case, the repressive policy of the State is well established and that it continues with all previous governments and the current one, which, in our opinion, is the worst of all for leaving on a platter to the ultra-right the certain possibility of policies of extermination of our people.

A new justice as far as possible

With this judicial resolution it has been intended to establish justice, but the truth is that it only favors the usurpers, by trying to cover up those who ordered the set-up, the political power of the day that was not reached.

With this sentence, only some will be left with lesser or remitted sentences, despite the fact that the evidence, the facts portray and reveal the actions of the State as a whole.

It is the state institutionality that continued and never stopped in its persecution against the Mapuche Autonomist and Revolutionary Movement. Let us remember that with Piñera complaints were filed against Mapuche werkenes and that Boric expanded them; that with Piñera the State of Exception was imposed, and that with Boric they have become permanent in Wallmapu, consolidating the militarization so desired and applauded by the extreme right.

The police involved will not be sentenced to high sentences as is the case with the weichafe who have been sentenced to more than 40 years in prison. Not even those who murdered our weichafe from behind have been fairly condemned.

Another no small aspect is that this government, along with establishing greater repression, gave the green light to practically the same agencies and agents of the State to devise and apply other intelligence operations, and thereby prosecute and condemn the leaders of the CAM. Therefore, we believe that, currently, with the militarization of Wallmapu and the new imposed order, impunity will prevail for the repressors of the Mapuche cause.

We are your ‘internal enemy’

With the experience of the Huracán case there is a clear consequence and projection, because despite the condemnation of some State agents that includes police generals, the repressive logic and doctrine was maintained and will continue in Wallmapu.

Evidence of this is that despite the background and the length of the case process, this government deepened the repression and political persecution of the movement in struggle, reestablishing the national security doctrine and defining the Mapuche nation as its “internal enemy.”

It was after the Huracán set-up, when the Piñera government filed the complaint against the main leaders of the CAM, primarily against me, (since I had circumvented the Huracán set-up, the main objective of this intelligence operation), a complaint that was expanded with Boric and resulted in the arrest warrant and conviction arbitrarily and without due process.

Today we intend to present the criminal prosecution of a group of police officers, which meant persecuting the actions of the Mapuche movement, only with bad actions, when the background was and is to legitimize the persecution and repression, at any cost, of a political proposal for the liberation and reconstruction of the Mapuche Nation.

The Huracán case continues

In our opinion, the Huracán case, as we pointed out, has not ended, it persists at least in its logic and corrupt practices.

It should be remembered that during the second Piñera government it was Luis Hermosilla who advised on a type of criminal prosecution in the complaints against the Mapuche movement, in addition to racist prosecutors and a corrupt police (the case of Héctor Espinoza).

Subsequently, with the current Boric government, the same prosecutors who participated in the Huracán case have continued in their positions persecuting militants of the Mapuche cause.

To conclude, I must assume a consistent position and affirm that I was convicted under the same logic and repressive policy that derived from the Huracán case, it was certainly in a more meticulous and directed manner, but with the same method of a set-up. Because the purpose was to achieve a conviction as much as possible, the State Security law was applied to me, a regulation that allows political persecution, and which resulted in 15 years in prison just for expressing opinions.

I was also convicted of crimes associated with this law in events where evidence was mounted and records were manipulated (with artificial intelligence) so that judges, in a racist manner and pressured by corporate political power, sentenced me to long prison sentences.

In short, it is clearly established that it was a political condemnation, for reasons of State and business pressure, the same one that mandated the Huracán case.

It should be noted and finally, that despite the persecution, militarization and intelligence operations, the struggle and resistance of the autonomous Mapuche communities continues.

Héctor Llaitul.-

SOURCE: El Ciudadano.com

Resumen Latinoamericano, 13 January 2026

“Operation Huracán Has Not Ended”: Column by Héctor Llaitul

“With the determination of those responsible in the set-up in the Huracán case, the repressive policy of the State is well established and has had and continues with all previous governments and the current one, which, in our opinion, is the worst of all for leaving on a platter to the ultra-right the certain possibility of policies of extermination of our people…”

Knowing the verdict handed down by the Temuco Court in the so-called Huracán Case and which reveals one of the most serious police setups since the end of the civil-military dictatorship, we want to highlight that, beyond the conviction of two generals and the operational heads of the intelligence unit, this resolution does not directly establish, nor does it point out anything about the responsibility of the political authorities who were involved in this intelligence operation against the Mapuche movement in struggle.

Because it must be absolutely clear that it was an operation directed against the Mapuche Autonomist and Revolutionary Movement, where not only evidence was fabricated, information was manipulated that ended with Mapuche community members arrested based mainly on false messages, but also attempted to distort the true nature of the historical conflict.

By the way, we are referring to the responsibility of the government of Michelle Bachelet and her Undersecretary of the Interior Mahmud Aleuy, who are directly responsible for the implementation of this repressive policy of persecution.

Along with this omission, and beyond the fact that it has not been possible to criminally configure the idea of ​​an illicit association to mount evidence against community members – which would have implications in other cases -, here is another aspect that raises a lot of distrust and that has to do with a kind of compromise that the state institutions have offered to the business community, those that are directly committed to our fight for Mapuche territorial and political claims.

A negotiation that offers stability so that the powerful continue plundering the ancestral Wallmapu.

This is why we can deduce and affirm that, from the beginning, the objective sought by this intelligence operation was to try to distort and muddy the just and centuries-old struggle of our Nation People, inventing a supposed intersection of communication and information of the different expressions of the Mapuche cause.

We are also of the opinion that the responsibilities in the Huracán case are not limited to the political, police and prosecutorial authorities.

The media dimension, the actions of the large media outlets at the service of the powerful, have also not been subject to criminal charges, official and right-wing media belonging to large economic groups that contributed to legitimizing an operation that was fraudulent and criminal. A journalism that, as in the times of the dictatorship, has become, by action or negligence, an ally of a state-business setup.

A repressive and fraudulent state policy

We believe that the background of mounting tests responds to a State policy with the aim of primarily persecuting our organization, the expression of struggle that is the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco – CAM and its historical leadership.

Because it was not only about demonizing it, but also about distorting its objectives, its scope, the approaches and the political action, that is, trying to hit the process of transformations against extractivist policies, as well as against the plundering of ancestral territory, to achieve the development of a proposal for the reconstruction of the Mapuche Nation based, mainly, on a project of rearticulation of communities with an autonomist and self-determination perspective, a process based on an anti-capitalist praxis, anti-oligarchic and anti-imperialist.

In this context, the direction of this assembly was very clear, going against a leadership consistent with the revolutionary approaches from the Mapuche world. It is for this reason that we maintain that the scope of Huracán persists, because the leaders who follow the path of territorial and revolutionary political struggle today are prisoners by the Chilean State itself.

It is also necessary to emphasize that with the determination of those responsible for the set-up in the Huracán case, the repressive policy of the State is well established and that it continues with all previous governments and the current one, which, in our opinion, is the worst of all for leaving on a platter to the ultra-right the certain possibility of policies of extermination of our people.

A new justice as far as possible

With this judicial resolution it has been intended to establish justice, but the truth is that it only favors the usurpers, by trying to cover up those who ordered the set-up, the political power of the day that was not reached.

With this sentence, only some will be left with lesser or remitted sentences, despite the fact that the evidence, the facts portray and reveal the actions of the State as a whole.

It is the state institutionality that continued and never stopped in its persecution against the Mapuche Autonomist and Revolutionary Movement. Let us remember that with Piñera complaints were filed against Mapuche werkenes and that Boric expanded them; that with Piñera the State of Exception was imposed, and that with Boric they have become permanent in Wallmapu, consolidating the militarization so desired and applauded by the extreme right.

The police involved will not be sentenced to high sentences as is the case with the weichafe who have been sentenced to more than 40 years in prison. Not even those who murdered our weichafe from behind have been fairly condemned.

Another no small aspect is that this government, along with establishing greater repression, gave the green light to practically the same agencies and agents of the State to devise and apply other intelligence operations, and thereby prosecute and condemn the leaders of the CAM. Therefore, we believe that, currently, with the militarization of Wallmapu and the new imposed order, impunity will prevail for the repressors of the Mapuche cause.

We are your ‘internal enemy’

With the experience of the Huracán case there is a clear consequence and projection, because despite the condemnation of some State agents that includes police generals, the repressive logic and doctrine was maintained and will continue in Wallmapu.

Evidence of this is that despite the background and the length of the case process, this government deepened the repression and political persecution of the movement in struggle, reestablishing the national security doctrine and defining the Mapuche nation as its “internal enemy.”

It was after the Huracán set-up, when the Piñera government filed the complaint against the main leaders of the CAM, primarily against me, (since I had circumvented the Huracán set-up, the main objective of this intelligence operation), a complaint that was expanded with Boric and resulted in the arrest warrant and conviction arbitrarily and without due process.

Today we intend to present the criminal prosecution of a group of police officers, which meant persecuting the actions of the Mapuche movement, only with bad actions, when the background was and is to legitimize the persecution and repression, at any cost, of a political proposal for the liberation and reconstruction of the Mapuche Nation.

The Huracán case continues

In our opinion, the Huracán case, as we pointed out, has not ended, it persists at least in its logic and corrupt practices.

It should be remembered that during the second Piñera government it was Luis Hermosilla who advised on a type of criminal prosecution in the complaints against the Mapuche movement, in addition to racist prosecutors and a corrupt police (the case of Héctor Espinoza).

Subsequently, with the current Boric government, the same prosecutors who participated in the Huracán case have continued in their positions persecuting militants of the Mapuche cause.

To conclude, I must assume a consistent position and affirm that I was convicted under the same logic and repressive policy that derived from the Huracán case, it was certainly in a more meticulous and directed manner, but with the same method of a set-up. Because the purpose was to achieve a conviction as much as possible, the State Security law was applied to me, a regulation that allows political persecution, and which resulted in 15 years in prison just for expressing opinions.

I was also convicted of crimes associated with this law in events where evidence was mounted and records were manipulated (with artificial intelligence) so that judges, in a racist manner and pressured by corporate political power, sentenced me to long prison sentences.

In short, it is clearly established that it was a political condemnation, for reasons of State and business pressure, the same one that mandated the Huracán case.

It should be noted and finally, that despite the persecution, militarization and intelligence operations, the struggle and resistance of the autonomous Mapuche communities continues.

Héctor Llaitul.-

SOURCE: El Ciudadano.com

Resumen Latinoamericano, 13 January 2026

Continuará en la cárcel de Concepción: Corte Suprema ratifica rechazo al recurso de amparo presentado por Héctor Llaitul | vía #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2025/06/24/continuara-en-la-carcel-de-concepcion-corte-suprema-ratifica-rechazo-del-recurso-de-amparo-presentado-por-hector-llaitul/

#cam #coordinadoraaraucomalleco #gendarmería #héctorllaitul #leydeseguridaddelestado

Continuará en la cárcel de Concepción: Corte Suprema ratifica rechazo al recurso de amparo presentado por Héctor Llaitul | vía #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2025/06/24/continuara-en-la-carcel-de-concepcion-corte-suprema-ratifica-rechazo-del-recurso-de-amparo-presentado-por-hector-llaitul/

#cam #coordinadoraaraucomalleco #gendarmería #héctorllaitul #leydeseguridaddelestado

Continuará en la cárcel de Concepción: Corte Suprema ratifica rechazo al recurso de amparo presentado por Héctor Llaitul | vía #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2025/06/24/continuara-en-la-carcel-de-concepcion-corte-suprema-ratifica-rechazo-del-recurso-de-amparo-presentado-por-hector-llaitul/

#cam #coordinadoraaraucomalleco #gendarmería #héctorllaitul #leydeseguridaddelestado

Héctor Llaitul: The Legacy of This Government Will Be the Permanent Militarization of the Wallmapu

By: Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca

“We are a politically and militarily occupied people. Chile is a country of a profoundly racist and colonial nature. Currently we live oppression in all dimensions. The current government is the worst government that we have had to live through since the military dictatorship. We graph it as follows: this May 18 marks 3 uninterrupted years of the State of Exception, which specifically means tanks, armored vehicles, helicopters, drones and numerous military and police personnel for the unrestricted defense of the tasks and interests of the economic groups that devastate the Wallmapu with their extractivist policies.

With militarization and repression, the policy of the stick is imposed very strongly against the Mapuche cause, and the carrot policy is being relegated to the background and is only trying to co-opt some Mapuche sectors, subjugating them to develop new processes of capitalist investment. These are economic policies that are subject to the rearrangement of big capital, as we have already denounced.

Instead of peace and understanding, this government will leave a legacy that will be the permanent establishment of militarization in the Wallmapu. This has resulted in the allocation of many resources for the police and the armed forces, installing a true state of military occupation never seen before. And, without a doubt, repression and persecution of expressions of resistance will continue.

For this reason, we reaffirm once again that with this government the Mapuche people will not achieve any progress through legal and institutional means, and that is why it is more strongly sustained to maintain the resistance against capitalism that attacks the historic Wallmapu.

For territory and autonomy for the Mapuche Nation !!

Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca”.

Source: https://radiokurruf.org/2025/05/19/el-legado-de-este-gobierno-sera-la-militarizacion-permanente-del-wallmapu/

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=19261

#chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #southAmerica #Wallmapu

Héctor Llaitul: The Legacy of This Government Will Be the Permanent Militarization of the Wallmapu

By: Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca

“We are a politically and militarily occupied people. Chile is a country of a profoundly racist and colonial nature. Currently we live oppression in all dimensions. The current government is the worst government that we have had to live through since the military dictatorship. We graph it as follows: this May 18 marks 3 uninterrupted years of the State of Exception, which specifically means tanks, armored vehicles, helicopters, drones and numerous military and police personnel for the unrestricted defense of the tasks and interests of the economic groups that devastate the Wallmapu with their extractivist policies.

With militarization and repression, the policy of the stick is imposed very strongly against the Mapuche cause, and the carrot policy is being relegated to the background and is only trying to co-opt some Mapuche sectors, subjugating them to develop new processes of capitalist investment. These are economic policies that are subject to the rearrangement of big capital, as we have already denounced.

Instead of peace and understanding, this government will leave a legacy that will be the permanent establishment of militarization in the Wallmapu. This has resulted in the allocation of many resources for the police and the armed forces, installing a true state of military occupation never seen before. And, without a doubt, repression and persecution of expressions of resistance will continue.

For this reason, we reaffirm once again that with this government the Mapuche people will not achieve any progress through legal and institutional means, and that is why it is more strongly sustained to maintain the resistance against capitalism that attacks the historic Wallmapu.

For territory and autonomy for the Mapuche Nation !!

Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca”.

Source: https://radiokurruf.org/2025/05/19/el-legado-de-este-gobierno-sera-la-militarizacion-permanente-del-wallmapu/

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=19261

#chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #southAmerica #Wallmapu

Héctor Llaitul: The Peace and Understanding Commission is a Farce

Let us be clear, this Commission does not represent the political objectives of our organization and of the Mapuche autonomist movement that is active in the processes of territorial recovery.

Our policy continues to be national reconstruction and the liberation of the Wallmapu, objectives that, once again, are not understood or addressed by the Chilean political class and all its related sectors.

From the beginning we maintained that this Commission was doomed to failure, since, rather than representing the demands of the communities and groups that fight for their lands, it embodies the interests of big business and the latifundia that are today covered up in false discourses of peace and social welfare.

It is these sectors that seek to legitimize their own conception of “peace and understanding”, which is nothing more than a new device to ensure the best conditions to increase and accumulate their profits in our ancestral territoriality. For the same reason, this Commission also functions as a political and media instrument by trying to exclude the Mapuche autonomist movement, and to publicly affirm that the interests of the State and big capital are under threat, they impose their rules and their way of doing politics on the institutional Mapuche sectors. In fact, only the co-opted and functional sectors have had a voice.

In addition to the above, it is important to emphasize that a Commission that is born, meets and concludes in the midst of an active State of Exception on the territory that is the object of it, has no legitimacy. They want to “do politics”, even if the term is too big for them, with the gun on the table and the military besieging communities. Exhibiting with these “proclaimed democratic practices”, a great contradiction.

A Commission that arises in the midst of the militarization of the Wallmapu, and that gathers positions and information materials from the territories under these circumstances, does not meet even the slightest standards of respect for human rights in international matters. At the same time, it is a Commission that has operated since its inception under a neo-indigenous pattern, because the Mapuche communities were not consulted, nor who their representatives would be, nor what the central issues are, nor what the forms of resolution should be. This top-down and tutelary logic is heir to the oldest colonial political systems, where paternalistic representation was imposed by blood and fire.

The truth is that this logic prevents native peoples from having the right to decide on their reality, while others, powerful and noble, did so for them. Today the colonial and racist format of the Chilean capitalist state is repeated again.

Faced with this reality, which has permeated the mechanisms with which the State of Chile deals with the “indigenous question” for decades, the Mapuche autonomist movement emerged with force, from the ’90s, with its own politics, speaking and doing for ourselves, without others supplanting or representing us. But today again this situation was ignored – by the way – by the enlightened progressives behind the Commission.

And the most paradoxical thing is that those who do have a voice are the representatives of the political class and the anti-Mapuche business community.

They are those who for three decades think that the historical conflict between mobilized communities, the State and the representatives of capital in the Wallmapu is solved with persecution, criminalization, set-ups, trials and jail. It seems ridiculous that the supposed “dialogue” for peace, materialized with this Commission, includes precisely the militarists who do not want it and who have swelled their pockets at the expense of the usurping occupation. This is the case of paramilitary commandos, such as APRA, which carry out political operations, rather than acting as an association that represents a union in search of that supposed “peace.”

At the organic and operational level, it turns out to be a Commission built on quicksand, just as was the participation of the Mapuche in the Constituent Convention. For the same reason, by not reaching concrete agreements, the greatest achievement is to show this Commission in its work of preparing a diagnosis regarding what they have called the recovery of lands, an issue that in the Mapuche world makes absolutely no sense because our people, the communities, are absolutely clear about the territorial claims that interest us, to reestablish a territorial design that allows the reconstruction of our Nation People.

With this diagnosis, the Commission intends to justify that the mechanisms for the return of land exist, in the absence of a concrete and precise proposal that determines or makes the return of the territories a reality. However, it constitutes the “workhorse” to cover up a major deception, which is the imposition of marketing techniques, with corruption included, to rearrange the large capitalist investments in our ancestral territory.

A diagnosis that will be presented as a great objective, but that will not be concluded with this government. Nor will the territorial returns that will be long-term and that will only indicate or establish a type of mechanism, a type of form to politically seek compromises and negotiations in future governments.

In short, this new Commission constitutes a real farce, a new foolishness and will form one more link for the current administration, the current neoliberal governance, to project a future government that will be in the hands of the far right.

Seeking peace and understanding to the exclusion of those who struggle is the big question, how can peace be sought in a context of militarization and greater repression? Even more so, with the existence of many Mapuche political prisoners (PPM) who have been prosecuted and convicted only for representing the territorial, autonomist and revolutionary struggle through ideas, forces and political proposals for the reconstruction of our people. Nothing has been said about the weichafe that are kidnapped by the Chilean state. Because as long as there is militarization and Mapuche political prisoners, it is not even possible to initiate dialogues that lead to agreements.

The existence of the PPM occurs in a context of greater persecution and on the basis of exceptional laws that take us back to dictatorial times. In fact, today there are Mapuche political prisoners as a result of the most sophisticated policies to repress and persecute the autonomist movement, which with more strength has taken on the struggle against extractivism and for the reconstruction of our people, processes sustained with the recovery of territorial spaces, today mainly in the hand of the forestry companies.

As a prelude to the presentation of the agreements or the points of the Commission for Peace and Understanding, a real media campaign has been implemented in which the most fascist sectors of the Chilean right participate, obviously covered by the media that are at their service, where the discourse that demonizes the Mapuche cause is reinstated, condemning the violence exercised by communities for territorial recovery.

A discourse that reinstates the concepts of terrorism, rural violence, organized crime to delegitimize and depoliticize the just struggle for territory.

On the other hand, the idea of a supposed agreement for the return of lands is being installed in which there would be a huge amount of money that will be available for territorial reparation to the communities, which is part of the farce that we already know, because in fact this proposal is always diluted along the way and in the end ends up in squalid resources and in almost no viability of land return.

This is a constant under the legislation in force with the participation of CONADI, a rotten and functional organism of the capitalist state. There will only be money to repair the large landowners and to swell the coffers of the forestry companies, who make a big business with the financial speculation of the purchase and sale of the estates usurped from the communities.

Undoubtedly, a new political operation has been launched that tries to give strength and importance to a Commission that in reality has nothing to offer for the resolution of the conflict, because the confrontation is installed on structural, economic foundations, which imply the struggle of an oppressed native people against an invading colonial state and in the face of which there is already a process of struggle and resistance for the reconstruction of the the Mapuche Nation.

The current Mapuche struggle is and will be for territory and autonomy for the Mapuche Nation.

The struggle continues!!

Amulepe taiñ weichan !!

SOURCE: Werken Noticias

By Héctor Llaitul / Resumen Latinoamericano, May 4, 2025

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=18946

#Autonomy #CAM #chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #PoliticalPrisoners #southAmerica #Wallmapu

Héctor Llaitul: The Peace and Understanding Commission is a Farce

Let us be clear, this Commission does not represent the political objectives of our organization and of the Mapuche autonomist movement that is active in the processes of territorial recovery.

Our policy continues to be national reconstruction and the liberation of the Wallmapu, objectives that, once again, are not understood or addressed by the Chilean political class and all its related sectors.

From the beginning we maintained that this Commission was doomed to failure, since, rather than representing the demands of the communities and groups that fight for their lands, it embodies the interests of big business and the latifundia that are today covered up in false discourses of peace and social welfare.

It is these sectors that seek to legitimize their own conception of “peace and understanding”, which is nothing more than a new device to ensure the best conditions to increase and accumulate their profits in our ancestral territoriality. For the same reason, this Commission also functions as a political and media instrument by trying to exclude the Mapuche autonomist movement, and to publicly affirm that the interests of the State and big capital are under threat, they impose their rules and their way of doing politics on the institutional Mapuche sectors. In fact, only the co-opted and functional sectors have had a voice.

In addition to the above, it is important to emphasize that a Commission that is born, meets and concludes in the midst of an active State of Exception on the territory that is the object of it, has no legitimacy. They want to “do politics”, even if the term is too big for them, with the gun on the table and the military besieging communities. Exhibiting with these “proclaimed democratic practices”, a great contradiction.

A Commission that arises in the midst of the militarization of the Wallmapu, and that gathers positions and information materials from the territories under these circumstances, does not meet even the slightest standards of respect for human rights in international matters. At the same time, it is a Commission that has operated since its inception under a neo-indigenous pattern, because the Mapuche communities were not consulted, nor who their representatives would be, nor what the central issues are, nor what the forms of resolution should be. This top-down and tutelary logic is heir to the oldest colonial political systems, where paternalistic representation was imposed by blood and fire.

The truth is that this logic prevents native peoples from having the right to decide on their reality, while others, powerful and noble, did so for them. Today the colonial and racist format of the Chilean capitalist state is repeated again.

Faced with this reality, which has permeated the mechanisms with which the State of Chile deals with the “indigenous question” for decades, the Mapuche autonomist movement emerged with force, from the ’90s, with its own politics, speaking and doing for ourselves, without others supplanting or representing us. But today again this situation was ignored – by the way – by the enlightened progressives behind the Commission.

And the most paradoxical thing is that those who do have a voice are the representatives of the political class and the anti-Mapuche business community.

They are those who for three decades think that the historical conflict between mobilized communities, the State and the representatives of capital in the Wallmapu is solved with persecution, criminalization, set-ups, trials and jail. It seems ridiculous that the supposed “dialogue” for peace, materialized with this Commission, includes precisely the militarists who do not want it and who have swelled their pockets at the expense of the usurping occupation. This is the case of paramilitary commandos, such as APRA, which carry out political operations, rather than acting as an association that represents a union in search of that supposed “peace.”

At the organic and operational level, it turns out to be a Commission built on quicksand, just as was the participation of the Mapuche in the Constituent Convention. For the same reason, by not reaching concrete agreements, the greatest achievement is to show this Commission in its work of preparing a diagnosis regarding what they have called the recovery of lands, an issue that in the Mapuche world makes absolutely no sense because our people, the communities, are absolutely clear about the territorial claims that interest us, to reestablish a territorial design that allows the reconstruction of our Nation People.

With this diagnosis, the Commission intends to justify that the mechanisms for the return of land exist, in the absence of a concrete and precise proposal that determines or makes the return of the territories a reality. However, it constitutes the “workhorse” to cover up a major deception, which is the imposition of marketing techniques, with corruption included, to rearrange the large capitalist investments in our ancestral territory.

A diagnosis that will be presented as a great objective, but that will not be concluded with this government. Nor will the territorial returns that will be long-term and that will only indicate or establish a type of mechanism, a type of form to politically seek compromises and negotiations in future governments.

In short, this new Commission constitutes a real farce, a new foolishness and will form one more link for the current administration, the current neoliberal governance, to project a future government that will be in the hands of the far right.

Seeking peace and understanding to the exclusion of those who struggle is the big question, how can peace be sought in a context of militarization and greater repression? Even more so, with the existence of many Mapuche political prisoners (PPM) who have been prosecuted and convicted only for representing the territorial, autonomist and revolutionary struggle through ideas, forces and political proposals for the reconstruction of our people. Nothing has been said about the weichafe that are kidnapped by the Chilean state. Because as long as there is militarization and Mapuche political prisoners, it is not even possible to initiate dialogues that lead to agreements.

The existence of the PPM occurs in a context of greater persecution and on the basis of exceptional laws that take us back to dictatorial times. In fact, today there are Mapuche political prisoners as a result of the most sophisticated policies to repress and persecute the autonomist movement, which with more strength has taken on the struggle against extractivism and for the reconstruction of our people, processes sustained with the recovery of territorial spaces, today mainly in the hand of the forestry companies.

As a prelude to the presentation of the agreements or the points of the Commission for Peace and Understanding, a real media campaign has been implemented in which the most fascist sectors of the Chilean right participate, obviously covered by the media that are at their service, where the discourse that demonizes the Mapuche cause is reinstated, condemning the violence exercised by communities for territorial recovery.

A discourse that reinstates the concepts of terrorism, rural violence, organized crime to delegitimize and depoliticize the just struggle for territory.

On the other hand, the idea of a supposed agreement for the return of lands is being installed in which there would be a huge amount of money that will be available for territorial reparation to the communities, which is part of the farce that we already know, because in fact this proposal is always diluted along the way and in the end ends up in squalid resources and in almost no viability of land return.

This is a constant under the legislation in force with the participation of CONADI, a rotten and functional organism of the capitalist state. There will only be money to repair the large landowners and to swell the coffers of the forestry companies, who make a big business with the financial speculation of the purchase and sale of the estates usurped from the communities.

Undoubtedly, a new political operation has been launched that tries to give strength and importance to a Commission that in reality has nothing to offer for the resolution of the conflict, because the confrontation is installed on structural, economic foundations, which imply the struggle of an oppressed native people against an invading colonial state and in the face of which there is already a process of struggle and resistance for the reconstruction of the the Mapuche Nation.

The current Mapuche struggle is and will be for territory and autonomy for the Mapuche Nation.

The struggle continues!!

Amulepe taiñ weichan !!

SOURCE: Werken Noticias

By Héctor Llaitul / Resumen Latinoamericano, May 4, 2025

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=18946

#Autonomy #CAM #chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #PoliticalPrisoners #southAmerica #Wallmapu

Mapuche Nation. Racist and Revanchist Authorities Denied Héctor Llaitul Transfer to Temuco Prison

The court prioritized security over family roots

When security outweighs family ties, the debate is served. The leader of the Arauco Malleco Coordinator (CAM), Héctor Llaitul, must continue serving his sentence in the Bío-Bío Penitentiary Center, in Concepción, after the Court of Guarantee of Concepción rejected his request to be transferred to the Temuco prison. The defense alleged reasons of family roots, mentioning that his partner lives in Chol-Chol and his mother in Osorno, but the court was not convinced.

The supervisory judgne Marcelo Bustos was in charge of the hearing and explained that the security criterion prevails, so Héctor Llaitul will continue to be held in the Bío-Bío Penitentiary Center.

A sentence of 23 years for crimes associated with rural violence and the State Security Law is not minor. In this context, the Gendarmerie lawyer was categorical: “The risk of escape and the dangerousness of Llaitul require a prison environment with extraordinary control measures” and stressed that the Temuco prison does not have the necessary conditions to keep an inmate considered highly dangerous like Llaitul.

According to reports, the jurist asked the court to declare itself incompetent, a request to which Judge Bustos did not agree.

The judicial response was as clear as it was perverse: institutional stability weighs more than affective connections.

As on a chessboard where each piece must occupy the place that minimizes risk, Llaitul will continue to be secluded far from his loved ones, but in an enclosure where the State feels safer.

5 most important facts:

• Héctor Llaitul is serving a 23-year sentence for rural violence and crimes against state security.
• His defense requested the transfer to Temuco for reasons of family roots.
• The Gendarmerie objected, alleging the inmate’s high danger and lack of conditions in Temuco.
• Judge Marcelo Bustos rejected the request, prioritizing security criteria.
• Llaitul will continue in the Bío-Bío prison, where he is already serving his sentence.

Resumen Latinoamericano, April 24, 2025

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=18657

#chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #PoliticalPrisoners #southAmerica

Mapuche Nation. Racist and Revanchist Authorities Denied Héctor Llaitul Transfer to Temuco Prison

The court prioritized security over family roots

When security outweighs family ties, the debate is served. The leader of the Arauco Malleco Coordinator (CAM), Héctor Llaitul, must continue serving his sentence in the Bío-Bío Penitentiary Center, in Concepción, after the Court of Guarantee of Concepción rejected his request to be transferred to the Temuco prison. The defense alleged reasons of family roots, mentioning that his partner lives in Chol-Chol and his mother in Osorno, but the court was not convinced.

The supervisory judgne Marcelo Bustos was in charge of the hearing and explained that the security criterion prevails, so Héctor Llaitul will continue to be held in the Bío-Bío Penitentiary Center.

A sentence of 23 years for crimes associated with rural violence and the State Security Law is not minor. In this context, the Gendarmerie lawyer was categorical: “The risk of escape and the dangerousness of Llaitul require a prison environment with extraordinary control measures” and stressed that the Temuco prison does not have the necessary conditions to keep an inmate considered highly dangerous like Llaitul.

According to reports, the jurist asked the court to declare itself incompetent, a request to which Judge Bustos did not agree.

The judicial response was as clear as it was perverse: institutional stability weighs more than affective connections.

As on a chessboard where each piece must occupy the place that minimizes risk, Llaitul will continue to be secluded far from his loved ones, but in an enclosure where the State feels safer.

5 most important facts:

• Héctor Llaitul is serving a 23-year sentence for rural violence and crimes against state security.
• His defense requested the transfer to Temuco for reasons of family roots.
• The Gendarmerie objected, alleging the inmate’s high danger and lack of conditions in Temuco.
• Judge Marcelo Bustos rejected the request, prioritizing security criteria.
• Llaitul will continue in the Bío-Bío prison, where he is already serving his sentence.

Resumen Latinoamericano, April 24, 2025

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=18657

#chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #PoliticalPrisoners #southAmerica

Mapuche Nation. Why Does CAM Prevent the Exhumation of Pablo Marchant?

Werken Noticias / Resumen Latinoamericano, March 26, 2025

The recent attempt to exhume the body of Pablo Marchant, frustrated by the resistance of the Lof Pidenko, has revived the conflict between the State and the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (CAM). But why is the CAM so strongly opposed to this procedure?

A weichafe buried according to Mapuche tradition

For the CAM and the Lof Pidenko, the refusal to exhume is not only a political issue, but also a spiritual and cultural one. Pablo Marchant, known as “Toñito” within the organization, was buried in an eltun, a Mapuche cemetery where his ancestors and historical leaders rest. From their worldview, removing his body would be a serious transgression, since the weichafe (warrior) chose to remain with the pu lonko in their eternal rest.

In interviews prior to his conviction, Héctor Llaitul, leader of the CAM, had already expressed his rejection of any attempt at exhumation, pointing out that “extracting Toñito’s body and leaving it in a common cemetery is a blow to the heart of our cause.” The organization considers this act an affront to their struggle and an attempt by the state to weaken its territorial control in the recovered areas.

A political and territorial struggle

Beyond the spiritual aspect, the CAM sees this procedure as part of a strategy by the State to weaken its presence in the region. The organization maintains that the exhumation does not respond to a real judicial interest, but to an “intelligence operation” to discredit their struggle and justify new incursions into disputed territories.

Llaitul has been categorical in his rejection of what he considers political persecution: “The conditions are created for a new incursion-occupation of the recovered properties.” In this sense, the resistance to the exhumation is not only out of respect for the weichafe, but also a way to prevent the State from continuing to advance in what they consider a strategy of repression.

Distrust of the State and the Media

Another key point in the CAM’s position is its deep distrust of state institutions and the media. According to Llaitul, the legal proceedings against his organization are based on “lies and fabrications,” and the media play a role at the service of the powerful to justify the criminalization of the autonomist movement.

In this context, accepting the exhumation of Marchant would be, for the CAM, validating a system that they consider oppressive and contrary to their struggle. For this reason, they have decided to prevent it at all costs, even confronting the Prosecutor’s Office, the PDI and the Army.

The conflict is still open

With the exhumation frustrated, the tension in the area remains high. It is unclear whether the authorities will insist on the procedure or how the CAM will respond in the event of a new attempt. What is clear is that, for the organization, Pablo Marchant’s tomb is a symbol of resistance and dignity that they are not willing to give up.

—

Héctor Llaitul’s statements are excerpted from an interview given to the media outlet “Voces en Lucha” in 2024.

LOF PIDENCO RESISTS THE ATTEMPT TO ENTER THE TERRITORY BY PDI AND MILITARY WHO RESPOND WITH HIGH-CALIBER WEAPONS

Maximum tension in the Lof Pidenco. Community members report that PDI, backed by military personnel, try to enter the territory, encountering resistance from the community. According to initial reports, state forces have responded with the use of high-caliber weapons.

Unofficially, it is indicated that the operation seeks to exhume the body of weichafe Pablo Marchant, which would have intensified the reaction of the community. The community members denounce strong repression and uncertainty remains about the development of the events.

The situation is still developing and more information is expected in the coming hours. We will stay tuned for any updates.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=17908

#CAM #chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #PabloMarchant #southAmerica

Mapuche Nation. Why Does CAM Prevent the Exhumation of Pablo Marchant?

Werken Noticias / Resumen Latinoamericano, March 26, 2025

The recent attempt to exhume the body of Pablo Marchant, frustrated by the resistance of the Lof Pidenko, has revived the conflict between the State and the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (CAM). But why is the CAM so strongly opposed to this procedure?

A weichafe buried according to Mapuche tradition

For the CAM and the Lof Pidenko, the refusal to exhume is not only a political issue, but also a spiritual and cultural one. Pablo Marchant, known as “Toñito” within the organization, was buried in an eltun, a Mapuche cemetery where his ancestors and historical leaders rest. From their worldview, removing his body would be a serious transgression, since the weichafe (warrior) chose to remain with the pu lonko in their eternal rest.

In interviews prior to his conviction, Héctor Llaitul, leader of the CAM, had already expressed his rejection of any attempt at exhumation, pointing out that “extracting Toñito’s body and leaving it in a common cemetery is a blow to the heart of our cause.” The organization considers this act an affront to their struggle and an attempt by the state to weaken its territorial control in the recovered areas.

A political and territorial struggle

Beyond the spiritual aspect, the CAM sees this procedure as part of a strategy by the State to weaken its presence in the region. The organization maintains that the exhumation does not respond to a real judicial interest, but to an “intelligence operation” to discredit their struggle and justify new incursions into disputed territories.

Llaitul has been categorical in his rejection of what he considers political persecution: “The conditions are created for a new incursion-occupation of the recovered properties.” In this sense, the resistance to the exhumation is not only out of respect for the weichafe, but also a way to prevent the State from continuing to advance in what they consider a strategy of repression.

Distrust of the State and the Media

Another key point in the CAM’s position is its deep distrust of state institutions and the media. According to Llaitul, the legal proceedings against his organization are based on “lies and fabrications,” and the media play a role at the service of the powerful to justify the criminalization of the autonomist movement.

In this context, accepting the exhumation of Marchant would be, for the CAM, validating a system that they consider oppressive and contrary to their struggle. For this reason, they have decided to prevent it at all costs, even confronting the Prosecutor’s Office, the PDI and the Army.

The conflict is still open

With the exhumation frustrated, the tension in the area remains high. It is unclear whether the authorities will insist on the procedure or how the CAM will respond in the event of a new attempt. What is clear is that, for the organization, Pablo Marchant’s tomb is a symbol of resistance and dignity that they are not willing to give up.

—

Héctor Llaitul’s statements are excerpted from an interview given to the media outlet “Voces en Lucha” in 2024.

LOF PIDENCO RESISTS THE ATTEMPT TO ENTER THE TERRITORY BY PDI AND MILITARY WHO RESPOND WITH HIGH-CALIBER WEAPONS

Maximum tension in the Lof Pidenco. Community members report that PDI, backed by military personnel, try to enter the territory, encountering resistance from the community. According to initial reports, state forces have responded with the use of high-caliber weapons.

Unofficially, it is indicated that the operation seeks to exhume the body of weichafe Pablo Marchant, which would have intensified the reaction of the community. The community members denounce strong repression and uncertainty remains about the development of the events.

The situation is still developing and more information is expected in the coming hours. We will stay tuned for any updates.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=17908

#CAM #chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #PabloMarchant #southAmerica

Mapuche Nation. 100 Years of Punishment for a Young Weichafe: Another Revenge of the Chilean State

Pelentaro Llaitul, my son, is being prosecuted for a series of events that are part of what is the territorial and political claim carried out by the Mapuche Nation people.

His trial, which is currently in the process of preparation, begins in June 2025 after more than 2 years of preventive detention, a case where we are once again in the presence of a judicial process full of racism, prejudice and bias with implications of political persecution. It is undoubtedly a trial that demonstrates once again the position of the Chilean State, the oppressive Chilean institutionality, against the process of struggle carried out by the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco, the CAM.

It is the so-called “Lautaro Case”, of resistance actions against the forestry industry in which several militants of the Mapuche cause, including my son, are artificially involved. A case where a new situation of improper process is already observed, since this judicial case together with the presence of protected witnesses, the lack of concrete and scientific evidence, adds the argumentative fallacy on the part of the prosecution, which indicates that the pu peñi (brothers) were arrested in flagrante delicto, in circumstances that they were arrested many kilometers away from the scene of the events and in an area where another process is taking place of territorial recovery, and where there is a strong ascendant militant insertion of each of them in that Mapuche Nagche territory.

For this reason, the procedural situation is complex and unfair. First, because one of the weichafe prosecuted is my son, which shows a kind of cruelty against my children for the role I have been playing in the autonomy struggle. And on the other hand, the contribution and meaning that the Mapuche youth have had in the concrete struggle. Certainly, Pelentaro’s participation in the Mapuche cause has been very significant not only because of his selfless dedication that gives new energy and freshness to the liberation process, but also because throughout his life, his participation has to be an example for young weichafe to follow.

Pelentaro Llaitul, is one of my youngest sons, he has a lifetime of being involved in the struggle for the historic territorial and political claims of our organization. From a very young age he has participated in this process, becoming at a very early age, an outstanding militant of the Mapuche cause. Fulfilling very specific roles within what is our world and the culture of our people, what are the socio-political and cultural implications of the communities in reconstitution, the lof, and in the Mapuche autonomist and revolutionary movement in general. Thus he became purrufe, curiche, palife and an outstanding weichafe. It is in this framework of outstanding cultural and political participation that he had to fulfill a very important function in the organization, which earned him hatred and persecution by our historical enemies, today represented by the forestry companies and the fascists who attack Wallmapu.

We are in the presence of a new act of directed political persecution and that today is part of a political decision on the part of this specific government, an action of revenge and cruelty against Pelentaro, because beyond being my son, the State intends to achieve a mockery of the new generations of fighters.

With this action, the Chilean State portrays itself as giving an account of the de facto repressive and punitive action against the Mapuche that is applied by the current administrators of justice in Chile, by the current ruling political class and that is carried out by the courts that have historically acted in a racist and intolerant way against our people. This is the reason that explains the bitterness that is reflected and translated into the Lautaro Case where the prosecution is asking for 70 years in prison and this government of Gabriel Boric is requesting 100 years in prison against Pelentaro via complaint. Moreover, aggravating the situation and not satisfied with the above, my son is being formalized again for another cause, in which he also risks many years of political imprisonment, in circumstances that at that time he was a minor.

It is for this reason that we can affirm without fear of equivocation that we are in the presence of an emblematic act of political persecution, where this government in particular wants to install an example of derision and teaching against one of the most consistent Mapuche youth. With this action, the current government contradicts the entire supposed position of human rights and justice for the Mapuche that it shouts so much and that is reflected in absurd peace commissions, revealing the true position towards the native peoples, which is to repress the resistance of the communities at all costs.

Without a doubt, we are in the presence of a new action that portrays this government in its most racist, intolerant and punitive facet that has been seen in recent decades, and which currently has more than 100 Mapuche political prisoners in Chilean state prisons. Because, discrimination and political persecution against the Mapuche who are willing to fight for territorial and historical political claims are and will be repressed without contemplation to safeguard the interests of the powerful.

I am currently a prisoner in a Chilean state prison, but I must continue to denounce injustices and from my role as werken of a Mapuche autonomist organization that is still in force. Especially because this case, in which my son and other young weichafe have been involved, has not had the proper media coverage, which has allowed there to be abuse on the part of the Prosecutor’s Office and the courts, and where due process is imposed in all its magnitude.

Another reason for making this specific denunciation, and which obliges me to disseminate it in the alternative and foreign media, is because the official press, the bourgeois press, covers the facts in a tendentious and malicious way, creating the conditions for the racist action of the oppressive institutions and where the courts and the political police of the State have not only criminalized our struggle but also mount operations and are vicious against the most outstanding weichafe of our people.

It is in this framework that we extend the denunciation against the media that are supposedly alternative and that were pro-Mapuche cause, and that soon ended up selling themselves to power, that were not only co-opted by the current governance as is the case of the newspaper El Ciudadano, El Mostrador, The Clinic who are accomplices with their silence or omission of these dirty intelligence operations. Because only in this way can it be understood why they do not cover or make these cases invisible and only cover supposed demands that are framed in lowly and submissive positions. It is, in the final analysis, a pseudo-progressive press at the service of the model of injustices.

Finally, we continue to reaffirm the profound significance of our struggle in recent times, and where, given the achievements of the autonomist movement, the contradictions between the Mapuche people and the Chilean State have become more acute. Because our struggle has positioned itself in anti-capitalist and anti-colonial definitions that have mostly clearly confronted the interests of big capital. The struggle for territory and freedom does not compromise. It is in this context that there is greater repression on the part of the current government, and that generates the conditions for a new fascist offensive of the Chilean right that is already attacking with great force in historic Wallmapu.

Finally, and a not insignificant piece of information at the last minute, my son Pelentaro Llaitul is currently awaiting the trial, which was set for 39 days from June 24. And that one of the judges that the court ordered for the drafting of the sentence in that process, is Judge Jorge González Salazar, the same one who convicted me without evidence in a case that is currently in international headquarters for various violations of rights that occurred in the process. In principle, this judge had not been appointed, however, a day after the court was formed, one of the 3 judges was changed to leave González Salazar, a recognized anti-Mapuche. It should also be remembered that this judge was the same one who convicted several Mapuche leaders as in the Lonkos Case, for which the Chilean State was condemned internationally due to the way in which Mapuche social protest was criminalized. This new fact clearly illustrates how justice works in the ancestral territory. A justice system at the service of the powerful and that acts under pressure and mandate from the ruling political class.

For territory and autonomy for the Mapuche Nation !!

Out with the forestry companies from the Wallmapu!!

Weuwaiñ

Héctor Llaitul

(*) This column was published by the French newspaper Les 2 Rives

Resumen Latinoamericano, March 5, 2025

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=17356

#CAM #chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #PoliticalPrisoners #southAmerica

Mapuche Nation. 100 Years of Punishment for a Young Weichafe: Another Revenge of the Chilean State

Pelentaro Llaitul, my son, is being prosecuted for a series of events that are part of what is the territorial and political claim carried out by the Mapuche Nation people.

His trial, which is currently in the process of preparation, begins in June 2025 after more than 2 years of preventive detention, a case where we are once again in the presence of a judicial process full of racism, prejudice and bias with implications of political persecution. It is undoubtedly a trial that demonstrates once again the position of the Chilean State, the oppressive Chilean institutionality, against the process of struggle carried out by the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco, the CAM.

It is the so-called “Lautaro Case”, of resistance actions against the forestry industry in which several militants of the Mapuche cause, including my son, are artificially involved. A case where a new situation of improper process is already observed, since this judicial case together with the presence of protected witnesses, the lack of concrete and scientific evidence, adds the argumentative fallacy on the part of the prosecution, which indicates that the pu peñi (brothers) were arrested in flagrante delicto, in circumstances that they were arrested many kilometers away from the scene of the events and in an area where another process is taking place of territorial recovery, and where there is a strong ascendant militant insertion of each of them in that Mapuche Nagche territory.

For this reason, the procedural situation is complex and unfair. First, because one of the weichafe prosecuted is my son, which shows a kind of cruelty against my children for the role I have been playing in the autonomy struggle. And on the other hand, the contribution and meaning that the Mapuche youth have had in the concrete struggle. Certainly, Pelentaro’s participation in the Mapuche cause has been very significant not only because of his selfless dedication that gives new energy and freshness to the liberation process, but also because throughout his life, his participation has to be an example for young weichafe to follow.

Pelentaro Llaitul, is one of my youngest sons, he has a lifetime of being involved in the struggle for the historic territorial and political claims of our organization. From a very young age he has participated in this process, becoming at a very early age, an outstanding militant of the Mapuche cause. Fulfilling very specific roles within what is our world and the culture of our people, what are the socio-political and cultural implications of the communities in reconstitution, the lof, and in the Mapuche autonomist and revolutionary movement in general. Thus he became purrufe, curiche, palife and an outstanding weichafe. It is in this framework of outstanding cultural and political participation that he had to fulfill a very important function in the organization, which earned him hatred and persecution by our historical enemies, today represented by the forestry companies and the fascists who attack Wallmapu.

We are in the presence of a new act of directed political persecution and that today is part of a political decision on the part of this specific government, an action of revenge and cruelty against Pelentaro, because beyond being my son, the State intends to achieve a mockery of the new generations of fighters.

With this action, the Chilean State portrays itself as giving an account of the de facto repressive and punitive action against the Mapuche that is applied by the current administrators of justice in Chile, by the current ruling political class and that is carried out by the courts that have historically acted in a racist and intolerant way against our people. This is the reason that explains the bitterness that is reflected and translated into the Lautaro Case where the prosecution is asking for 70 years in prison and this government of Gabriel Boric is requesting 100 years in prison against Pelentaro via complaint. Moreover, aggravating the situation and not satisfied with the above, my son is being formalized again for another cause, in which he also risks many years of political imprisonment, in circumstances that at that time he was a minor.

It is for this reason that we can affirm without fear of equivocation that we are in the presence of an emblematic act of political persecution, where this government in particular wants to install an example of derision and teaching against one of the most consistent Mapuche youth. With this action, the current government contradicts the entire supposed position of human rights and justice for the Mapuche that it shouts so much and that is reflected in absurd peace commissions, revealing the true position towards the native peoples, which is to repress the resistance of the communities at all costs.

Without a doubt, we are in the presence of a new action that portrays this government in its most racist, intolerant and punitive facet that has been seen in recent decades, and which currently has more than 100 Mapuche political prisoners in Chilean state prisons. Because, discrimination and political persecution against the Mapuche who are willing to fight for territorial and historical political claims are and will be repressed without contemplation to safeguard the interests of the powerful.

I am currently a prisoner in a Chilean state prison, but I must continue to denounce injustices and from my role as werken of a Mapuche autonomist organization that is still in force. Especially because this case, in which my son and other young weichafe have been involved, has not had the proper media coverage, which has allowed there to be abuse on the part of the Prosecutor’s Office and the courts, and where due process is imposed in all its magnitude.

Another reason for making this specific denunciation, and which obliges me to disseminate it in the alternative and foreign media, is because the official press, the bourgeois press, covers the facts in a tendentious and malicious way, creating the conditions for the racist action of the oppressive institutions and where the courts and the political police of the State have not only criminalized our struggle but also mount operations and are vicious against the most outstanding weichafe of our people.

It is in this framework that we extend the denunciation against the media that are supposedly alternative and that were pro-Mapuche cause, and that soon ended up selling themselves to power, that were not only co-opted by the current governance as is the case of the newspaper El Ciudadano, El Mostrador, The Clinic who are accomplices with their silence or omission of these dirty intelligence operations. Because only in this way can it be understood why they do not cover or make these cases invisible and only cover supposed demands that are framed in lowly and submissive positions. It is, in the final analysis, a pseudo-progressive press at the service of the model of injustices.

Finally, we continue to reaffirm the profound significance of our struggle in recent times, and where, given the achievements of the autonomist movement, the contradictions between the Mapuche people and the Chilean State have become more acute. Because our struggle has positioned itself in anti-capitalist and anti-colonial definitions that have mostly clearly confronted the interests of big capital. The struggle for territory and freedom does not compromise. It is in this context that there is greater repression on the part of the current government, and that generates the conditions for a new fascist offensive of the Chilean right that is already attacking with great force in historic Wallmapu.

Finally, and a not insignificant piece of information at the last minute, my son Pelentaro Llaitul is currently awaiting the trial, which was set for 39 days from June 24. And that one of the judges that the court ordered for the drafting of the sentence in that process, is Judge Jorge González Salazar, the same one who convicted me without evidence in a case that is currently in international headquarters for various violations of rights that occurred in the process. In principle, this judge had not been appointed, however, a day after the court was formed, one of the 3 judges was changed to leave González Salazar, a recognized anti-Mapuche. It should also be remembered that this judge was the same one who convicted several Mapuche leaders as in the Lonkos Case, for which the Chilean State was condemned internationally due to the way in which Mapuche social protest was criminalized. This new fact clearly illustrates how justice works in the ancestral territory. A justice system at the service of the powerful and that acts under pressure and mandate from the ruling political class.

For territory and autonomy for the Mapuche Nation !!

Out with the forestry companies from the Wallmapu!!

Weuwaiñ

Héctor Llaitul

(*) This column was published by the French newspaper Les 2 Rives

Resumen Latinoamericano, March 5, 2025

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=17356

#CAM #chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #PoliticalPrisoners #southAmerica

Héctor Llaitul: “The Current Government Has Become More and More Functional and Servile to the Interests of the Great Capital”

Héctor Llaitul, leader of the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (CAM), sentenced to 23 years in prison under the Chilean anti -terrorism law, in writing and through a visit, offers a deep look on their personal situation, the Mapuche resistance and the fight for the Territorial autonomy. Llaitul addresses issues ranging from political prison and violations of the rights of Mapuche political prisoners, to the repressive policies of the current government and the impact of these on the Mapuche communities. Through their words, they emerge not only forceful criticisms of the Chilean political and judicial system, but also a reaffirmation of the commitment to the Mapuche cause and its worldview. This look allows us to understand the complexities of a historical conflict that remains in force.

How do you describe your experience in this new political prison and the impact of this sentence in your life and in the fight of the Mapuche people?

The first thing is to point out is that this was a political condemnation and therefore it must be assumed according to the degree of consciousness and politicization that our struggle has reached, which has been undertaken from the autonomist Mapuche movement. And by the way, political prison must be assumed under a context of greater adversity, because with the current government this fighting process has become more complex and adverse since it has demonstrated its decision to keep the neoliberal model with the Extractivist policies throughout Mapuche ancestral territoriality, thus exacerbating confrontation on the basis of the increase in militarization, criminalization and persecution of the most consistent expressions with the line of territorial and political struggle. And it is in this framework that we must also endure harassment and repression within prisons who embrace the revolutionary struggle more strongly. The impact has been greater and is a consequence of the neo-fascist offensive that is reinstated on Wallmapu. We resist in a land of greater threat and punishment towards the Mapuche militants. Today the imprisoned Weichafe must sustain with greater force and rigor the onslaught of racist institutionality. Under this government, many Mapuche have been imprisoned and some are subjected, under Gendarmerie policy, to the violation of our rights, based on the act of keeping us as common prisoners and far from our ancestral territoriality.

What message do you seek to convey with your book “written from jail” and what role you expect to play in the fight for the rights of the Mapuche people?

The message we want to deliver with the book is more than anything of breath and reaffirmation, and this is somehow related to what was said above since its elaboration was in very adverse conditions of political prison, when I assumed hunger strikes and endured punishments for my fighting attitude. It is a publication that occurs in a context in which we are still monitored and repressed only for maintaining our convictions, denying all our political and cultural rights as Mapuche political prisoners. We also want to demonstrate that despite being prisoners we will maintain the line and unalterable principles, and thus contribute to the fighting process being maintained in what is its broader scope. That is, it is our contribution as militants of the Mapuche revolutionary cause that are imprisoned today that we remain firm in the great process for Mapuche national reconstruction.

By the way, it is a message based on our rakiduam with analysis and reflections regarding how we the Mapuche must assume the new political and cultural challenges especially in a context in which the current government has become increasingly transformed into functional and servile to the interests of the great capital, thus raising the way for a new offensive of the most recalcitrant right in this country. It is important to reaffirm in turn that assuming the political prison and writing implies being part of the story of those who fight, and it is a way of denouncing and accounting for the violation of our rights, which had previously been achieved and that allow us to respect our culture and identity, and that are related to our status as Mapuche community members. Because it is not only about human rights, it is about respect for the cultural rights of an original people. In fact, the segregated modules for Mapuche were achieved with mobilization and struggle of prisoners, their relatives and communities, and which at the time had international support, based on ILO Convention 169.

The current situation is different because with the current administration all the rights of Mapuche political prisoners are violated. The treatment that is given to us is as criminals and delinquents, forcing us to be in high security enclosures and in modules with common prisoners with all that that entails in terms of security and exposure to racism and bad treatment in general. In this sense, what affects us most is the violation of our cultural rights in its broadest sense, because racism and intolerance is at all levels and is part of the structural violence of the Chilean State.

Your family has announced that they will resort to international organizations to demand your release. What is your opinion about this strategy and what expectations do you have?

Indeed my family and communities we will resort to international instances for my case, especially since I suffered a conviction that is eminently political in regard to the use of the State Security Law and crimes associated with this legal interpretation, in addition to faults to due process. With my defense – a team of lawyers – we are going to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights IACH, and in turn we will also go to Human Bodies linked to the United Nations, this within the framework of the complaint about the criminalization of the Mapuche case and of the persecution that we are subject to as Mapuche leaders. We are going to undertake these actions, because we do not obtain justice by the Chilean courts who have acted and operated symptomatically with what is colonialism and the deepest racism that still sustains institutionality, which we define as oppressor of the Native peoples. These actions will also allow us to give visibility to our struggle, which we consider absolutely legitimate and fair, thus appealing to international solidarity with the Mapuche cause.

How do you evaluate the relationship between the government of Gabriel Boric and the Mapuche communities, especially in the context of the state of exception and the repression denounced?

The evaluation that we make of the relationship of this government with our people and with the Mapuche communities in struggle, particularly those that are mobilizing for the recovery of their lands, has been deplorable, is a relationship of greater confrontation and violence. Especially when our territorial struggle collides with the interests of the great capital of this country. We can affirm that it is one of the worst experiences that we have had within the framework of the historical conflict in recent times. The state of exception, the increase of military and the members of special forces and police in conflict areas demonstrate it. It is a militarization policy that we had not seen before, as well as the increase in criminalization and persecution against the struggle processes carried out by communities. Undoubtedly, this has increased tension, violence and confrontation with the state of Chile and with the capitalist system of extractivist base that sweeps our ancestral territories.

This is a government that at first defined itself as leftist and progressive but that has gradually subsumed itself to the system of domination and has tried to maintain the bourgeois neoliberal model, which is why it has functioned in a servile and lowly manner in the face of the interests of the large economic groups. For this reason, with this imposed reality we visualize a more adverse situation for the Mapuche autonomist movement that fights for territorial recovery to base our autonomist liberation proposal. We reiterate again and affirm that with the current government the historical conflict has been sharpened because it is not only based on the application of more repressive policies against the movement in struggle, but by the farce in which its alleged instances of dialogue has been transformed, as of the Commission for Peace and Understanding. An initiative that arises and is installed with the sole objective of using and manipulating the co-opted and functional Mapuche sectors to the system, an instance that has resulted in a failure and that constitutes a new mockery for the Mapuche movement in general.

As a synthesis we can affirm that with the Boric government not only a false flag has been installed with its dialog conditions for increasing repression mainly towards land recovery processes, and that in a certain way reinstates extermination policies that we suffer in the last century. Therefore, we affirm that we suffer a new occupation. Perhaps what portrays this government most is its attitude and decision to prosecute the Mapuche autonomist movement, which is registered in the active prosecutors and judges who have green light for this purpose, committing all kinds of procedural and police injustices against our fighting expressions. Today there are more than one hundred Mapuche prisoners in the prisons of the Chilean State.

What advances has the CAM achieved in the recovery of territories and how does it visualize the future of this fight against repressive policies?

From our perspective, we can affirm that we have made substantial advances in what is the recovery of the territory and this is the reason why there has been an increase in repressive policies against mainly the autonomist movement. And in this sense, we can categorically affirm that the recovery of the land has been, mainly, against forestry that are our historical enemy. Since this new reality is that the historical conflict has been exacerbated, because the post-dictatorship governments and this one specifically have put themselves on the side of the powerful, of the rich in the confrontation with our people. These advances allow us to carry out, in some way, our political project of national reconstruction, which is precisely what the state institutionality does not want, is what the fascists of the right do not want, so they have made the decision to repress with greater force the various processes of Mapuche reaffirmation and resistance. It is a fact that reactionary expressions and fascist forces that historically operate in the territory have the approval of the current administration, have the approval of a type of neoliberal governance, in which repressive policies that are increasingly more sophisticated and elaborate try to eliminate and atomize the movement of struggle.

In a context of political persecution, how is Mapuche worldview strengthened as the central axis of resistance and the construction of territorial autonomy?

In a context of greater criminalization of the Mapuche cause and the increase in militarization throughout the Wallmapu, we have opted to maintain resistance with the strengthening of the struggle, which is why we have to strengthen our Mapuche Kimun, our Mapuche Rakiduam, that is, our worldview and culture of our Mapuche nation people. These efforts link us to the entire Mapuche movement in general and has become the central axis of the resistance and reconstruction of our people and are the strategic bases that we as an organization, as Coordinadora Arauco Malleco CAM, we propose.

This is the recovery and defense of the ancestral territory, of the defense of our ItrofillMongen, which would mean the defense of all lives in the Mapuche world. This is the restoration of the communities – of the LOF – based on a proposal to reorganize communities so that the large autonomous territories can be rebuilt butalmapu and ultimately the Wallmapu. It is the recovery and defense of the wallontumapu, of a very diverse and rich world in the cultural, values and ideology, where our own idiosyncratic aspects have a lot of sense and reason for what our Mapuche nation is.

In the current stage of the struggle it is to slowly transform the reality to which they force us to live, and turn this reality into what our ancestors bequeathed. We call this, to get involved and continue fighting in the great reconstruction process of our nation people. We know that there are many diverse contributions, not only from the resistance with the Weichan, but of contributions from the Mapuche that implies understanding and assuming a political project of the size that we embrace from the CAM. It is what we have been raising from the different trenches that we have to assume. Therefore, our people have always strengthened with more and greater ceremonies which in turn strengthen our spiritual forces, everything related to the world of pullu. Which are the fundamental elements in our project.

Source: Clarin.cl
Resumen Latinoamericano, 16 January, 2025

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=13771

#CAM #chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #PoliticalPrisoners #southAmerica

Héctor Llaitul: “The Current Government Has Become More and More Functional and Servile to the Interests of the Great Capital”

Héctor Llaitul, leader of the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (CAM), sentenced to 23 years in prison under the Chilean anti -terrorism law, in writing and through a visit, offers a deep look on their personal situation, the Mapuche resistance and the fight for the Territorial autonomy. Llaitul addresses issues ranging from political prison and violations of the rights of Mapuche political prisoners, to the repressive policies of the current government and the impact of these on the Mapuche communities. Through their words, they emerge not only forceful criticisms of the Chilean political and judicial system, but also a reaffirmation of the commitment to the Mapuche cause and its worldview. This look allows us to understand the complexities of a historical conflict that remains in force.

How do you describe your experience in this new political prison and the impact of this sentence in your life and in the fight of the Mapuche people?

The first thing is to point out is that this was a political condemnation and therefore it must be assumed according to the degree of consciousness and politicization that our struggle has reached, which has been undertaken from the autonomist Mapuche movement. And by the way, political prison must be assumed under a context of greater adversity, because with the current government this fighting process has become more complex and adverse since it has demonstrated its decision to keep the neoliberal model with the Extractivist policies throughout Mapuche ancestral territoriality, thus exacerbating confrontation on the basis of the increase in militarization, criminalization and persecution of the most consistent expressions with the line of territorial and political struggle. And it is in this framework that we must also endure harassment and repression within prisons who embrace the revolutionary struggle more strongly. The impact has been greater and is a consequence of the neo-fascist offensive that is reinstated on Wallmapu. We resist in a land of greater threat and punishment towards the Mapuche militants. Today the imprisoned Weichafe must sustain with greater force and rigor the onslaught of racist institutionality. Under this government, many Mapuche have been imprisoned and some are subjected, under Gendarmerie policy, to the violation of our rights, based on the act of keeping us as common prisoners and far from our ancestral territoriality.

What message do you seek to convey with your book “written from jail” and what role you expect to play in the fight for the rights of the Mapuche people?

The message we want to deliver with the book is more than anything of breath and reaffirmation, and this is somehow related to what was said above since its elaboration was in very adverse conditions of political prison, when I assumed hunger strikes and endured punishments for my fighting attitude. It is a publication that occurs in a context in which we are still monitored and repressed only for maintaining our convictions, denying all our political and cultural rights as Mapuche political prisoners. We also want to demonstrate that despite being prisoners we will maintain the line and unalterable principles, and thus contribute to the fighting process being maintained in what is its broader scope. That is, it is our contribution as militants of the Mapuche revolutionary cause that are imprisoned today that we remain firm in the great process for Mapuche national reconstruction.

By the way, it is a message based on our rakiduam with analysis and reflections regarding how we the Mapuche must assume the new political and cultural challenges especially in a context in which the current government has become increasingly transformed into functional and servile to the interests of the great capital, thus raising the way for a new offensive of the most recalcitrant right in this country. It is important to reaffirm in turn that assuming the political prison and writing implies being part of the story of those who fight, and it is a way of denouncing and accounting for the violation of our rights, which had previously been achieved and that allow us to respect our culture and identity, and that are related to our status as Mapuche community members. Because it is not only about human rights, it is about respect for the cultural rights of an original people. In fact, the segregated modules for Mapuche were achieved with mobilization and struggle of prisoners, their relatives and communities, and which at the time had international support, based on ILO Convention 169.

The current situation is different because with the current administration all the rights of Mapuche political prisoners are violated. The treatment that is given to us is as criminals and delinquents, forcing us to be in high security enclosures and in modules with common prisoners with all that that entails in terms of security and exposure to racism and bad treatment in general. In this sense, what affects us most is the violation of our cultural rights in its broadest sense, because racism and intolerance is at all levels and is part of the structural violence of the Chilean State.

Your family has announced that they will resort to international organizations to demand your release. What is your opinion about this strategy and what expectations do you have?

Indeed my family and communities we will resort to international instances for my case, especially since I suffered a conviction that is eminently political in regard to the use of the State Security Law and crimes associated with this legal interpretation, in addition to faults to due process. With my defense – a team of lawyers – we are going to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights IACH, and in turn we will also go to Human Bodies linked to the United Nations, this within the framework of the complaint about the criminalization of the Mapuche case and of the persecution that we are subject to as Mapuche leaders. We are going to undertake these actions, because we do not obtain justice by the Chilean courts who have acted and operated symptomatically with what is colonialism and the deepest racism that still sustains institutionality, which we define as oppressor of the Native peoples. These actions will also allow us to give visibility to our struggle, which we consider absolutely legitimate and fair, thus appealing to international solidarity with the Mapuche cause.

How do you evaluate the relationship between the government of Gabriel Boric and the Mapuche communities, especially in the context of the state of exception and the repression denounced?

The evaluation that we make of the relationship of this government with our people and with the Mapuche communities in struggle, particularly those that are mobilizing for the recovery of their lands, has been deplorable, is a relationship of greater confrontation and violence. Especially when our territorial struggle collides with the interests of the great capital of this country. We can affirm that it is one of the worst experiences that we have had within the framework of the historical conflict in recent times. The state of exception, the increase of military and the members of special forces and police in conflict areas demonstrate it. It is a militarization policy that we had not seen before, as well as the increase in criminalization and persecution against the struggle processes carried out by communities. Undoubtedly, this has increased tension, violence and confrontation with the state of Chile and with the capitalist system of extractivist base that sweeps our ancestral territories.

This is a government that at first defined itself as leftist and progressive but that has gradually subsumed itself to the system of domination and has tried to maintain the bourgeois neoliberal model, which is why it has functioned in a servile and lowly manner in the face of the interests of the large economic groups. For this reason, with this imposed reality we visualize a more adverse situation for the Mapuche autonomist movement that fights for territorial recovery to base our autonomist liberation proposal. We reiterate again and affirm that with the current government the historical conflict has been sharpened because it is not only based on the application of more repressive policies against the movement in struggle, but by the farce in which its alleged instances of dialogue has been transformed, as of the Commission for Peace and Understanding. An initiative that arises and is installed with the sole objective of using and manipulating the co-opted and functional Mapuche sectors to the system, an instance that has resulted in a failure and that constitutes a new mockery for the Mapuche movement in general.

As a synthesis we can affirm that with the Boric government not only a false flag has been installed with its dialog conditions for increasing repression mainly towards land recovery processes, and that in a certain way reinstates extermination policies that we suffer in the last century. Therefore, we affirm that we suffer a new occupation. Perhaps what portrays this government most is its attitude and decision to prosecute the Mapuche autonomist movement, which is registered in the active prosecutors and judges who have green light for this purpose, committing all kinds of procedural and police injustices against our fighting expressions. Today there are more than one hundred Mapuche prisoners in the prisons of the Chilean State.

What advances has the CAM achieved in the recovery of territories and how does it visualize the future of this fight against repressive policies?

From our perspective, we can affirm that we have made substantial advances in what is the recovery of the territory and this is the reason why there has been an increase in repressive policies against mainly the autonomist movement. And in this sense, we can categorically affirm that the recovery of the land has been, mainly, against forestry that are our historical enemy. Since this new reality is that the historical conflict has been exacerbated, because the post-dictatorship governments and this one specifically have put themselves on the side of the powerful, of the rich in the confrontation with our people. These advances allow us to carry out, in some way, our political project of national reconstruction, which is precisely what the state institutionality does not want, is what the fascists of the right do not want, so they have made the decision to repress with greater force the various processes of Mapuche reaffirmation and resistance. It is a fact that reactionary expressions and fascist forces that historically operate in the territory have the approval of the current administration, have the approval of a type of neoliberal governance, in which repressive policies that are increasingly more sophisticated and elaborate try to eliminate and atomize the movement of struggle.

In a context of political persecution, how is Mapuche worldview strengthened as the central axis of resistance and the construction of territorial autonomy?

In a context of greater criminalization of the Mapuche cause and the increase in militarization throughout the Wallmapu, we have opted to maintain resistance with the strengthening of the struggle, which is why we have to strengthen our Mapuche Kimun, our Mapuche Rakiduam, that is, our worldview and culture of our Mapuche nation people. These efforts link us to the entire Mapuche movement in general and has become the central axis of the resistance and reconstruction of our people and are the strategic bases that we as an organization, as Coordinadora Arauco Malleco CAM, we propose.

This is the recovery and defense of the ancestral territory, of the defense of our ItrofillMongen, which would mean the defense of all lives in the Mapuche world. This is the restoration of the communities – of the LOF – based on a proposal to reorganize communities so that the large autonomous territories can be rebuilt butalmapu and ultimately the Wallmapu. It is the recovery and defense of the wallontumapu, of a very diverse and rich world in the cultural, values and ideology, where our own idiosyncratic aspects have a lot of sense and reason for what our Mapuche nation is.

In the current stage of the struggle it is to slowly transform the reality to which they force us to live, and turn this reality into what our ancestors bequeathed. We call this, to get involved and continue fighting in the great reconstruction process of our nation people. We know that there are many diverse contributions, not only from the resistance with the Weichan, but of contributions from the Mapuche that implies understanding and assuming a political project of the size that we embrace from the CAM. It is what we have been raising from the different trenches that we have to assume. Therefore, our people have always strengthened with more and greater ceremonies which in turn strengthen our spiritual forces, everything related to the world of pullu. Which are the fundamental elements in our project.

Source: Clarin.cl
Resumen Latinoamericano, 16 January, 2025

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=13771

#CAM #chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #PoliticalPrisoners #southAmerica

17 Years After the Murder of Matías Catrileo: Héctor LLaitul Reflects on Mapuche Struggle and Legacy of the Weychafe

In an exclusive interview for Werken Noticias, conducted from inside the bio-bio prison of Concepción through his defense, Héctor Llaitul, spokesman and political prisoner of the Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco (CAM), reflected on the current state of the Mapuche struggle, his latest book, the legacy of Matías Catrileo and the necessary strategies to achieve justice and advance in the reconstruction of the Mapuche nation. This in the framework of the 17th anniversary of the murder of the young weichafe.

From the struggle for land to a great process of Mapuche national reconstruction

Llaitul positively evaluates the progress made since the death of Matías Catrileo, highlighting that the Mapuche movement has evolved towards a more comprehensive struggle, which constitutes the great legacy of the weichafe. “We went from the struggle for land to establishing the pillars to develop a great proposal for the national reconstruction of the Mapuche people, which implies fighting more strongly to recover the territory and the other identity aspects linked to political autonomy. This process is essential to guarantee the political, cultural and ideological rights of our people.”

From his perspective, the current struggle not only confronts the Chilean State, but also an entire system based on the neoliberal model, which he describes as “the most direct threat to the processes of territorial and cultural recovery promoted by the autonomist movement.”

The legacy of Matías Catrileo

For Llaitul, the figure of Matías Catrileo is central to the recent history of the Mapuche people. “Catrileo represents total dedication and the highest conviction in the struggle for the reconstruction of our people. His example continues to summon the new generations of weichafe,” he said.

He also stressed that the murder of Catrileo was an example of the systematic repression of the Chilean State in its most colonial and racist format, carried out under a government of the Concertación. “His death made evident the willingness of the Chilean State to politically repress and assassinate those who are decisively fighting for territorial recovery. This is part of the strategies that big business always imposes in defense of capital, using the governments of the day as tools to perpetuate oppression and domination.”

Strategies for Achieving Justice

According to Llaitul, “true justice for the death of Matías Catrileo will not come from the Chilean judicial system, which he accuses of being incapable of offering justice because its nature is colonial and it has always represented the oligarchy.” He adds: “Our way of honoring the fallen weichafe is to continue with the process of territorial recovery and with strategies aimed at the reconstruction of the Mapuche nation.”

“The State has always chosen to implement flawed compromises and negotiations that only seek to contain the struggle and resistance of our people, which leads us to the conviction that the struggle must be maintained from the communities, in the political and cultural fields and with the strength of the true weichafe.”

Facing criminalization and repression

The CAM has faced constant accusations and criminalization strategies. However, Llaitul affirms that these have not diverted the course of the struggle. “We face repression and persecution with dignity, without altering our political, ideological and cultural stance. The confrontation is direct and it is a reality that no one can deny, and resistance from the communities is fundamental in this process.”

Llaitul also pointed out that “the costs of this struggle, including political imprisonment and the militarization of the Wallmapu that affects the mobilized communities, are assumed with conviction, given that the Mapuche cause is absolutely necessary, not only for its justice, but also for the projection of a proposal for a better life for all.”

A call for resistance and solidarity

In his final message, Llaitul called on the Mapuche communities and society in general: “As CAM we continue to call on the communities in resistance, all our people and, of course, the new generations, to maintain the Mapuche cause, to fight with strength, with newen and with the conviction that we have seen in our martyrs. We are aware that the process has costs and consequences, and it is necessary to assume levels of sacrifice and loyalty to rebuild our nation.”

He also calls on oppressed Chilean society and the international movement for just causes to get involved in the recognition and respect of the rights of the Mapuche people, supporting actions of resistance and reconstruction in the face of a system that it considers oppressive.

The legacy of Matías Catrileo, according to Héctor Llaitul, “not only remains alive, but continues to be a guide for the Mapuche autonomist movement, on our path for the recovery of territory, autonomy and justice for a people that is known for never surrendering or abandoning its cultural and political forms.”

“Therefore, our best tribute on this emblematic date will be to continue on the path of the futa keche kuifi yem, maintaining the Mapuche national liberation process.”

¡WEUWAIN!

Resumen Latinoamericano, January 3, 2025

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=13553

#CAM #chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #MatiasCatrileo #southAmerica

17 Years After the Murder of Matías Catrileo: Héctor LLaitul Reflects on Mapuche Struggle and Legacy of the Weychafe

In an exclusive interview for Werken Noticias, conducted from inside the bio-bio prison of Concepción through his defense, Héctor Llaitul, spokesman and political prisoner of the Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco (CAM), reflected on the current state of the Mapuche struggle, his latest book, the legacy of Matías Catrileo and the necessary strategies to achieve justice and advance in the reconstruction of the Mapuche nation. This in the framework of the 17th anniversary of the murder of the young weichafe.

From the struggle for land to a great process of Mapuche national reconstruction

Llaitul positively evaluates the progress made since the death of Matías Catrileo, highlighting that the Mapuche movement has evolved towards a more comprehensive struggle, which constitutes the great legacy of the weichafe. “We went from the struggle for land to establishing the pillars to develop a great proposal for the national reconstruction of the Mapuche people, which implies fighting more strongly to recover the territory and the other identity aspects linked to political autonomy. This process is essential to guarantee the political, cultural and ideological rights of our people.”

From his perspective, the current struggle not only confronts the Chilean State, but also an entire system based on the neoliberal model, which he describes as “the most direct threat to the processes of territorial and cultural recovery promoted by the autonomist movement.”

The legacy of Matías Catrileo

For Llaitul, the figure of Matías Catrileo is central to the recent history of the Mapuche people. “Catrileo represents total dedication and the highest conviction in the struggle for the reconstruction of our people. His example continues to summon the new generations of weichafe,” he said.

He also stressed that the murder of Catrileo was an example of the systematic repression of the Chilean State in its most colonial and racist format, carried out under a government of the Concertación. “His death made evident the willingness of the Chilean State to politically repress and assassinate those who are decisively fighting for territorial recovery. This is part of the strategies that big business always imposes in defense of capital, using the governments of the day as tools to perpetuate oppression and domination.”

Strategies for Achieving Justice

According to Llaitul, “true justice for the death of Matías Catrileo will not come from the Chilean judicial system, which he accuses of being incapable of offering justice because its nature is colonial and it has always represented the oligarchy.” He adds: “Our way of honoring the fallen weichafe is to continue with the process of territorial recovery and with strategies aimed at the reconstruction of the Mapuche nation.”

“The State has always chosen to implement flawed compromises and negotiations that only seek to contain the struggle and resistance of our people, which leads us to the conviction that the struggle must be maintained from the communities, in the political and cultural fields and with the strength of the true weichafe.”

Facing criminalization and repression

The CAM has faced constant accusations and criminalization strategies. However, Llaitul affirms that these have not diverted the course of the struggle. “We face repression and persecution with dignity, without altering our political, ideological and cultural stance. The confrontation is direct and it is a reality that no one can deny, and resistance from the communities is fundamental in this process.”

Llaitul also pointed out that “the costs of this struggle, including political imprisonment and the militarization of the Wallmapu that affects the mobilized communities, are assumed with conviction, given that the Mapuche cause is absolutely necessary, not only for its justice, but also for the projection of a proposal for a better life for all.”

A call for resistance and solidarity

In his final message, Llaitul called on the Mapuche communities and society in general: “As CAM we continue to call on the communities in resistance, all our people and, of course, the new generations, to maintain the Mapuche cause, to fight with strength, with newen and with the conviction that we have seen in our martyrs. We are aware that the process has costs and consequences, and it is necessary to assume levels of sacrifice and loyalty to rebuild our nation.”

He also calls on oppressed Chilean society and the international movement for just causes to get involved in the recognition and respect of the rights of the Mapuche people, supporting actions of resistance and reconstruction in the face of a system that it considers oppressive.

The legacy of Matías Catrileo, according to Héctor Llaitul, “not only remains alive, but continues to be a guide for the Mapuche autonomist movement, on our path for the recovery of territory, autonomy and justice for a people that is known for never surrendering or abandoning its cultural and political forms.”

“Therefore, our best tribute on this emblematic date will be to continue on the path of the futa keche kuifi yem, maintaining the Mapuche national liberation process.”

¡WEUWAIN!

Resumen Latinoamericano, January 3, 2025

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=13553

#CAM #chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #MatiasCatrileo #southAmerica

Mireille Fanon-Mendès France, president of the Frantz Fanon Foundation and daughter of the influential philosopher and psychiatrist Frantz Fanon, recently visited Wallmapu to observe and document the situation of Mapuche political prisoners. Her father’s decolonial theory, expressed in works such as “The Wretched of the Earth,” is a crucial analysis of cultural oppression and colonization, themes that Mireille continues to address in her work on Human Rights. During her visit to Chile, she highlighted the connections between the struggles for self-determination in territories such as Palestine and Wallmapu, drawing a parallel between the practices of resistance to colonization and neoliberalism, the same systems that Frantz Fanon denounced for perpetuating racial and cultural hierarchies. Fanon-Mendès underlines the discriminatory treatment and the “racial justice system” applied by the Chilean State, treating the Mapuche people as an “internal enemy”, this construction seeks, according to Mireille, to justify the expropriation of ancestral lands for the benefit of the state and transnational corporations, sometimes using questionable testimonies and evidence.

“The Chilean State focuses on demonstrating that the Mapuche are an internal enemy, we are facing the construction of a vision of an internal enemy that most of the time is built on cases that have false evidence, false testimonies and bought testimonies.”

Conditions of political imprisonment and cultural rights of Mapuche prisoners.

On October 21, Mireille Fanon visited the CCP Biobío, where she spoke with Héctor Llaitul, spokesman for the Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco (CAM), who is serving a 23-year sentence on charges related to the State Security Law (15 years). Héctor Llaitul was convicted on charges of theft of wood (5 years) and attack on authority (3 years), charges that he and his family attribute to political persecution, alleging false evidence and forced testimony. The sentence was the result of a trial that spanned more than 25 days, where numerous witnesses appeared, most of them with protected identity.

In a conversation with Radio Kurruf, Mireille clarified that her visit was organized by the organization Terre et Liberté (France), relatives of Mapuche political prisoners from the CAM and Mapuche communities. In turn, it was the international support network for Mapuche political prisoners of the CAM who asked Mireille to act as an observer during the judicial processes, but since “the agendas did not coincide (…) a more general observation mission was proposed”, finally her itinerary consisted of meetings and visits in Santiago, Concepción and Temuco, including the “young prisoners of the social movement (…) in prison since July 6″ referring to the raid on the Luisa Toledo soup kitchen in Villa Francia and the Mapuche political prisoners.”

Mireille underscored the differences in the treatment of Mapuche prisoners, whose incarceration “is absolutely related to the land,” emphasizing how the Chilean penal system shows a distinct “racial justice” for non-Mapuche and Mapuche political prisoners. This resonates with the International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention 169, which obliges states to respect the cultural rights of indigenous peoples. The situation in the Biobío Penitentiary Complex highlights the failure to comply with these regulations, as Mapuche prisoners face restrictions on practicing their cultural and spiritual traditions, including denial of access to ceremonies and modules adapted to their ancestral practices. These shortcomings reinforce the discrimination that Mireille described as part of a colonial strategy aimed at stripping the Mapuche people of their connection to the land.

“The conditions of imprisonment are quite similar, except specifically what has to do with the conditions of the Mapuche that are absolutely related to the land. The problems, although different, coincide in fighting against the capitalist system (…) but in the Mapuche case there is the situation of belonging to the land that is linked to sovereignty and the problem of colonization, what I am saying is that the land belonged to them before colonization and that this right to ancestral land was taken away by colonization.”

Double standards and racism of the Chilean judicial system.

When asked about the long sentences imposed on Mapuche political prisoners or practices such as the so-called “early sentences” that materialize in extensive pretrial detentions, Mireille does not fail to mention the differences with which the judicial system operates in Chile when it comes to Mapuche people or social activists:

“… It is a fact and a confirmation of a racial justice that works in one way for Chileans and in another for the Mapuche and the general set of political prisoners. In this sense, the observation mission aims to publicize these particularities, to show how this justice works and why it works that way, because people abroad believe that life is beautiful in Chile. That is why it is important to inform people well and understand well the reasons why the Mapuche are treated in this way.”

Parallels: Palestine, Wallmapu, other struggles and the coloniality of power.

“The struggle of the Mapuche people is as exemplary as that of the Palestinians, the Congolese in defense to preserve their lands, their traditions, it is a struggle for the sovereignty of the land. What the hegemonic power puts at a crossroads is the self-determination of the peoples, the Mapuche and the Palestinians claim this self-determination, much like in Yemen or the Democratic Republic of Congo.”

During the interview, Mireille also addressed the similarities between the Mapuche struggle and the Palestinian resistance. In line with her comments, she observed that peoples who defend their lands and natural resources are often described as “internal enemies,” pointing out how in Chile, the Mapuche are stigmatized and criminalized by transnational corporations and the State, which seek “to have rights to their lands.” The recent escalation of violence in Palestine illustrates this pattern, where the Palestinian people face territorial dispossession and military repression, a conflict that Mireille places as an example of the “coloniality of power” that sacrifices people and cultures in the name of capital and resource exploitation.

“There are many elements in common, but above all the land grabbing, because the colonial system has invaded all spaces in the world and the neoliberal capitalist policy is to take everything that does not belong to it, among other things the natural resources of the earth and when there are peoples who resist that they look for a way to eliminate them in one way or another.”

For Fanon, the intention to eliminate those who resist colonial capitalist policies is reflected both in “Palestine with the genocide that is being committed at this moment” and also in the Democratic Republic of Congo where “by the grabbing of natural resources six million people have been killed without anyone saying anything.” “We can affirm that these dynamics are not incidental, but reflect a power structure imposed since 1492, when colonial expansion began to impose the Eurocentric hierarchy and the dispossession of land.” “This is a colonial strategy that is expressed or executed through the coloniality of power, which to save capital sacrifices people, their traditions, their culture and the relationship with the other, the colonial power has no relationship with the other, only a relationship with money.”

Active resistance, autonomy and sovereignty.

In her analysis, the racist and capitalist system that promoted slavery and colonization is still in force in modern mechanisms of domination and exploitation of indigenous peoples and their territories, a “deadly and harmful system” that requires active resistance to preserve the autonomy and sovereignty of peoples, for Mireille “to fight against capitalism is to fight against the paradigm that has been imposed since 1492, a paradigm that imposes whites as the chosen and dominant people, that says that Eurocentric modernity is the only possibility for the world to build democracy and that also says that the lands of others belong to whites because they are the only ones who supposedly know how to exploit them.”

However, resistance inevitably faces criminalization and those who resist face the possibility of imprisonment, “the capitalist system, starting with slavery, managed to guarantee never to be convicted for the crimes of genocide it committed against humanity, putting into operation a whole system of impunity, which allows us to understand why there are people who defending their land are criminalized and punished, while the system that steals land goes unpunished,” she concluded.

By Noemí Ulloa Valenzuela, Radio Kurruf/ Resumen Latinoamericano, November 3, 2024.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/11/04/mapuche-nation-mireille-fanon-mendes-france-the-struggle-of-the-mapuche-people-is-as-exemplary-as-that-of-the-palestinians-or-congolese-in-defense-of-their-lands-and-traditions/

#antiColonialism #CAM #fanon #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #MireilleFanonMendèsFrance #southAmerica

Mireille Fanon-Mendès France, president of the Frantz Fanon Foundation and daughter of the influential philosopher and psychiatrist Frantz Fanon, recently visited Wallmapu to observe and document the situation of Mapuche political prisoners. Her father’s decolonial theory, expressed in works such as “The Wretched of the Earth,” is a crucial analysis of cultural oppression and colonization, themes that Mireille continues to address in her work on Human Rights. During her visit to Chile, she highlighted the connections between the struggles for self-determination in territories such as Palestine and Wallmapu, drawing a parallel between the practices of resistance to colonization and neoliberalism, the same systems that Frantz Fanon denounced for perpetuating racial and cultural hierarchies. Fanon-Mendès underlines the discriminatory treatment and the “racial justice system” applied by the Chilean State, treating the Mapuche people as an “internal enemy”, this construction seeks, according to Mireille, to justify the expropriation of ancestral lands for the benefit of the state and transnational corporations, sometimes using questionable testimonies and evidence.

“The Chilean State focuses on demonstrating that the Mapuche are an internal enemy, we are facing the construction of a vision of an internal enemy that most of the time is built on cases that have false evidence, false testimonies and bought testimonies.”

Conditions of political imprisonment and cultural rights of Mapuche prisoners.

On October 21, Mireille Fanon visited the CCP Biobío, where she spoke with Héctor Llaitul, spokesman for the Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco (CAM), who is serving a 23-year sentence on charges related to the State Security Law (15 years). Héctor Llaitul was convicted on charges of theft of wood (5 years) and attack on authority (3 years), charges that he and his family attribute to political persecution, alleging false evidence and forced testimony. The sentence was the result of a trial that spanned more than 25 days, where numerous witnesses appeared, most of them with protected identity.

In a conversation with Radio Kurruf, Mireille clarified that her visit was organized by the organization Terre et Liberté (France), relatives of Mapuche political prisoners from the CAM and Mapuche communities. In turn, it was the international support network for Mapuche political prisoners of the CAM who asked Mireille to act as an observer during the judicial processes, but since “the agendas did not coincide (…) a more general observation mission was proposed”, finally her itinerary consisted of meetings and visits in Santiago, Concepción and Temuco, including the “young prisoners of the social movement (…) in prison since July 6″ referring to the raid on the Luisa Toledo soup kitchen in Villa Francia and the Mapuche political prisoners.”

Mireille underscored the differences in the treatment of Mapuche prisoners, whose incarceration “is absolutely related to the land,” emphasizing how the Chilean penal system shows a distinct “racial justice” for non-Mapuche and Mapuche political prisoners. This resonates with the International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention 169, which obliges states to respect the cultural rights of indigenous peoples. The situation in the Biobío Penitentiary Complex highlights the failure to comply with these regulations, as Mapuche prisoners face restrictions on practicing their cultural and spiritual traditions, including denial of access to ceremonies and modules adapted to their ancestral practices. These shortcomings reinforce the discrimination that Mireille described as part of a colonial strategy aimed at stripping the Mapuche people of their connection to the land.

“The conditions of imprisonment are quite similar, except specifically what has to do with the conditions of the Mapuche that are absolutely related to the land. The problems, although different, coincide in fighting against the capitalist system (…) but in the Mapuche case there is the situation of belonging to the land that is linked to sovereignty and the problem of colonization, what I am saying is that the land belonged to them before colonization and that this right to ancestral land was taken away by colonization.”

Double standards and racism of the Chilean judicial system.

When asked about the long sentences imposed on Mapuche political prisoners or practices such as the so-called “early sentences” that materialize in extensive pretrial detentions, Mireille does not fail to mention the differences with which the judicial system operates in Chile when it comes to Mapuche people or social activists:

“… It is a fact and a confirmation of a racial justice that works in one way for Chileans and in another for the Mapuche and the general set of political prisoners. In this sense, the observation mission aims to publicize these particularities, to show how this justice works and why it works that way, because people abroad believe that life is beautiful in Chile. That is why it is important to inform people well and understand well the reasons why the Mapuche are treated in this way.”

Parallels: Palestine, Wallmapu, other struggles and the coloniality of power.

“The struggle of the Mapuche people is as exemplary as that of the Palestinians, the Congolese in defense to preserve their lands, their traditions, it is a struggle for the sovereignty of the land. What the hegemonic power puts at a crossroads is the self-determination of the peoples, the Mapuche and the Palestinians claim this self-determination, much like in Yemen or the Democratic Republic of Congo.”

During the interview, Mireille also addressed the similarities between the Mapuche struggle and the Palestinian resistance. In line with her comments, she observed that peoples who defend their lands and natural resources are often described as “internal enemies,” pointing out how in Chile, the Mapuche are stigmatized and criminalized by transnational corporations and the State, which seek “to have rights to their lands.” The recent escalation of violence in Palestine illustrates this pattern, where the Palestinian people face territorial dispossession and military repression, a conflict that Mireille places as an example of the “coloniality of power” that sacrifices people and cultures in the name of capital and resource exploitation.

“There are many elements in common, but above all the land grabbing, because the colonial system has invaded all spaces in the world and the neoliberal capitalist policy is to take everything that does not belong to it, among other things the natural resources of the earth and when there are peoples who resist that they look for a way to eliminate them in one way or another.”

For Fanon, the intention to eliminate those who resist colonial capitalist policies is reflected both in “Palestine with the genocide that is being committed at this moment” and also in the Democratic Republic of Congo where “by the grabbing of natural resources six million people have been killed without anyone saying anything.” “We can affirm that these dynamics are not incidental, but reflect a power structure imposed since 1492, when colonial expansion began to impose the Eurocentric hierarchy and the dispossession of land.” “This is a colonial strategy that is expressed or executed through the coloniality of power, which to save capital sacrifices people, their traditions, their culture and the relationship with the other, the colonial power has no relationship with the other, only a relationship with money.”

Active resistance, autonomy and sovereignty.

In her analysis, the racist and capitalist system that promoted slavery and colonization is still in force in modern mechanisms of domination and exploitation of indigenous peoples and their territories, a “deadly and harmful system” that requires active resistance to preserve the autonomy and sovereignty of peoples, for Mireille “to fight against capitalism is to fight against the paradigm that has been imposed since 1492, a paradigm that imposes whites as the chosen and dominant people, that says that Eurocentric modernity is the only possibility for the world to build democracy and that also says that the lands of others belong to whites because they are the only ones who supposedly know how to exploit them.”

However, resistance inevitably faces criminalization and those who resist face the possibility of imprisonment, “the capitalist system, starting with slavery, managed to guarantee never to be convicted for the crimes of genocide it committed against humanity, putting into operation a whole system of impunity, which allows us to understand why there are people who defending their land are criminalized and punished, while the system that steals land goes unpunished,” she concluded.

By Noemí Ulloa Valenzuela, Radio Kurruf/ Resumen Latinoamericano, November 3, 2024.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/11/04/mapuche-nation-mireille-fanon-mendes-france-the-struggle-of-the-mapuche-people-is-as-exemplary-as-that-of-the-palestinians-or-congolese-in-defense-of-their-lands-and-traditions/

#antiColonialism #CAM #fanon #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #MireilleFanonMendèsFrance #southAmerica

“We are an autonomist and revolutionary Mapuche organization. The CAM represents a significant advancement in the Mapuche people’s fight for their land.”

Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca, a Mapuche political prisoner and spokesperson for the Arauco Mapuche Coordinator (CAM), along with this movement, stands as a historical figure in the autonomous and revolutionary fight for the liberation of the Mapuche Nation. For decades, he and CAM have faced political, military, judicial, and media persecution by the Chilean State and its ruling classes. Currently, he is again under political incarceration, having recently undertaken a nearly three-month hunger strike to demand, among other things, transfer to a prison with a module for Mapuche community members, as international regulations for indigenous peoples stipulate. Despite these regulations, the Chilean State continues to hold him as a regular inmate at the Bíobio Penitentiary Complex in Concepción.

Under isolation imprisoning conditions, community member Héctor Llaitul gives an extensive interview with Vocesenlucha, addressing a range of topics from the historical backdrop that contextualizes the Mapuche movement’s quest for land and autonomy, to the CAM’s methods of struggle. He also discusses contentious issues recently highlighted by mainstream Chilean media, including the case of Pablo Marchant, a Mapuche weichafe of the CAM who was killed in 2021. Additionally, he touches on the current Boric government’s role in the oppression, legal prosecution, and militarization of Mapuche territory, its subordination to the US, its approach to lecturing about democracy to sovereign nations like Venezuela, and the rise of fascism in Latin America. Let’s begin.

Vocesenlucha: First, I appreciate your willingness to engage with this platform. To facilitate this interview, we transmitted the questions from a location in La Mancha to intermediaries who forwarded them to the prison in Concepción, Chile. Hector Llaitul, could you introduce yourself and explain why you are incarcerated?

Hector Llaitul: I am a Mapuche and a revolutionary of the Mapuche people. As the Werken, or spokesperson, for the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (CAM), I am currently incarcerated in Concepción, sentenced to 23 years under the State Security Law for crimes linked to the longstanding conflict between the Mapuche Nation and the Chilean and Argentine states. This marks my third conviction by Chilean courts in a series of eight political persecution trials for my role as a Weychafe (warrior) and Werken for the Mapuche cause, and I am the sole individual convicted of “apology of violence” in the post-Pinochet era.

Having completed an 87-day hunger strike, nearly three months in duration, could you share the reasons behind the strike and your evaluation of the political and judicial reactions to it?

I recently ended a hunger strike lasting nearly 90 days, which has resulted in certain physical consequences that I need to recover from to keep fighting for my people’s cause.

 The strike was motivated by two main reasons. Firstly, I sought the Annulment of a trial that convicted me (without objective and concrete evidence), under the State Security Law—a law with political biases, refined and extensively used by the Pinochet dictatorship to target dissenters. However, my plea was denied as the Supreme Court dismissed the annulment appeal against the Temuco Guarantee Court’s verdict, upholding the conviction, the political persecution, and the breaches of due process. Secondly, the strike was a call for the recognition of the cultural and political rights of the Mapuche as an indigenous people. In the midst of this conflict, many have been imprisoned for participating in the territorial dispute with forestry companies and the Chilean State. The distinction is clear: losing freedom is one thing, but losing our identity as Mapuche is non-negotiable.

A summary-assessment of the strike highlights the Chilean institutions’ continued policy of criminalization, persecution, and extermination of the Mapuche autonomist cause. This policy is characterized by repressive actions and a high degree of racism and denial towards the Mapuche, especially when our territorial and political struggle clashes head-on with the interests of big capital that operates predatorily in Wallmapu (Mapuche territory). In short, I have been wrongfully sentenced and I am kept imprisoned, in violation of my human and cultural rights as a Mapuche political prisoner. Consequently, I remain mobilized and active as a spokesperson for the autonomist cause of my organization.

Let’s go back a little. To understand CAM, one must look back to the 1990s when it emerged as a pivotal force in the struggle of indigenous peoples in Latin America. Today, CAM remains active, steadfastly advocating for autonomy and the self-determination of the Mapuche people through its political agenda. How can we explain what CAM is to those unfamiliar with its history of struggle?

We are a Mapuche organization that is autonomist and revolutionary. The CAM marks a significant advancement in the Mapuche people’s fight for our lands. It represents a turning point from a systemic institutional struggle within a framework of domination to one of defiance and rebellion. This will evolve into a political-strategic battle, positioning itself as a proposal for the liberation of our Nation and potentially serving as a reference for other oppressed peoples.

Indeed, the CAM emerges in the Historical Conflict as an autonomist Mapuche organization, with the primary goal of reconstructing the Mapuche Nation. From its inception, CAM has engaged in a territorial and political struggle, rooted in the Mapuche People’s historical claims for the restoration of TERRITORY and AUTONOMY. This approach is based on two strategic axes; on the one hand, to develop Resistance to the historical enemy, namely the oligarchy and the capitalist state; and on the other, to undertake a significant process of Rebuilding the Mapuche Nation, inevitably leading to confrontation with the power of domination. Both the active resistance and the revitalization of the Mapuche realm—its social, political, and cultural fabric—are steps towards achieving National Liberation, the ultimate strategic aim. Thus, CAM’s actions, grounded in direct engagement, encompass not only self-defensive sabotage or political violence but also transformative acts of insubordination against the system, such as planting crops, building habitats, and repositioning spaces of cultural significance. This comprehensive effort is what constitutes the reweaving of the Mapuche social, political, and cultural tapestry; the resurgence of the Mapuche world.

Due to these stances, our organization has faced repression and political persecution by the Chilean State for three decades. We have endured bloodshed, sacrifice, and imprisonment for embracing the Mapuche political proposal.

Over the decades, as CAM has strengthened its connections within Mapuche communities, how has its political thinking developed and matured?

For nearly thirty years, the CAM has upheld its autonomist and revolutionary position. As a Mapuche organization deeply connected to the communities and steadfast in preserving the nature of a Mapuche movement, we pose a significant challenge to the capitalist State’s foundations, which continue to exhibit its colonial and racist roots when confronting the Mapuche Autonomist Movement. Consequently, we have faced relentless repression and have had to withstand various forms of aggression from the forces of domination.

In this context, our political and combative proposal has been enduring and evolving. It is a political ideology shaped by the tangible struggles, through which we continuously learn and relearn the essence of combat, now imbued with respect and regard for the legacy of our ancestors. Concurrently, we must encapsulate, systematize, and refine within the present context where our battle rages in daily life, particularly concerning our present understanding of Itrofil Mongen. This concept signifies that we engage in our struggle alongside the other elements of our environment, which exist in nature and another dimension of our existence, a spiritual and mystical realm. As Mapuche, we place greater value on our ancestral heritage than on the destructive culture of postmodernist winka [foreigner] capitalism.

What is the significance of land and territory for the Mapuche people, and what is the CAM’s organized proposal concerning territory?

For this reason, we reassert our Mapuchist or cultural principles to bolster our political-strategic thought, emphasizing the paramount significance of land and territory as the cornerstone of our political endeavor and the rebirth of the Mapuche World. Autonomy is unattainable without the recovery of the territory. The revival of the Mapuche World hinges on the restoration and reconstitution of our lands. It also depends on a plan to reforge community bonds through the enlargement of territorial domains, enabling the full exercise of our rights as Mapuche Communards. Consequently, our approach has consistently been to engage in a coordinated and vigorous campaign for the restitution of ancestral lands, thereby establishing the groundwork for a broader concept of Revolutionary Autonomy. We advocate for autonomy in practice, REVOLUTIONARY AUTONOMY, a confrontation with power on all fronts, ensuring political, ideological, and organic independence, and crucially, a form of cultural sovereignty (a cultural confrontation) where the opposition and conflict are resolute and uncompromising. Hence, we must champion the Mapuche and revolutionary cause with a platform centered on TERRITORIAL CONTROL, which fundamentally represents our method and invitation to our people to partake in this journey of reestablishing the Mapuche Nation. Within this framework, our political and organizational endeavors, the formation and mobilization of various ORT (Organs of Territorial Resistance), the disruption of demonstrations and the expansion of major capital, as well as the diverse KUDAW that embody the restorations premised on the practice of territorial control, should be interpreted. For us, RESISTANCE encompasses a vast scope and bears immense cultural weight in the nexus between HUMANITY and LAND.

In contrast, what is the significance of the territory for the ruling classes of the Chilean State, the successors of the Spanish Empire, and its historical relationship with the Wallmapu territory of present-day southern Chile, and consequently with the Mapuche People?

Since the establishment of the national states of Chile and Argentina, there has been an ongoing process of occupation and domination over the indigenous peoples, with the oligarchy coveting the ancestral territories. The significance of the territory to the ruling classes has been a historical constant, crucial to comprehending the conflict between the capitalist State and the Mapuche People. The historical connection with WALLMAPU, or the ancestral territory, is rooted in conquest, occupation, and dispossession, prompting the demand and diverse forms of resistance from our side.

The ancestral Mapuche territory holds significant value for the dominant classes, heirs of the Spanish Empire and European colonialism, as they persist in plundering our wealth, the land, water, and other resources within our territories. This exploitation maintains and sharpens contradictions with the historical and core demands of the Mapuche World, as it encroaches upon the most vital interests and values we hold as an indigenous community. The “land and water resources” they desire are, to us, our ÑUKE MAPU [Mother Earth], our ITROFIL MONGEN [Pluri-diversity – All Life Without Exception].

What methods does the CAM employ to recover territory? What role does the military path play in the movement and how does this form of struggle relate to the political and ethical thinking of the CAM?

The CAM employs a variety of methods and approaches for territorial recovery. These range from effective occupations accompanied by ceremonies and the building of rukas [traditional house], to acts of sabotage targeting the forestry and energy industries’ supply chains and infrastructure, which greatly impact community survival. Within this context, political violence is seen as necessary for defending the territory and securing the gains made through territorial struggle.

The progression of territorial and political struggles has led to the Chilean State and the ruling class implementing a regime akin to military occupation, escalating confrontations with the Mapuche people. This has necessitated a comprehensive resumption of our struggle, termed the return of Weichan. It signifies the adoption of a military approach within the Mapuche autonomist and revolutionary movement, which fervently supports the Mapuche cause.

It must be clarified that this expression is currently channeled and strictly limited to the resistance and self-defense of communities when specific processes necessitate it. Its use as a form of struggle is intimately connected to political and strategic considerations. We maintain that this method of combat is highly restricted and aligned with our Mapuche stance, which advocates for the defense and restoration of the Mapuche World. It opposes all that endangers our Itrofil Mongen, our worldview, and spirituality. Its implementation will adhere to an ethical framework of political action that honors life in its broadest sense, safeguards ÑUKE MAPU, and seeks to repair the damage wrought by extractivist policies and the legacy of the colonial bourgeois order, characterized by destruction and extermination.


What do you think are the primary antagonistic forces against the Mapuche People?

The Mapuche people’s struggle spans several centuries, with a partially documented history of the resistance against the Incas and the Spanish Empire. Subsequently, their resistance was directed towards the national states of Chile and Argentina. Today, they confront what could be considered the fourth invasion, and perhaps the most formidable: the encroachment of globalized capitalism. Within this context, the Mapuche People’s current adversaries are multifaceted, stemming from the historical foe of the oligarchy and capitalist States.

Indeed, the Chilean oligarchy has been instrumental in defining the invasion and exploitation of our ancestral lands. They orchestrated and funded the political-military occupation of Wallmapu, leading to its ongoing pillage, a trend that persists with the current extractive policies aggressively encroaching upon the land and the Mapuche World. The establishment of National States further solidified this invasion and occupation. The system of domination imposed by these states serves a colonizing and oppressive role against our People-Nation. Today, the Chilean State, deeply rooted in racism and colonialism, continues to oppress and dominate the Mapuche People-Nation, stripping away their rights, especially those pertaining to their territory and autonomy.

The occupation of Wallmapu stemmed from a political-military campaign by the Chilean and Argentine armies, known as the “Pacification of Araucanía” and the “Desert Campaign”. To this day, we live under the political and military domination of the powerful, with military forces (police and armies) maintaining a regime of occupation over our People. This serves to protect the interests of major economic entities that plunder the ancestral territory, primarily for forestry and energy industries.

When we speak of oppression by state institutions, we refer to the complete legal, political, and institutional framework designed to subjugate and oppress the Mapuche. It is the ruling class, through the political class (executive, legislative, and judicial branches), and the entities serving the economic-political development model’s interests that stand absolutely against the Mapuche communities. Consequently, it can be stated that nearly all governments founded on the neoliberal model oppose the Mapuche cause, thereby administering and legislating policies and laws against the Autonomist Movement and the communities fighting for their rights.

For these reasons, it can be asserted that the economic and political right-wing factions are among the most significant adversaries of the Mapuche cause in this country. It is evident that there exists an extreme right-wing presence, espousing increasingly racist and fascist rhetoric to protect the interests of influential parties in areas of conflict, thereby encouraging the activities of paramilitaries and mafias associated with these economic groups.

Ultimately, it is crucial to address the role of the media serving fascist interests and defending the most intransigent aspects of the capitalist system. Additionally, the spectrum of the press serving the bourgeoisie has expanded recently, encompassing even those outlets that professed to be “independent” and “progressive,” yet ultimately sided with corporate interests in supporting the present Boric administration. Consequently, it becomes clear why certain media, which self-identified as left-wing, have engaged in biased and unfair treatment.

How did Chilean political power change after the dictatorship and how was the relationship between the Chilean State and both national and transnational capital reconfigured?

Strictly speaking, there has been no change. What has occurred, in our view, is a shift within the inter-bourgeois framework that perpetuates the historical oligarchy’s advantage over the oppressed, especially the Mapuche Nation. Consequently, the Chilean State’s relationship with major national and transnational capital is characterized by subordination and dependency on the interests of this capital. Therefore, the current government’s attitude can be seen as servile and subservient to the interests of multinational Corporations and Yankee Imperialism.

In essence, we believe that the dictatorship’s logic persists under a neoliberal guise. The privatization and sale of Mapuche lands during the dictatorship, which remain unrecovered, exemplify this continuity. Although the forms of power and domination have evolved, becoming more sophisticated and restructured to enhance hegemony through increased profitability and diversified support, the underlying dynamics remain. Many individuals now employed by forestry companies represent a fragile and temporary triumph for the political and economic elite. These dynamics benefit the forestry sector and business community financially by shifting the conflict into the communities themselves, securing support from various sectors. However, when such measures prove inadequate, the state’s coercive power is unleashed with full intensity, leading to criminalization, death, imprisonment, and militarization, as observed in Ngulumapu [Mapuche territory west of the Andes] for over two years. These evolving dynamics, which have been in flux since the dictatorship’s end, is what the Mapuche territorial struggle continues to confront, upholding its core principles.

Years ago, you stated that the liberation of the Mapuche People is intertwined with the liberation of the Chilean people. The Popular Rebellion of 2019 marked a significant moment for popular movements in Latin America. However, Chilean political power found ways to redirect its crisis by seemingly instituting change with the election of President Gabriel Boric. Previously, President Boric had visited communities in resistance within the CAM and showed solidarity with the Mapuche struggle. Now that he has arrived at La Moneda as the head of state, what is the policy of the current government towards the Mapuche People and their expressions of struggle?

First of all, we must clarify that Boric has not visited communities associated with the CAM in the past; however, he has engaged with other groups that resonated with his message. Secondly, we do not agree with the notion that the “social explosion” has fostered conditions conducive to institutional change under the current government. At least in relation to the longstanding conflict involving our People. What has transpired is an intensification of the capitalist system, which has paved the way for the extreme right to launch a renewed fascist campaign at various levels, not just in Wallmapu, leading to an occupation regime characterized by increased authoritarianism across Chile.

Our analysis indicates a reshaping of the forms of domination in Wallmapu. As previously stated, the policy of ‘the Stick and the Carrot’ is being enforced once more. However, the current administration appears to have tilted towards intensifying the repression and extermination of the Mapuche Nation’s People, especially when it comes to confronting with all the force of the State the manifestations of resistance and reconstruction efforts by our People.

Moreover, the situation can be depicted as a lack of will to address the most heartfelt demands of the communities, primarily those concerning the restitution of the usurped lands. This is compounded by the complete militarization of the historic Wallmapu, the escalating militarized suppression of resistance organizations and mobilized communities, the hundreds of Mapuche political prisoners, and the assorted infringements and breaches of the human and cultural rights of those community members most actively engaged in the Mapuche cause.

This government still has prisoners from the popular rebellion or the “uprising” and holds over 100 Mapuche weichafe in custody. Nonetheless, it positions itself to give lectures on democracy to other nations, such as to Venezuela. What do you think about that?

Indeed, under the current government, there have been more Mapuche political prisoners than at any other time in the history of the conflict between the Chilean State and the Mapuche People. Over 100 community members are incarcerated in Chilean prisons, many of whom are not acknowledged as political prisoners, and their cultural rights as indigenous people are violated. This is despite Chile’s ratification of international agreements such as Convention 169 (of the International Labor Organization), which are not being upheld by the government. Therefore, it is contradictory and quite audacious for this government’s authorities to openly criticize other governments in the region on this matter, given that Chile has political prisoners, including many Mapuche who are advocating for the territorial and political rights of our people.

The current government lacks the political and moral authority to criticize or impose sanctions on other nations regarding the persecution of opponents, especially here, when they have militarized our territories and have murdered and imprisoned our Weichafe. Indeed, from what we have learned through our brothers, Venezuela has shown greater respect for the rights of indigenous peoples. Its system of representation, which is more democratic than Chile’s, acknowledges and includes its indigenous communities.

The prevailing narrative and actions of the current Chilean authorities are characterized by racism and denialism. This is demonstrated by the existence of political prisoners and the ongoing enforcement of repressive policies and measures steeped in structural and discursive racism. Political authorities initiate legal actions against us, while biased and corrupt police forces pursue us. Similarly, prejudiced courts issue convictions against us, and the Gendarmerie subjects us to harassment and oppression within Chilean prisons.

What do you think is the influence of US-led imperialism in Chile?

One of the historical events that has most reflected the reality of Chilean capitalism’s dependence on Yankee imperialism was the Pinochet dictatorship. Subsequently, the maintenance of the neoliberal model and the system of alternating power with the forces representing the oligarchy reveals not only the North American influence but also Chile’s dependence on the globalized world capitalist system, which is controlled by Yankee multinational corporations, which are the ones that define the guidelines of economies that are imposed by blood and fire in a large part of the world. Thus, we understand why the authorities of the current government have supported interventionism, blockades and wars against the sovereignty of peoples and their self-determination. We see Boric supporting not only Biden, but also Zelenski, Milei and other pro-imperialists in the region, who in turn attack governments that daily resist genocidal and interventionist policies such as Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua.

Currently, the concept of Yankee influence has expanded due to geostrategic interests in oil and other mineral resources (lithium), which are increasingly subjected to the control of global powers. This trend towards alignment with imperialistic forces is becoming more evident.

In Europe, the political and social advancement of the extreme right is unprecedented since the Second World War.  What do you think of the rise of the extreme right, and its fascist expressions in Latin America, and what do you think is the responsibility of the so-called progressive movements and the left in this surge?

Indeed, the influence and power of the extreme right have been increasing globally, a trend that has been documented in Europe and has had ripple effects in the region. This has led to a resurgence of fascist ideologies in local governments, a neo-fascist offensive that reasserts the most extreme and racist elements of the right and far-right, originating from the colonizers and usurpers of ancestral lands.

The resurgence of a neo-fascist movement in Chile must be understood in the context of Wallmapu, where an oligarchic elite, embodying the most extreme racist and fascist elements of the Chilean right, has taken root. This elite, descended from European settlers, amassed wealth through the brutal subjugation and genocide of the Mapuche People, coupled with rampant exploitation of the natural environment. Such actions have led to the devastation of territories and the implementation of extractive policies that threaten the very existence of Mapuche collectives and communities. In response, the Mapuche people have reignited the Weichan, a struggle to defend our people, preserve nature, and uphold a justice system rooted in community values.

Indeed, the pseudo-left bears significant responsibility, especially the inaccurately termed “progressivism,” for the rise of the extreme right and fascism. This is largely because they have not only integrated into the neoliberal system but have also come to embrace and manage government programs founded on neoliberal principles. This, combined with their deviations into subservient and corrupt political practices, has contributed to the issue.

Do you think that a plan is underway for social decomposition in the historic Mapuche territory of Wallmapu, facilitated by the progression of paramilitary groups acting in the interests of large capital?

There is a strategy of containment and confrontation against the autonomist Mapuche movement, which exhibits revolutionary behavior and actions, as demonstrated by the political practices of the CAM. This strategy, crafted by the forces of domination, seeks to suppress and dismantle the Mapuche groups that with greater strength and conviction fight for national reconstruction. 

Indeed, in Chile, there exists a communication policy aimed at demonizing the Mapuche cause, involving nearly all the official media that kowtows to power.

The State and its institutions are the ones challenging the MAPUCHE CAUSE. However, it is the official narrative, steeped in hate and racism, that lays the groundwork for justifying repressive measures and other policies labeled as “new deal” or “good living,” aimed at halting the territorial fight. This narrative, rife with stigma and demonization, has gradually eroded support for the Mapuche cause. This is compounded by the portrayal in numerous media outlets, which often depict the cause as being based on misleading data and information, obscuring the true extent and reality of the struggle.

In fact, recently there has been open discussion labeling our resistance efforts as terrorist or criminal activities, even though 90% of our actions are grounded in an ethic of humanitarian political action for social justice, upholding the most noble and worthy values of human existence. Moreover, the Mapuche struggle represents a genuine defense of life in its fullest expression, safeguarding our natural environment and the various forms of life that persist in our ancestral lands. It embodies a visionary commitment to fostering a better, fairer world for future generations, particularly through the preservation of land and habitat, in pursuit of a more humane, supportive, and community-oriented society akin to the Mapuche world.

However, the oligarchy, the extreme right, the fascist press, the racist institutions and the system’s lackeys treat us and portray us in the worst possible way, assigning us all kinds of false and fabricated labels to undermine us and tarnish our image in the eyes of potential supporters that we should have. It is crucial to acknowledge that Chile’s foundation is marred by racism and disdain for the Mapuche, a bitter truth we continue to confront. Personally, I was wrongfully convicted of wood theft, an “illicit act” I never engaged in. Moreover, my conviction for apology to violence is absurd, because it is based on expressions of strong ideas, in a context in which we are attacked with structural-racist violence aimed at our annihilation, against which we assert our right to voice our feelings and thoughts.

What is the CAM’s stance on the Commission for Peace and Understanding, which is due to submit a report to the President of the Republic in November?

This commission embodies the same rationale behind measures that neoliberal governments have enacted since the dictatorship’s end, targeting the Mapuche and indigenous peoples. The commission’s members perpetuate the indigenist and anti-Mapuche policies of the past 30 years, representing historical and institutional sectors that have failed to resolve the conflict, instead exacerbating political and economic oppression. Even anti-Mapuche sectors that have sanctioned colonialism and land dispossession by forestry companies and large estates are included.

This scenario suggests the inevitable failure of this entity, which seems designed to shift focus from the core issues: ancestral property and the territorial struggle.

Indeed, we are not impressed by Gabriel Boric’s attempt to secure his governance by criminalizing and marginalizing Mapuche autonomist groups, as this is a continuation of his neoliberal ideology, which will define his tenure.

Over the past few decades, the CAM has endured the violence of the capitalist State, including criminalization, judicialization, and political imprisonment, as well as murders. The latest incident involved Pablo Marchant, whose murder was initially leaked to the press as if it were your son Ernesto Llaitul.

The CAM, as an autonomist Mapuche entity, has consistently faced political persecution and violence from the State, its institutions, and agents since its inception. This violence manifests in the existing political, legal, institutional, and cultural frameworks directed against the mobilized Mapuche People. The militarization, criminalization, judicial proceedings with political incarcerations, and the assassination of our Weichafe starkly illustrate the violence on the part of the Chilean state.

The case of Pablo Marchant starkly demonstrates the violence in Wallmapu, perpetrated both by state forces and paramilitary groups at the service of forestry companies. These groups act with impunity, and Marchant’s brutal murder implicates state agents as well as mafia members who are shielded by oppressive institutions. Meanwhile, prosecutors, police, and authorities who are biased against the Mapuche people turn a blind eye to these transgressions.

Recent mainstream media coverage included an interview with the mother of Pablo Marchant, who claimed that the CAM is hindering the exhumation of her son for an autopsy. What insights can you provide on this?

Understanding the origin of this contradiction is crucial, as it is the hegemonic media that has spread the interview with lagmien [sister] Miriam, Pablo’s mother, to create discord and controversy against the CAM’s stance. It has been alleged that the CAM is hindering the exhumation, but in reality, it is upholding its political-strategic approaches and reaffirming principles and guidelines rooted in Mapuche Kimun [Knowledge] and Mapuche Rakiduam [Philosophy]. Consequently, there is complete consistency from the community in question, our organization, and the spokesperson we have supported previously, continue to support now, and will support in the future. This support is aimed at furthering the struggle for liberation, where cultural and spiritual values are fundamental to our beliefs and decisions, and which we will not compromise, as this fight is pivotal; it is about the reconstruction of the Mapuche Nation.

The aim has been to stir controversy and divide those of us advocating for justice. We contend that institutions have co-opted certain groups that support the family’s call for justice, promoting the notion that these mechanisms side with the very institutions culpable for oppressing our fight for territory and autonomy. Indeed, seeking justice within the anti-Mapuche prosecutor’s office and biased courts, where police and military forces enact criminality is a pipe dream, it is a contradiction. We believe the path should have always been to create and utilize alternative mechanisms that empower our organized communities. Participating in the official, demonizing narrative, which is built on falsehoods and setups, contradicts our values, and attacking the vulnerable is a direct insult to us. While we empathize with the pain and helplessness, we cannot condone any breach of our principles—principles for which our people have shed blood, sweat, and tears to reclaim the dignity stripped from us over centuries. The Mapuche’s fight for national reconstruction is a quest for dignity, a righteous and noble cause we will steadfastly uphold. We are certain that Toño (Pablo Marchant) supports us from Wenu Mapu [World Up Above], his spirit alive in every act of defiance and resistance, sustaining the Mapuche Nation’s existence.

It is evident to us that the media serve specific interests of the powerful; the bourgeois press, for instance, has historically shown hatred towards the Mapuche, casting them in an outdated past centuries light. As for the so-called independent and progressive media, we conclude that they have sold out, or rather prostituted themselves to the highest bidder.  Such a perspective is necessary to interpret the interview that aimed to sow confusion and foster an anti-CAM sentiment, laced with racism and disdain for both the organization and our struggle. Radio Biobío has long played this regrettable role, with “certain journalists” catering to fascist groups or participating in intelligence schemes designed to undermine the struggle that aligns with the autonomous values and principles upheld by us, the Weichafe of the CAM.

Extracting Toñito’s body to place him in a common cemetery is deeply detrimental to our cause, setting the stage for another incursion and occupation of the reclaimed lands. It represents an attack on territorial control and a violation of our spirituality. However, we must not ignore the fact and the conviction that it was the Weichafe who chose to remain with the Pu Lonko [Community Leaders], and thus was handed over to the ELUWUN, [Mapuche funeral ritual] along with hundreds and thousands of Autonomists Mapuche.

Is the Mapuche Nation an oppressed nation, an oppressed people?

Indeed, since the Chilean and Argentine states initiated military actions against our people, leading to a temporary defeat, we have been deprived of over 95% of our ancestral territory. Our people were reduced and subjected via manu militari to a colonial and racist system, leaving us impoverished, fragmented, and in a state of survival and resistance. However, we retain the right to rebel against such profound injustice. This is why we have put forward proposals for the Mapuche National Liberation.

What similarities and differences exist with other oppressed peoples such as the Palestinians?

All oppressed peoples of the world face a common plight: we suffer under the yoke of a ruling class that employs a range of national and international agents to perpetuate this subjugation. This framework of oppression is rooted in history and continues to evolve, driven by the capital’s necessity to proliferate across the globe.

Similarly, the concept of self-determination of peoples underpins a significant paradigm that aligns us with those striving for sovereignty and autonomy, each according to their unique identities and cultural expressions. This includes groups like the CAM, who advocate for the National Liberation of peoples. Consequently, our struggle resonates with the struggles of the Kurdish, Catalan, Basque, and the one taking place in Lebanon and especially that of the Palestinian People, to whom we extend our solidarity and support in their resistance against Israeli Zionism.

What is the significance of international solidarity with the Mapuche people?

It is crucial for us, particularly as we find ourselves more vulnerable than before, partly due to the reversal and betrayal of the Mapuche Cause by those claiming to be leftists and progressives (who have never participated in our people’s struggle). We must acknowledge that our list of political enemies and adversaries has expanded, including those who oppose and disparage the autonomous Mapuche cause. Given that racism pervades much of Chilean society and the media’s role in denigrating and degrading the Mapuche cause, we recognize that our efforts are more likely to be appreciated abroad, where there is a chance for a more objective understanding of this historical confrontation. For this reason, we are thankful for the chance to share our perspective in this interview, offering insight into the facts and reality of a longstanding conflict.

Do you think that the presence and observation of human rights organizations in ongoing judicial proceedings, particularly regarding the political imprisonment of the Mapuche, and specifically in your case, is important?

It is also essential for us, as we persist in asserting that our stance, along with that of the communities, is justified in this historic conflict where we face an absolute disadvantage. It resembles the battle between David and Goliath, where we endure the consequences of our ongoing resistance.

In Chile, all the fundamental rights of indigenous peoples are being violated. This country is the most backward in this matter, not only concerning constitutional and political rights but also in terms of the Mapuche movement’s progress. As tensions escalate, the State intensifies its repression and abuses against our people, which is a constant (violation of human rights) across all sectors, enforced by oppressive police and military forces, prejudiced judicial systems, and patronizing authorities that are ultimately functional to the system.

The involvement of international human rights observers is vital in the area of territorial political rights, particularly regarding the criminalization of the Mapuche cause, the right to due process, and the violation of indigenous peoples’ cultural rights.

Would you like to add something? Send a message to the international community?

The Mapuche Nation is internationally recognized as a warrior people, and the figure of LAUTARO, or Leftraru, is etched in the memory of the world’s great heroes of just causes. His military prowess is even studied in prestigious European military academies. Yet, the significance of this formidable Weichafe lies in the collective resistance of a people who, united and cohesive, knew how to preserve a society and worldview rich in cultural and idiosyncratic elements that define a dignified People, upholding the highest values of humanity, particularly the deep respect and acknowledgment of the profound connection between humans and the earth. This is the legacy we, the Mapuche, inherit today, as we strive to persist, liberating ourselves from the oppression and injustices we still endure under a system of domination. Our history is marked by this struggle, shaping our past, present, and future; it is why we Weichafe must resist and advance the path of the Mapuche Weichan, contributing to this great process of the reconstruction of the Mapuche Nation. Thus, we call upon the conscious and supportive people to accompany us in this process of struggle and give meaning and life to our war cry and political motto, “Amulepe Taiñ Weichan! Marrichiweu!! Weuwaiñ!!”.

English translation: Claudio Ekdahl

Interview published in ContrahegemoníaWeb, Kaos en la Red, Tercera Información, Rebelion, Resumen Latinoamericano, El Porteño

Portrait: Incendiar el Océano [Ignite the Ocean’s Blaze] (Book Nuestra América en la encrucijada: pandemia, rebeliones y estados de excepción)

Source: Vocesenlucha

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/10/22/interview-with-hector-llaitul-carrillanca-mapuche-political-prisoner-of-the-cam/

#argentina #CAM #chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #PoliticalPrisoners #southAmerica #Wallmapu

“We are an autonomist and revolutionary Mapuche organization. The CAM represents a significant advancement in the Mapuche people’s fight for their land.”

Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca, a Mapuche political prisoner and spokesperson for the Arauco Mapuche Coordinator (CAM), along with this movement, stands as a historical figure in the autonomous and revolutionary fight for the liberation of the Mapuche Nation. For decades, he and CAM have faced political, military, judicial, and media persecution by the Chilean State and its ruling classes. Currently, he is again under political incarceration, having recently undertaken a nearly three-month hunger strike to demand, among other things, transfer to a prison with a module for Mapuche community members, as international regulations for indigenous peoples stipulate. Despite these regulations, the Chilean State continues to hold him as a regular inmate at the Bíobio Penitentiary Complex in Concepción.

Under isolation imprisoning conditions, community member Héctor Llaitul gives an extensive interview with Vocesenlucha, addressing a range of topics from the historical backdrop that contextualizes the Mapuche movement’s quest for land and autonomy, to the CAM’s methods of struggle. He also discusses contentious issues recently highlighted by mainstream Chilean media, including the case of Pablo Marchant, a Mapuche weichafe of the CAM who was killed in 2021. Additionally, he touches on the current Boric government’s role in the oppression, legal prosecution, and militarization of Mapuche territory, its subordination to the US, its approach to lecturing about democracy to sovereign nations like Venezuela, and the rise of fascism in Latin America. Let’s begin.

Vocesenlucha: First, I appreciate your willingness to engage with this platform. To facilitate this interview, we transmitted the questions from a location in La Mancha to intermediaries who forwarded them to the prison in Concepción, Chile. Hector Llaitul, could you introduce yourself and explain why you are incarcerated?

Hector Llaitul: I am a Mapuche and a revolutionary of the Mapuche people. As the Werken, or spokesperson, for the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (CAM), I am currently incarcerated in Concepción, sentenced to 23 years under the State Security Law for crimes linked to the longstanding conflict between the Mapuche Nation and the Chilean and Argentine states. This marks my third conviction by Chilean courts in a series of eight political persecution trials for my role as a Weychafe (warrior) and Werken for the Mapuche cause, and I am the sole individual convicted of “apology of violence” in the post-Pinochet era.

Having completed an 87-day hunger strike, nearly three months in duration, could you share the reasons behind the strike and your evaluation of the political and judicial reactions to it?

I recently ended a hunger strike lasting nearly 90 days, which has resulted in certain physical consequences that I need to recover from to keep fighting for my people’s cause.

 The strike was motivated by two main reasons. Firstly, I sought the Annulment of a trial that convicted me (without objective and concrete evidence), under the State Security Law—a law with political biases, refined and extensively used by the Pinochet dictatorship to target dissenters. However, my plea was denied as the Supreme Court dismissed the annulment appeal against the Temuco Guarantee Court’s verdict, upholding the conviction, the political persecution, and the breaches of due process. Secondly, the strike was a call for the recognition of the cultural and political rights of the Mapuche as an indigenous people. In the midst of this conflict, many have been imprisoned for participating in the territorial dispute with forestry companies and the Chilean State. The distinction is clear: losing freedom is one thing, but losing our identity as Mapuche is non-negotiable.

A summary-assessment of the strike highlights the Chilean institutions’ continued policy of criminalization, persecution, and extermination of the Mapuche autonomist cause. This policy is characterized by repressive actions and a high degree of racism and denial towards the Mapuche, especially when our territorial and political struggle clashes head-on with the interests of big capital that operates predatorily in Wallmapu (Mapuche territory). In short, I have been wrongfully sentenced and I am kept imprisoned, in violation of my human and cultural rights as a Mapuche political prisoner. Consequently, I remain mobilized and active as a spokesperson for the autonomist cause of my organization.

Let’s go back a little. To understand CAM, one must look back to the 1990s when it emerged as a pivotal force in the struggle of indigenous peoples in Latin America. Today, CAM remains active, steadfastly advocating for autonomy and the self-determination of the Mapuche people through its political agenda. How can we explain what CAM is to those unfamiliar with its history of struggle?

We are a Mapuche organization that is autonomist and revolutionary. The CAM marks a significant advancement in the Mapuche people’s fight for our lands. It represents a turning point from a systemic institutional struggle within a framework of domination to one of defiance and rebellion. This will evolve into a political-strategic battle, positioning itself as a proposal for the liberation of our Nation and potentially serving as a reference for other oppressed peoples.

Indeed, the CAM emerges in the Historical Conflict as an autonomist Mapuche organization, with the primary goal of reconstructing the Mapuche Nation. From its inception, CAM has engaged in a territorial and political struggle, rooted in the Mapuche People’s historical claims for the restoration of TERRITORY and AUTONOMY. This approach is based on two strategic axes; on the one hand, to develop Resistance to the historical enemy, namely the oligarchy and the capitalist state; and on the other, to undertake a significant process of Rebuilding the Mapuche Nation, inevitably leading to confrontation with the power of domination. Both the active resistance and the revitalization of the Mapuche realm—its social, political, and cultural fabric—are steps towards achieving National Liberation, the ultimate strategic aim. Thus, CAM’s actions, grounded in direct engagement, encompass not only self-defensive sabotage or political violence but also transformative acts of insubordination against the system, such as planting crops, building habitats, and repositioning spaces of cultural significance. This comprehensive effort is what constitutes the reweaving of the Mapuche social, political, and cultural tapestry; the resurgence of the Mapuche world.

Due to these stances, our organization has faced repression and political persecution by the Chilean State for three decades. We have endured bloodshed, sacrifice, and imprisonment for embracing the Mapuche political proposal.

Over the decades, as CAM has strengthened its connections within Mapuche communities, how has its political thinking developed and matured?

For nearly thirty years, the CAM has upheld its autonomist and revolutionary position. As a Mapuche organization deeply connected to the communities and steadfast in preserving the nature of a Mapuche movement, we pose a significant challenge to the capitalist State’s foundations, which continue to exhibit its colonial and racist roots when confronting the Mapuche Autonomist Movement. Consequently, we have faced relentless repression and have had to withstand various forms of aggression from the forces of domination.

In this context, our political and combative proposal has been enduring and evolving. It is a political ideology shaped by the tangible struggles, through which we continuously learn and relearn the essence of combat, now imbued with respect and regard for the legacy of our ancestors. Concurrently, we must encapsulate, systematize, and refine within the present context where our battle rages in daily life, particularly concerning our present understanding of Itrofil Mongen. This concept signifies that we engage in our struggle alongside the other elements of our environment, which exist in nature and another dimension of our existence, a spiritual and mystical realm. As Mapuche, we place greater value on our ancestral heritage than on the destructive culture of postmodernist winka [foreigner] capitalism.

What is the significance of land and territory for the Mapuche people, and what is the CAM’s organized proposal concerning territory?

For this reason, we reassert our Mapuchist or cultural principles to bolster our political-strategic thought, emphasizing the paramount significance of land and territory as the cornerstone of our political endeavor and the rebirth of the Mapuche World. Autonomy is unattainable without the recovery of the territory. The revival of the Mapuche World hinges on the restoration and reconstitution of our lands. It also depends on a plan to reforge community bonds through the enlargement of territorial domains, enabling the full exercise of our rights as Mapuche Communards. Consequently, our approach has consistently been to engage in a coordinated and vigorous campaign for the restitution of ancestral lands, thereby establishing the groundwork for a broader concept of Revolutionary Autonomy. We advocate for autonomy in practice, REVOLUTIONARY AUTONOMY, a confrontation with power on all fronts, ensuring political, ideological, and organic independence, and crucially, a form of cultural sovereignty (a cultural confrontation) where the opposition and conflict are resolute and uncompromising. Hence, we must champion the Mapuche and revolutionary cause with a platform centered on TERRITORIAL CONTROL, which fundamentally represents our method and invitation to our people to partake in this journey of reestablishing the Mapuche Nation. Within this framework, our political and organizational endeavors, the formation and mobilization of various ORT (Organs of Territorial Resistance), the disruption of demonstrations and the expansion of major capital, as well as the diverse KUDAW that embody the restorations premised on the practice of territorial control, should be interpreted. For us, RESISTANCE encompasses a vast scope and bears immense cultural weight in the nexus between HUMANITY and LAND.

In contrast, what is the significance of the territory for the ruling classes of the Chilean State, the successors of the Spanish Empire, and its historical relationship with the Wallmapu territory of present-day southern Chile, and consequently with the Mapuche People?

Since the establishment of the national states of Chile and Argentina, there has been an ongoing process of occupation and domination over the indigenous peoples, with the oligarchy coveting the ancestral territories. The significance of the territory to the ruling classes has been a historical constant, crucial to comprehending the conflict between the capitalist State and the Mapuche People. The historical connection with WALLMAPU, or the ancestral territory, is rooted in conquest, occupation, and dispossession, prompting the demand and diverse forms of resistance from our side.

The ancestral Mapuche territory holds significant value for the dominant classes, heirs of the Spanish Empire and European colonialism, as they persist in plundering our wealth, the land, water, and other resources within our territories. This exploitation maintains and sharpens contradictions with the historical and core demands of the Mapuche World, as it encroaches upon the most vital interests and values we hold as an indigenous community. The “land and water resources” they desire are, to us, our ÑUKE MAPU [Mother Earth], our ITROFIL MONGEN [Pluri-diversity – All Life Without Exception].

What methods does the CAM employ to recover territory? What role does the military path play in the movement and how does this form of struggle relate to the political and ethical thinking of the CAM?

The CAM employs a variety of methods and approaches for territorial recovery. These range from effective occupations accompanied by ceremonies and the building of rukas [traditional house], to acts of sabotage targeting the forestry and energy industries’ supply chains and infrastructure, which greatly impact community survival. Within this context, political violence is seen as necessary for defending the territory and securing the gains made through territorial struggle.

The progression of territorial and political struggles has led to the Chilean State and the ruling class implementing a regime akin to military occupation, escalating confrontations with the Mapuche people. This has necessitated a comprehensive resumption of our struggle, termed the return of Weichan. It signifies the adoption of a military approach within the Mapuche autonomist and revolutionary movement, which fervently supports the Mapuche cause.

It must be clarified that this expression is currently channeled and strictly limited to the resistance and self-defense of communities when specific processes necessitate it. Its use as a form of struggle is intimately connected to political and strategic considerations. We maintain that this method of combat is highly restricted and aligned with our Mapuche stance, which advocates for the defense and restoration of the Mapuche World. It opposes all that endangers our Itrofil Mongen, our worldview, and spirituality. Its implementation will adhere to an ethical framework of political action that honors life in its broadest sense, safeguards ÑUKE MAPU, and seeks to repair the damage wrought by extractivist policies and the legacy of the colonial bourgeois order, characterized by destruction and extermination.


What do you think are the primary antagonistic forces against the Mapuche People?

The Mapuche people’s struggle spans several centuries, with a partially documented history of the resistance against the Incas and the Spanish Empire. Subsequently, their resistance was directed towards the national states of Chile and Argentina. Today, they confront what could be considered the fourth invasion, and perhaps the most formidable: the encroachment of globalized capitalism. Within this context, the Mapuche People’s current adversaries are multifaceted, stemming from the historical foe of the oligarchy and capitalist States.

Indeed, the Chilean oligarchy has been instrumental in defining the invasion and exploitation of our ancestral lands. They orchestrated and funded the political-military occupation of Wallmapu, leading to its ongoing pillage, a trend that persists with the current extractive policies aggressively encroaching upon the land and the Mapuche World. The establishment of National States further solidified this invasion and occupation. The system of domination imposed by these states serves a colonizing and oppressive role against our People-Nation. Today, the Chilean State, deeply rooted in racism and colonialism, continues to oppress and dominate the Mapuche People-Nation, stripping away their rights, especially those pertaining to their territory and autonomy.

The occupation of Wallmapu stemmed from a political-military campaign by the Chilean and Argentine armies, known as the “Pacification of Araucanía” and the “Desert Campaign”. To this day, we live under the political and military domination of the powerful, with military forces (police and armies) maintaining a regime of occupation over our People. This serves to protect the interests of major economic entities that plunder the ancestral territory, primarily for forestry and energy industries.

When we speak of oppression by state institutions, we refer to the complete legal, political, and institutional framework designed to subjugate and oppress the Mapuche. It is the ruling class, through the political class (executive, legislative, and judicial branches), and the entities serving the economic-political development model’s interests that stand absolutely against the Mapuche communities. Consequently, it can be stated that nearly all governments founded on the neoliberal model oppose the Mapuche cause, thereby administering and legislating policies and laws against the Autonomist Movement and the communities fighting for their rights.

For these reasons, it can be asserted that the economic and political right-wing factions are among the most significant adversaries of the Mapuche cause in this country. It is evident that there exists an extreme right-wing presence, espousing increasingly racist and fascist rhetoric to protect the interests of influential parties in areas of conflict, thereby encouraging the activities of paramilitaries and mafias associated with these economic groups.

Ultimately, it is crucial to address the role of the media serving fascist interests and defending the most intransigent aspects of the capitalist system. Additionally, the spectrum of the press serving the bourgeoisie has expanded recently, encompassing even those outlets that professed to be “independent” and “progressive,” yet ultimately sided with corporate interests in supporting the present Boric administration. Consequently, it becomes clear why certain media, which self-identified as left-wing, have engaged in biased and unfair treatment.

How did Chilean political power change after the dictatorship and how was the relationship between the Chilean State and both national and transnational capital reconfigured?

Strictly speaking, there has been no change. What has occurred, in our view, is a shift within the inter-bourgeois framework that perpetuates the historical oligarchy’s advantage over the oppressed, especially the Mapuche Nation. Consequently, the Chilean State’s relationship with major national and transnational capital is characterized by subordination and dependency on the interests of this capital. Therefore, the current government’s attitude can be seen as servile and subservient to the interests of multinational Corporations and Yankee Imperialism.

In essence, we believe that the dictatorship’s logic persists under a neoliberal guise. The privatization and sale of Mapuche lands during the dictatorship, which remain unrecovered, exemplify this continuity. Although the forms of power and domination have evolved, becoming more sophisticated and restructured to enhance hegemony through increased profitability and diversified support, the underlying dynamics remain. Many individuals now employed by forestry companies represent a fragile and temporary triumph for the political and economic elite. These dynamics benefit the forestry sector and business community financially by shifting the conflict into the communities themselves, securing support from various sectors. However, when such measures prove inadequate, the state’s coercive power is unleashed with full intensity, leading to criminalization, death, imprisonment, and militarization, as observed in Ngulumapu [Mapuche territory west of the Andes] for over two years. These evolving dynamics, which have been in flux since the dictatorship’s end, is what the Mapuche territorial struggle continues to confront, upholding its core principles.

Years ago, you stated that the liberation of the Mapuche People is intertwined with the liberation of the Chilean people. The Popular Rebellion of 2019 marked a significant moment for popular movements in Latin America. However, Chilean political power found ways to redirect its crisis by seemingly instituting change with the election of President Gabriel Boric. Previously, President Boric had visited communities in resistance within the CAM and showed solidarity with the Mapuche struggle. Now that he has arrived at La Moneda as the head of state, what is the policy of the current government towards the Mapuche People and their expressions of struggle?

First of all, we must clarify that Boric has not visited communities associated with the CAM in the past; however, he has engaged with other groups that resonated with his message. Secondly, we do not agree with the notion that the “social explosion” has fostered conditions conducive to institutional change under the current government. At least in relation to the longstanding conflict involving our People. What has transpired is an intensification of the capitalist system, which has paved the way for the extreme right to launch a renewed fascist campaign at various levels, not just in Wallmapu, leading to an occupation regime characterized by increased authoritarianism across Chile.

Our analysis indicates a reshaping of the forms of domination in Wallmapu. As previously stated, the policy of ‘the Stick and the Carrot’ is being enforced once more. However, the current administration appears to have tilted towards intensifying the repression and extermination of the Mapuche Nation’s People, especially when it comes to confronting with all the force of the State the manifestations of resistance and reconstruction efforts by our People.

Moreover, the situation can be depicted as a lack of will to address the most heartfelt demands of the communities, primarily those concerning the restitution of the usurped lands. This is compounded by the complete militarization of the historic Wallmapu, the escalating militarized suppression of resistance organizations and mobilized communities, the hundreds of Mapuche political prisoners, and the assorted infringements and breaches of the human and cultural rights of those community members most actively engaged in the Mapuche cause.

This government still has prisoners from the popular rebellion or the “uprising” and holds over 100 Mapuche weichafe in custody. Nonetheless, it positions itself to give lectures on democracy to other nations, such as to Venezuela. What do you think about that?

Indeed, under the current government, there have been more Mapuche political prisoners than at any other time in the history of the conflict between the Chilean State and the Mapuche People. Over 100 community members are incarcerated in Chilean prisons, many of whom are not acknowledged as political prisoners, and their cultural rights as indigenous people are violated. This is despite Chile’s ratification of international agreements such as Convention 169 (of the International Labor Organization), which are not being upheld by the government. Therefore, it is contradictory and quite audacious for this government’s authorities to openly criticize other governments in the region on this matter, given that Chile has political prisoners, including many Mapuche who are advocating for the territorial and political rights of our people.

The current government lacks the political and moral authority to criticize or impose sanctions on other nations regarding the persecution of opponents, especially here, when they have militarized our territories and have murdered and imprisoned our Weichafe. Indeed, from what we have learned through our brothers, Venezuela has shown greater respect for the rights of indigenous peoples. Its system of representation, which is more democratic than Chile’s, acknowledges and includes its indigenous communities.

The prevailing narrative and actions of the current Chilean authorities are characterized by racism and denialism. This is demonstrated by the existence of political prisoners and the ongoing enforcement of repressive policies and measures steeped in structural and discursive racism. Political authorities initiate legal actions against us, while biased and corrupt police forces pursue us. Similarly, prejudiced courts issue convictions against us, and the Gendarmerie subjects us to harassment and oppression within Chilean prisons.

What do you think is the influence of US-led imperialism in Chile?

One of the historical events that has most reflected the reality of Chilean capitalism’s dependence on Yankee imperialism was the Pinochet dictatorship. Subsequently, the maintenance of the neoliberal model and the system of alternating power with the forces representing the oligarchy reveals not only the North American influence but also Chile’s dependence on the globalized world capitalist system, which is controlled by Yankee multinational corporations, which are the ones that define the guidelines of economies that are imposed by blood and fire in a large part of the world. Thus, we understand why the authorities of the current government have supported interventionism, blockades and wars against the sovereignty of peoples and their self-determination. We see Boric supporting not only Biden, but also Zelenski, Milei and other pro-imperialists in the region, who in turn attack governments that daily resist genocidal and interventionist policies such as Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua.

Currently, the concept of Yankee influence has expanded due to geostrategic interests in oil and other mineral resources (lithium), which are increasingly subjected to the control of global powers. This trend towards alignment with imperialistic forces is becoming more evident.

In Europe, the political and social advancement of the extreme right is unprecedented since the Second World War.  What do you think of the rise of the extreme right, and its fascist expressions in Latin America, and what do you think is the responsibility of the so-called progressive movements and the left in this surge?

Indeed, the influence and power of the extreme right have been increasing globally, a trend that has been documented in Europe and has had ripple effects in the region. This has led to a resurgence of fascist ideologies in local governments, a neo-fascist offensive that reasserts the most extreme and racist elements of the right and far-right, originating from the colonizers and usurpers of ancestral lands.

The resurgence of a neo-fascist movement in Chile must be understood in the context of Wallmapu, where an oligarchic elite, embodying the most extreme racist and fascist elements of the Chilean right, has taken root. This elite, descended from European settlers, amassed wealth through the brutal subjugation and genocide of the Mapuche People, coupled with rampant exploitation of the natural environment. Such actions have led to the devastation of territories and the implementation of extractive policies that threaten the very existence of Mapuche collectives and communities. In response, the Mapuche people have reignited the Weichan, a struggle to defend our people, preserve nature, and uphold a justice system rooted in community values.

Indeed, the pseudo-left bears significant responsibility, especially the inaccurately termed “progressivism,” for the rise of the extreme right and fascism. This is largely because they have not only integrated into the neoliberal system but have also come to embrace and manage government programs founded on neoliberal principles. This, combined with their deviations into subservient and corrupt political practices, has contributed to the issue.

Do you think that a plan is underway for social decomposition in the historic Mapuche territory of Wallmapu, facilitated by the progression of paramilitary groups acting in the interests of large capital?

There is a strategy of containment and confrontation against the autonomist Mapuche movement, which exhibits revolutionary behavior and actions, as demonstrated by the political practices of the CAM. This strategy, crafted by the forces of domination, seeks to suppress and dismantle the Mapuche groups that with greater strength and conviction fight for national reconstruction. 

Indeed, in Chile, there exists a communication policy aimed at demonizing the Mapuche cause, involving nearly all the official media that kowtows to power.

The State and its institutions are the ones challenging the MAPUCHE CAUSE. However, it is the official narrative, steeped in hate and racism, that lays the groundwork for justifying repressive measures and other policies labeled as “new deal” or “good living,” aimed at halting the territorial fight. This narrative, rife with stigma and demonization, has gradually eroded support for the Mapuche cause. This is compounded by the portrayal in numerous media outlets, which often depict the cause as being based on misleading data and information, obscuring the true extent and reality of the struggle.

In fact, recently there has been open discussion labeling our resistance efforts as terrorist or criminal activities, even though 90% of our actions are grounded in an ethic of humanitarian political action for social justice, upholding the most noble and worthy values of human existence. Moreover, the Mapuche struggle represents a genuine defense of life in its fullest expression, safeguarding our natural environment and the various forms of life that persist in our ancestral lands. It embodies a visionary commitment to fostering a better, fairer world for future generations, particularly through the preservation of land and habitat, in pursuit of a more humane, supportive, and community-oriented society akin to the Mapuche world.

However, the oligarchy, the extreme right, the fascist press, the racist institutions and the system’s lackeys treat us and portray us in the worst possible way, assigning us all kinds of false and fabricated labels to undermine us and tarnish our image in the eyes of potential supporters that we should have. It is crucial to acknowledge that Chile’s foundation is marred by racism and disdain for the Mapuche, a bitter truth we continue to confront. Personally, I was wrongfully convicted of wood theft, an “illicit act” I never engaged in. Moreover, my conviction for apology to violence is absurd, because it is based on expressions of strong ideas, in a context in which we are attacked with structural-racist violence aimed at our annihilation, against which we assert our right to voice our feelings and thoughts.

What is the CAM’s stance on the Commission for Peace and Understanding, which is due to submit a report to the President of the Republic in November?

This commission embodies the same rationale behind measures that neoliberal governments have enacted since the dictatorship’s end, targeting the Mapuche and indigenous peoples. The commission’s members perpetuate the indigenist and anti-Mapuche policies of the past 30 years, representing historical and institutional sectors that have failed to resolve the conflict, instead exacerbating political and economic oppression. Even anti-Mapuche sectors that have sanctioned colonialism and land dispossession by forestry companies and large estates are included.

This scenario suggests the inevitable failure of this entity, which seems designed to shift focus from the core issues: ancestral property and the territorial struggle.

Indeed, we are not impressed by Gabriel Boric’s attempt to secure his governance by criminalizing and marginalizing Mapuche autonomist groups, as this is a continuation of his neoliberal ideology, which will define his tenure.

Over the past few decades, the CAM has endured the violence of the capitalist State, including criminalization, judicialization, and political imprisonment, as well as murders. The latest incident involved Pablo Marchant, whose murder was initially leaked to the press as if it were your son Ernesto Llaitul.

The CAM, as an autonomist Mapuche entity, has consistently faced political persecution and violence from the State, its institutions, and agents since its inception. This violence manifests in the existing political, legal, institutional, and cultural frameworks directed against the mobilized Mapuche People. The militarization, criminalization, judicial proceedings with political incarcerations, and the assassination of our Weichafe starkly illustrate the violence on the part of the Chilean state.

The case of Pablo Marchant starkly demonstrates the violence in Wallmapu, perpetrated both by state forces and paramilitary groups at the service of forestry companies. These groups act with impunity, and Marchant’s brutal murder implicates state agents as well as mafia members who are shielded by oppressive institutions. Meanwhile, prosecutors, police, and authorities who are biased against the Mapuche people turn a blind eye to these transgressions.

Recent mainstream media coverage included an interview with the mother of Pablo Marchant, who claimed that the CAM is hindering the exhumation of her son for an autopsy. What insights can you provide on this?

Understanding the origin of this contradiction is crucial, as it is the hegemonic media that has spread the interview with lagmien [sister] Miriam, Pablo’s mother, to create discord and controversy against the CAM’s stance. It has been alleged that the CAM is hindering the exhumation, but in reality, it is upholding its political-strategic approaches and reaffirming principles and guidelines rooted in Mapuche Kimun [Knowledge] and Mapuche Rakiduam [Philosophy]. Consequently, there is complete consistency from the community in question, our organization, and the spokesperson we have supported previously, continue to support now, and will support in the future. This support is aimed at furthering the struggle for liberation, where cultural and spiritual values are fundamental to our beliefs and decisions, and which we will not compromise, as this fight is pivotal; it is about the reconstruction of the Mapuche Nation.

The aim has been to stir controversy and divide those of us advocating for justice. We contend that institutions have co-opted certain groups that support the family’s call for justice, promoting the notion that these mechanisms side with the very institutions culpable for oppressing our fight for territory and autonomy. Indeed, seeking justice within the anti-Mapuche prosecutor’s office and biased courts, where police and military forces enact criminality is a pipe dream, it is a contradiction. We believe the path should have always been to create and utilize alternative mechanisms that empower our organized communities. Participating in the official, demonizing narrative, which is built on falsehoods and setups, contradicts our values, and attacking the vulnerable is a direct insult to us. While we empathize with the pain and helplessness, we cannot condone any breach of our principles—principles for which our people have shed blood, sweat, and tears to reclaim the dignity stripped from us over centuries. The Mapuche’s fight for national reconstruction is a quest for dignity, a righteous and noble cause we will steadfastly uphold. We are certain that Toño (Pablo Marchant) supports us from Wenu Mapu [World Up Above], his spirit alive in every act of defiance and resistance, sustaining the Mapuche Nation’s existence.

It is evident to us that the media serve specific interests of the powerful; the bourgeois press, for instance, has historically shown hatred towards the Mapuche, casting them in an outdated past centuries light. As for the so-called independent and progressive media, we conclude that they have sold out, or rather prostituted themselves to the highest bidder.  Such a perspective is necessary to interpret the interview that aimed to sow confusion and foster an anti-CAM sentiment, laced with racism and disdain for both the organization and our struggle. Radio Biobío has long played this regrettable role, with “certain journalists” catering to fascist groups or participating in intelligence schemes designed to undermine the struggle that aligns with the autonomous values and principles upheld by us, the Weichafe of the CAM.

Extracting Toñito’s body to place him in a common cemetery is deeply detrimental to our cause, setting the stage for another incursion and occupation of the reclaimed lands. It represents an attack on territorial control and a violation of our spirituality. However, we must not ignore the fact and the conviction that it was the Weichafe who chose to remain with the Pu Lonko [Community Leaders], and thus was handed over to the ELUWUN, [Mapuche funeral ritual] along with hundreds and thousands of Autonomists Mapuche.

Is the Mapuche Nation an oppressed nation, an oppressed people?

Indeed, since the Chilean and Argentine states initiated military actions against our people, leading to a temporary defeat, we have been deprived of over 95% of our ancestral territory. Our people were reduced and subjected via manu militari to a colonial and racist system, leaving us impoverished, fragmented, and in a state of survival and resistance. However, we retain the right to rebel against such profound injustice. This is why we have put forward proposals for the Mapuche National Liberation.

What similarities and differences exist with other oppressed peoples such as the Palestinians?

All oppressed peoples of the world face a common plight: we suffer under the yoke of a ruling class that employs a range of national and international agents to perpetuate this subjugation. This framework of oppression is rooted in history and continues to evolve, driven by the capital’s necessity to proliferate across the globe.

Similarly, the concept of self-determination of peoples underpins a significant paradigm that aligns us with those striving for sovereignty and autonomy, each according to their unique identities and cultural expressions. This includes groups like the CAM, who advocate for the National Liberation of peoples. Consequently, our struggle resonates with the struggles of the Kurdish, Catalan, Basque, and the one taking place in Lebanon and especially that of the Palestinian People, to whom we extend our solidarity and support in their resistance against Israeli Zionism.

What is the significance of international solidarity with the Mapuche people?

It is crucial for us, particularly as we find ourselves more vulnerable than before, partly due to the reversal and betrayal of the Mapuche Cause by those claiming to be leftists and progressives (who have never participated in our people’s struggle). We must acknowledge that our list of political enemies and adversaries has expanded, including those who oppose and disparage the autonomous Mapuche cause. Given that racism pervades much of Chilean society and the media’s role in denigrating and degrading the Mapuche cause, we recognize that our efforts are more likely to be appreciated abroad, where there is a chance for a more objective understanding of this historical confrontation. For this reason, we are thankful for the chance to share our perspective in this interview, offering insight into the facts and reality of a longstanding conflict.

Do you think that the presence and observation of human rights organizations in ongoing judicial proceedings, particularly regarding the political imprisonment of the Mapuche, and specifically in your case, is important?

It is also essential for us, as we persist in asserting that our stance, along with that of the communities, is justified in this historic conflict where we face an absolute disadvantage. It resembles the battle between David and Goliath, where we endure the consequences of our ongoing resistance.

In Chile, all the fundamental rights of indigenous peoples are being violated. This country is the most backward in this matter, not only concerning constitutional and political rights but also in terms of the Mapuche movement’s progress. As tensions escalate, the State intensifies its repression and abuses against our people, which is a constant (violation of human rights) across all sectors, enforced by oppressive police and military forces, prejudiced judicial systems, and patronizing authorities that are ultimately functional to the system.

The involvement of international human rights observers is vital in the area of territorial political rights, particularly regarding the criminalization of the Mapuche cause, the right to due process, and the violation of indigenous peoples’ cultural rights.

Would you like to add something? Send a message to the international community?

The Mapuche Nation is internationally recognized as a warrior people, and the figure of LAUTARO, or Leftraru, is etched in the memory of the world’s great heroes of just causes. His military prowess is even studied in prestigious European military academies. Yet, the significance of this formidable Weichafe lies in the collective resistance of a people who, united and cohesive, knew how to preserve a society and worldview rich in cultural and idiosyncratic elements that define a dignified People, upholding the highest values of humanity, particularly the deep respect and acknowledgment of the profound connection between humans and the earth. This is the legacy we, the Mapuche, inherit today, as we strive to persist, liberating ourselves from the oppression and injustices we still endure under a system of domination. Our history is marked by this struggle, shaping our past, present, and future; it is why we Weichafe must resist and advance the path of the Mapuche Weichan, contributing to this great process of the reconstruction of the Mapuche Nation. Thus, we call upon the conscious and supportive people to accompany us in this process of struggle and give meaning and life to our war cry and political motto, “Amulepe Taiñ Weichan! Marrichiweu!! Weuwaiñ!!”.

English translation: Claudio Ekdahl

Interview published in ContrahegemoníaWeb, Kaos en la Red, Tercera Información, Rebelion, Resumen Latinoamericano, El Porteño

Portrait: Incendiar el Océano [Ignite the Ocean’s Blaze] (Book Nuestra América en la encrucijada: pandemia, rebeliones y estados de excepción)

Source: Vocesenlucha

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/10/22/interview-with-hector-llaitul-carrillanca-mapuche-political-prisoner-of-the-cam/

#argentina #CAM #chile #HéctorLlaitul #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #PoliticalPrisoners #southAmerica #Wallmapu

Analysis by Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca

In the context of October 12, an obligatory analysis on what is happening in the historic Wallmapu.

One of the great discourses of this government, of the Chilean institutionality, is that of public security. And it is in this context that it is intended to legislate in Chile regarding “usurpations” and “self-protection”, in order to prevent and protect the political and business class from the effects on their interests by one of the main actions that the Mapuche autonomy movement has promoted: territorial recoveries.

The first thing that should be pointed out is that this legislative initiative is part of the conflict that the Chilean State maintains with the Mapuche people and that has meant, in fact, a constant failure of the State to try to channel through institutional crumbs the historical demands of the communities in struggle. Contrary to what the State expected, in this conflict strong and deep political processes have been nested that gave rise to and strengthened the Mapuche Autonomist Movement, an issue that frightens the fascist right and Chilean pseudo-leftism, who see territorial recoveries as a threat to neoliberal governance. That is why they are trying to implement this regulation, substantively, to put a stop to the actions of the Mapuche people that besiege the reproduction of capital in our ancestral territory.

Those affected by these measures, as always, are the poor in the countryside and the city. Fundamentally, we are talking about families, communities that reclaim their lands lost by the Chilean colonial occupation, as well as impoverished families on the urban margins who are looking for spaces to improve their quality of life, as they have done historically. We are talking about Mapuche and non-Mapuche families. The legislative initiative classifies this entire set of practices as “usurpation”, overlooking the diversity of needs that are nested there, as well as the consequences of political polarization that are coming.

It is in this framework that we can say, without hesitation, that this proposal was ideologically designed, with political purposes to affect the Mapuche autonomy movement that, in its diversity of expressions, has managed to recover around 200 thousand hectares of the usurped property system that was in the hands of the forestry industry and other capitalist investments. In fact, these actions of the Mapuche autonomist movement entail effective processes of territorial control that re-establish geographical spaces for the reconstruction of the Mapuche world, since these lands not only cease to be in the hands of large timber corporations, but also imply profound transformations and changes in favor of the Mapuche world, putting an end to extractivist policies and depredation of nature.

For this reason, we must denounce that what the law of usurpations seeks is to “force and erase the history of the territory and origin of the Mapuche people”, which takes us back to the teachings of our ancestors to reaffirm something very basic and fundamental for all Mapuche, which is: “the Mapuche had our territory plundered and our ancestral lands were usurped”. It was to us who were occupied and stripped of what belonged to us.

Today, with the law of usurpations, what is intended is to change the history about the origin and ascendancy with respect to ancestral territories, they want to install a post-truth by force, using different tools of the law that the political and economic class is used to use in their favor.

It is in this sense that the political elite, the oligarchy, resurfaces the legal figure of “self-protection” or “privileged defense” as a right of protection against flagrante delicto. However, this mechanism eventually leads to the “mercenarization” of the conflict, disguising these effects with a discourse of national security. This is how the conditions are created for the intrusion of paramilitary gangs as a private form of thuggery.

In this regard, it can also be said that paramilitarization against movements in struggle or social protest is a model that the ultra-right in Chile wants to follow to confront the Mapuche cause with an absolutely counterinsurgency sense, following the parameters of the doctrine of National Security that caused so much horror after the coup d’état in Chile in 1973.

In the face of the government’s pretensions in the framework of the current neo-fascist offensive, the law of usurpations must be understood in a broad way, because it is related to other norms, such as the Nain Retamal Law, which is a type of early amnesty for the police and military for acts of repression exercised against social protest. In our opinion, it is a kind of ‘chipe libre’ to the excessive repression against all demonstrations and without discrimination. It means, in fact, a green light from the State to repress any social protest movement.

Therefore, we are in the presence of a type of legislation that points in the direction of the structuring of a police state and that in Wallmapu would imply a process of de facto occupation, with political-military characteristics, and private-business for the domination and oppression of our people.

To which is added the creation of an ideological contraption, which is the fiction of permanent flagrancy and whose determination can give rise to the action of police repression without a required complaint, either by the “current owner” of the property, and because it is not under the jurisdictional protection of any court. Strictly speaking, this constitutes an absurdity, from the beginning, since neither the police nor the military are technically qualified to determine whether an occupation is in fact a usurpation or not.

This has only one explanation, the interests of the large landowners, as is the case in the Mapuche ancestral territory with the forestry companies, and the same would happen with the large real estate corporations around the cities where it is intended to protect, at all costs, the financial speculation and techniques of the marketing of urban land that only favors the powerful.

Currently, in the political situation, a part of the law has been subject to the ‘presidential veto’, because Boric’s government cannot appear so subordinate to the oligarchy, but the scope of this cursed law in the legislative process in the Chilean parliament is not yet well defined. This is because, strictly speaking, for the political class in power, addressing the legal creation of “privileged self-defense” means, in fact, legitimizing the externalization of repression. It should also be considered that this law allows the issuance of new norms that go in the same direction, legislating on behaviors that are not even well described in the law.

In short, the conditions are created for the definitive installation of a regime of military occupation in the Wallmapu, as these are norms that have as a reference and model the norms of Criminal Law that has been implemented by the Zionist State of Israel, which has currently led to a State in permanent war based on occupation, which has brought acts of genocide by Zionism and dignified resistance by the heroic Palestinian people.

They are the norms of an authoritarian State, of an occupation regime that imposes apartheid measures, which is precisely what they want to build in Chile against our people or our organizations and that we consider, therefore, as one more act in the declaration of war to which we are subject by the Chilean State. It can only be said that the fascist right and its progressive allies have been gradually imposing norms and laws that aim to legitimize the criminalization of Mapuche social protest, to the de facto installation of a regime of military occupation in our historic Wallmapu.

In this regard, we must add that the legalization of paramilitary groups has had disastrous consequences for other societies, as has been demonstrated in Central America and Colombia, as well as in Asia and Africa, where the formation of these groups, far from helping to put an end to conflicts, has meant the intensification of military actions that target and victimize the poor people. the peasantry and the native peoples. Thousands of peasants and indigenous people have died under this type of private repression, under this concept of ‘security’.

Finally, we can affirm that the law of usurpations and its norms have a name and surname, and must be considered at all levels and denounced in the international order as a measure of a racist nature, which clearly represents and portrays the Chilean State of a capitalist and colonial type. And it is, in this sense, that it must be understood why this government has allowed militarization in its entirety, reflected in a de facto military occupation, not only referring to the permanent State of Exception, which has meant having the military deployed throughout the Wallmapu, but also to all the racist actions and political intolerance on the part of the current “authorities” who have openly developed repression and persecution of the Mapuche autonomist movement and resistance.

In the face of racist and colonial occupation, Long live the self-determination of the peoples!

¡¡Amulepe taiñ weichan!!

Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca, October 12, 2023

Source: Resumen Latinoamericano

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/10/15/mapuche-nation-wallmapu-and-palestine-occupation-and-dispossession/

#chile #HéctorLlaitul #indigenous #internationalism #mapuche #palestine #PoliticalPrisoners #southAmerica #Wallmapu

Analysis by Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca

In the context of October 12, an obligatory analysis on what is happening in the historic Wallmapu.

One of the great discourses of this government, of the Chilean institutionality, is that of public security. And it is in this context that it is intended to legislate in Chile regarding “usurpations” and “self-protection”, in order to prevent and protect the political and business class from the effects on their interests by one of the main actions that the Mapuche autonomy movement has promoted: territorial recoveries.

The first thing that should be pointed out is that this legislative initiative is part of the conflict that the Chilean State maintains with the Mapuche people and that has meant, in fact, a constant failure of the State to try to channel through institutional crumbs the historical demands of the communities in struggle. Contrary to what the State expected, in this conflict strong and deep political processes have been nested that gave rise to and strengthened the Mapuche Autonomist Movement, an issue that frightens the fascist right and Chilean pseudo-leftism, who see territorial recoveries as a threat to neoliberal governance. That is why they are trying to implement this regulation, substantively, to put a stop to the actions of the Mapuche people that besiege the reproduction of capital in our ancestral territory.

Those affected by these measures, as always, are the poor in the countryside and the city. Fundamentally, we are talking about families, communities that reclaim their lands lost by the Chilean colonial occupation, as well as impoverished families on the urban margins who are looking for spaces to improve their quality of life, as they have done historically. We are talking about Mapuche and non-Mapuche families. The legislative initiative classifies this entire set of practices as “usurpation”, overlooking the diversity of needs that are nested there, as well as the consequences of political polarization that are coming.

It is in this framework that we can say, without hesitation, that this proposal was ideologically designed, with political purposes to affect the Mapuche autonomy movement that, in its diversity of expressions, has managed to recover around 200 thousand hectares of the usurped property system that was in the hands of the forestry industry and other capitalist investments. In fact, these actions of the Mapuche autonomist movement entail effective processes of territorial control that re-establish geographical spaces for the reconstruction of the Mapuche world, since these lands not only cease to be in the hands of large timber corporations, but also imply profound transformations and changes in favor of the Mapuche world, putting an end to extractivist policies and depredation of nature.

For this reason, we must denounce that what the law of usurpations seeks is to “force and erase the history of the territory and origin of the Mapuche people”, which takes us back to the teachings of our ancestors to reaffirm something very basic and fundamental for all Mapuche, which is: “the Mapuche had our territory plundered and our ancestral lands were usurped”. It was to us who were occupied and stripped of what belonged to us.

Today, with the law of usurpations, what is intended is to change the history about the origin and ascendancy with respect to ancestral territories, they want to install a post-truth by force, using different tools of the law that the political and economic class is used to use in their favor.

It is in this sense that the political elite, the oligarchy, resurfaces the legal figure of “self-protection” or “privileged defense” as a right of protection against flagrante delicto. However, this mechanism eventually leads to the “mercenarization” of the conflict, disguising these effects with a discourse of national security. This is how the conditions are created for the intrusion of paramilitary gangs as a private form of thuggery.

In this regard, it can also be said that paramilitarization against movements in struggle or social protest is a model that the ultra-right in Chile wants to follow to confront the Mapuche cause with an absolutely counterinsurgency sense, following the parameters of the doctrine of National Security that caused so much horror after the coup d’état in Chile in 1973.

In the face of the government’s pretensions in the framework of the current neo-fascist offensive, the law of usurpations must be understood in a broad way, because it is related to other norms, such as the Nain Retamal Law, which is a type of early amnesty for the police and military for acts of repression exercised against social protest. In our opinion, it is a kind of ‘chipe libre’ to the excessive repression against all demonstrations and without discrimination. It means, in fact, a green light from the State to repress any social protest movement.

Therefore, we are in the presence of a type of legislation that points in the direction of the structuring of a police state and that in Wallmapu would imply a process of de facto occupation, with political-military characteristics, and private-business for the domination and oppression of our people.

To which is added the creation of an ideological contraption, which is the fiction of permanent flagrancy and whose determination can give rise to the action of police repression without a required complaint, either by the “current owner” of the property, and because it is not under the jurisdictional protection of any court. Strictly speaking, this constitutes an absurdity, from the beginning, since neither the police nor the military are technically qualified to determine whether an occupation is in fact a usurpation or not.

This has only one explanation, the interests of the large landowners, as is the case in the Mapuche ancestral territory with the forestry companies, and the same would happen with the large real estate corporations around the cities where it is intended to protect, at all costs, the financial speculation and techniques of the marketing of urban land that only favors the powerful.

Currently, in the political situation, a part of the law has been subject to the ‘presidential veto’, because Boric’s government cannot appear so subordinate to the oligarchy, but the scope of this cursed law in the legislative process in the Chilean parliament is not yet well defined. This is because, strictly speaking, for the political class in power, addressing the legal creation of “privileged self-defense” means, in fact, legitimizing the externalization of repression. It should also be considered that this law allows the issuance of new norms that go in the same direction, legislating on behaviors that are not even well described in the law.

In short, the conditions are created for the definitive installation of a regime of military occupation in the Wallmapu, as these are norms that have as a reference and model the norms of Criminal Law that has been implemented by the Zionist State of Israel, which has currently led to a State in permanent war based on occupation, which has brought acts of genocide by Zionism and dignified resistance by the heroic Palestinian people.

They are the norms of an authoritarian State, of an occupation regime that imposes apartheid measures, which is precisely what they want to build in Chile against our people or our organizations and that we consider, therefore, as one more act in the declaration of war to which we are subject by the Chilean State. It can only be said that the fascist right and its progressive allies have been gradually imposing norms and laws that aim to legitimize the criminalization of Mapuche social protest, to the de facto installation of a regime of military occupation in our historic Wallmapu.

In this regard, we must add that the legalization of paramilitary groups has had disastrous consequences for other societies, as has been demonstrated in Central America and Colombia, as well as in Asia and Africa, where the formation of these groups, far from helping to put an end to conflicts, has meant the intensification of military actions that target and victimize the poor people. the peasantry and the native peoples. Thousands of peasants and indigenous people have died under this type of private repression, under this concept of ‘security’.

Finally, we can affirm that the law of usurpations and its norms have a name and surname, and must be considered at all levels and denounced in the international order as a measure of a racist nature, which clearly represents and portrays the Chilean State of a capitalist and colonial type. And it is, in this sense, that it must be understood why this government has allowed militarization in its entirety, reflected in a de facto military occupation, not only referring to the permanent State of Exception, which has meant having the military deployed throughout the Wallmapu, but also to all the racist actions and political intolerance on the part of the current “authorities” who have openly developed repression and persecution of the Mapuche autonomist movement and resistance.

In the face of racist and colonial occupation, Long live the self-determination of the peoples!

¡¡Amulepe taiñ weichan!!

Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca, October 12, 2023

Source: Resumen Latinoamericano

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/10/15/mapuche-nation-wallmapu-and-palestine-occupation-and-dispossession/

#chile #HéctorLlaitul #indigenous #internationalism #mapuche #palestine #PoliticalPrisoners #southAmerica #Wallmapu

Tras visita de la senadora Fabiola Campillai: Héctor Llaitul depone huelga de hambre | vía #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/08/29/tras-visita-de-la-senadora-fabiola-campillai-hector-llaitul-depone-huelga-de-hambre/

#claudiamix #fabiolacampillai #héctorllaitul

Today, after 78 days of hunger strike, the werkén of the CAM, Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca, has BEGUN A DRY HUNGER STRIKE, demanding his transfer to the community module of the Temuco prison.

With a weight loss of 30 kilos, we responsibly inform that his health condition is CRITICAL.

Therefore, we make a broad call to show solidarity and convene this Thursday, the 22nd, in Temuco and Santiago.

IMMEDIATE TRANSFER OF THE WERKEN HÉCTOR LLAITUL TO THE TEMUCO COMMUNITY MODULE

AMULEPE TAIÑ WEICHAN!

MARICHIWEU!

Camila Borquez, the lawyer of Héctor Llaitul, confirmed that the Werken of the CAM began a Dry Hunger Strike

On August 20, Héctor Llaitul’s defense confirmed that the Werken of the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco began a dry hunger strike at the Bio Bio Penitentiary Compliance Center. Demanding his transfer to the Mapuche Community Module in Temuco

This will further affect his health that is in serious condition, more than 70 days after the start of the strike with a weight loss of more than twenty kilos

From: Resumen Latinoamericano

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/08/22/mapuche-political-prisoner-hector-llaitul-carrillanca-begins-a-dry-hunger-strike/

#chile #HéctorLlaitul #hungerStrike #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #PoliticalPrisoners #southAmerica

Today, after 78 days of hunger strike, the werkén of the CAM, Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca, has BEGUN A DRY HUNGER STRIKE, demanding his transfer to the community module of the Temuco prison.

With a weight loss of 30 kilos, we responsibly inform that his health condition is CRITICAL.

Therefore, we make a broad call to show solidarity and convene this Thursday, the 22nd, in Temuco and Santiago.

IMMEDIATE TRANSFER OF THE WERKEN HÉCTOR LLAITUL TO THE TEMUCO COMMUNITY MODULE

AMULEPE TAIÑ WEICHAN!

MARICHIWEU!

Camila Borquez, the lawyer of Héctor Llaitul, confirmed that the Werken of the CAM began a Dry Hunger Strike

On August 20, Héctor Llaitul’s defense confirmed that the Werken of the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco began a dry hunger strike at the Bio Bio Penitentiary Compliance Center. Demanding his transfer to the Mapuche Community Module in Temuco

This will further affect his health that is in serious condition, more than 70 days after the start of the strike with a weight loss of more than twenty kilos

From: Resumen Latinoamericano

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/08/22/mapuche-political-prisoner-hector-llaitul-carrillanca-begins-a-dry-hunger-strike/

#chile #HéctorLlaitul #hungerStrike #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #PoliticalPrisoners #southAmerica

#Chile: Der 56-jährige verurteilte #HectorLlaitul, Mitbegründer der Mapucheorganisation Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco, verweigert seit über 70 Tagen die Nahrungsaufnahme, um den Rest seiner Haftstrafe in #Temuco verbüßen zu können. https://amerika21.de/2024/08/271027/mapuche-leader-im-hungerstreik

#Chile: Der 56-jährige verurteilte #HectorLlaitul, Mitbegründer der Mapucheorganisation Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco, verweigert seit über 70 Tagen die Nahrungsaufnahme, um den Rest seiner Haftstrafe in #Temuco verbüßen zu können. https://amerika21.de/2024/08/271027/mapuche-leader-im-hungerstreik

#Chile: Der 56-jährige verurteilte #HectorLlaitul, Mitbegründer der Mapucheorganisation Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco, verweigert seit über 70 Tagen die Nahrungsaufnahme, um den Rest seiner Haftstrafe in #Temuco verbüßen zu können. https://amerika21.de/2024/08/271027/mapuche-leader-im-hungerstreik

PPM-CAM TEMUCO COMMUNIQUÉ

To the communities in resistance and public opinion in general, from our political imprisonment, in the Temuco prison, and through this communiqué we come to declare the following:

Kiñe: As political prisoners of the CAM, undersigned, we have taken the individual self-determination to initiate and accompany the current hunger strike that is being carried out by the werken Héctor LLaitul to demand his immediate transfer to this module of community members in the Temuco Prison, in his capacity as a historical leader of the Mapuche autonomist movement and who contributed from its beginnings in the struggle for Mapuche national liberation.

On Tuesday, August 6, he was transferred to a module for common prisoners.

Let us remember that the peñi was convicted through a spurious trial, through the Law of Internal Security of the State, a law of a political nature, censorship and persecution. As well as the use of witnesses without identity.

Epu: That we demand the immediate release of the peñi José Luis Marilao, whose comrades in the cause have already been acquitted, after two years of preventive detention. And that, even so, today, the Los Ángeles Court of Guarantee echoed, unilaterally, only the arguments of the Prosecutor’s Office and the Government. Leaving our peñi in preventive detention until a third trial is held for the same cause. This demonstrates the lack of independence of the Judiciary.
In the same way we demand the freedom of Daniel Canio Tralcal, who is in the legal deadlines to start putting forward his release.

Kila: We also denounce the maintenance of remote hearings and demand the presence of these in person, advocating for the right to be able to defend ourselves and to have contact and dialogue with our lawyer.

Meli. Along with the above, we send our condolences to the Jones Huala family for the departure of their son and brother Fausto Yem. At the same time, we sent our newen and accompaniment to the peñi Facundo Jones Huala on hunger strike.

Jorge Caniupil Coña

Juan Carlos Mardones

Pelentaro Llaitul Pezoa

Daniel Canio Tralcal

Luis Menares Chanilao

Temuco, August 8, 2024.

Health situation of Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca after 66 days on hunger strike.

Concepción, August 07, 2024.- Call for the immediate transfer of Héctor Llaitul to Temuco. Today, family members, communities, leaders, sympathizers and students from different territories met to demand the immediate transfer of werken Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca to the community module of the Temuco prison. They also denounce the violations in the process: adequate medical care, worse prison conditions than those already present in module 89 where he was serving preventive detention, where not only is his current health at risk – with more than 60 days on hunger strike – but also his spiritual health. Respect for international agreements is required, even more so for Convention 169, since a Mapuche can be deprived of liberty, but never of his condition of being Mapuche.

Radio Kurruf

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/08/10/mapuche-political-prisoners-of-temuco-begin-hunger-strike-in-support-of-hector-llaitul/

#chile #HéctorLlaitul #hungerStrike #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #southAmerica

PPM-CAM TEMUCO COMMUNIQUÉ

To the communities in resistance and public opinion in general, from our political imprisonment, in the Temuco prison, and through this communiqué we come to declare the following:

Kiñe: As political prisoners of the CAM, undersigned, we have taken the individual self-determination to initiate and accompany the current hunger strike that is being carried out by the werken Héctor LLaitul to demand his immediate transfer to this module of community members in the Temuco Prison, in his capacity as a historical leader of the Mapuche autonomist movement and who contributed from its beginnings in the struggle for Mapuche national liberation.

On Tuesday, August 6, he was transferred to a module for common prisoners.

Let us remember that the peñi was convicted through a spurious trial, through the Law of Internal Security of the State, a law of a political nature, censorship and persecution. As well as the use of witnesses without identity.

Epu: That we demand the immediate release of the peñi José Luis Marilao, whose comrades in the cause have already been acquitted, after two years of preventive detention. And that, even so, today, the Los Ángeles Court of Guarantee echoed, unilaterally, only the arguments of the Prosecutor’s Office and the Government. Leaving our peñi in preventive detention until a third trial is held for the same cause. This demonstrates the lack of independence of the Judiciary.
In the same way we demand the freedom of Daniel Canio Tralcal, who is in the legal deadlines to start putting forward his release.

Kila: We also denounce the maintenance of remote hearings and demand the presence of these in person, advocating for the right to be able to defend ourselves and to have contact and dialogue with our lawyer.

Meli. Along with the above, we send our condolences to the Jones Huala family for the departure of their son and brother Fausto Yem. At the same time, we sent our newen and accompaniment to the peñi Facundo Jones Huala on hunger strike.

Jorge Caniupil Coña

Juan Carlos Mardones

Pelentaro Llaitul Pezoa

Daniel Canio Tralcal

Luis Menares Chanilao

Temuco, August 8, 2024.

Health situation of Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca after 66 days on hunger strike.

Concepción, August 07, 2024.- Call for the immediate transfer of Héctor Llaitul to Temuco. Today, family members, communities, leaders, sympathizers and students from different territories met to demand the immediate transfer of werken Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca to the community module of the Temuco prison. They also denounce the violations in the process: adequate medical care, worse prison conditions than those already present in module 89 where he was serving preventive detention, where not only is his current health at risk – with more than 60 days on hunger strike – but also his spiritual health. Respect for international agreements is required, even more so for Convention 169, since a Mapuche can be deprived of liberty, but never of his condition of being Mapuche.

Radio Kurruf

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/08/10/mapuche-political-prisoners-of-temuco-begin-hunger-strike-in-support-of-hector-llaitul/

#chile #HéctorLlaitul #hungerStrike #mapuche #mapuchePrisoners #southAmerica

Corte Suprema rechaza recurso de nulidad presentado por defensa de Héctor Llaitul | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/07/29/corte-suprema-rechaza-recurso-de-nulidad-presentado-por-defensa-de-hector-llaitul/

#cam #coordinadoraaraucomalleco #héctorllaitul #leydeseguridaddelestado

Corte Suprema rechaza recurso de nulidad presentado por defensa de Héctor Llaitul | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/07/29/corte-suprema-rechaza-recurso-de-nulidad-presentado-por-defensa-de-hector-llaitul/

#cam #coordinadoraaraucomalleco #héctorllaitul #leydeseguridaddelestado

Ernesto Llaitul es absuelto por el Tribunal Oral en lo Penal de Los Ángeles | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/07/23/ernesto-llaitul-es-absuelto-por-el-tribunal-oral-en-lo-penal-de-los-angeles/

#cam #coordinadoraaraucomalleco #ernestollaitul #héctorllaitul #llaitul

Ernesto Llaitul es absuelto por el Tribunal Oral en lo Penal de Los Ángeles | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/07/23/ernesto-llaitul-es-absuelto-por-el-tribunal-oral-en-lo-penal-de-los-angeles/

#cam #coordinadoraaraucomalleco #ernestollaitul #héctorllaitul #llaitul

Llaitul perdió 20 kilos en huelga de hambre: defensa pidió médico particular | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/07/23/llaitul-perdio-20-kilos-en-huelga-de-hambre-defensa-pidio-medico-particular/

#cam #coordinadoraaraucomalleco #huelgadehambre #héctorllaitul #juzgadodegarantiadetemuco

Llaitul perdió 20 kilos en huelga de hambre: defensa pidió médico particular | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/07/23/llaitul-perdio-20-kilos-en-huelga-de-hambre-defensa-pidio-medico-particular/

#cam #coordinadoraaraucomalleco #huelgadehambre #héctorllaitul #juzgadodegarantiadetemuco

Corte de Concepción acogió recurso por huelga de hambre de Héctor Llaitul | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/06/25/corte-de-concepcion-acogio-recurso-por-huelga-de-hambre-de-hector-llaitul/

#cam #héctorllaitul #llaituil #mapuche #presomapuche

Corte de Concepción acogió recurso por huelga de hambre de Héctor Llaitul | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/06/25/corte-de-concepcion-acogio-recurso-por-huelga-de-hambre-de-hector-llaitul/

#cam #héctorllaitul #llaituil #mapuche #presomapuche

Exige nulidad de su juicio: Héctor Llaitul inicia huelga de hambre en penal de Concepción | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/06/03/exige-nulidad-de-su-juicio-hector-llaitul-inicia-huelga-de-hambre-en-penal-de-concepcion/

#cam #huelgadehambre #héctorllaitul #mapuche

Exige nulidad de su juicio: Héctor Llaitul inicia huelga de hambre en penal de Concepción | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/06/03/exige-nulidad-de-su-juicio-hector-llaitul-inicia-huelga-de-hambre-en-penal-de-concepcion/

#cam #huelgadehambre #héctorllaitul #mapuche

Exige nulidad de su juicio: Héctor Llaitul inicia huelga de hambre en penal de Concepción | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/06/03/exige-nulidad-de-su-juicio-hector-llaitul-inicia-huelga-de-hambre-en-penal-de-concepcion/

#cam #huelgadehambre #héctorllaitul #mapuche

Exige nulidad de su juicio: Héctor Llaitul inicia huelga de hambre en penal de Concepción | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/06/03/exige-nulidad-de-su-juicio-hector-llaitul-inicia-huelga-de-hambre-en-penal-de-concepcion/

#cam #huelgadehambre #héctorllaitul #mapuche

Comunicadores solicitarán a la Fiscalía que investigue las amenazas contra periodistas vinculados a Héctor Llaitul | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/05/30/comunicadores-solicitaran-a-la-fiscalia-que-investigue-las-amenazas-contra-periodistas-vinculados-a-hector-llaitul/

#comunicadores #héctorllaitul #josefabarraza #periodistas #radiobiobio

Comunicadores solicitarán a la Fiscalía que investigue las amenazas contra periodistas vinculados a Héctor Llaitul | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/05/30/comunicadores-solicitaran-a-la-fiscalia-que-investigue-las-amenazas-contra-periodistas-vinculados-a-hector-llaitul/

#comunicadores #héctorllaitul #josefabarraza #periodistas #radiobiobio

El Ciudadano acusa “sesgo” y “vulneración del secreto profesional” por publicación de Radio Biobío | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/05/29/el-ciudadano-acusa-sesgo-y-vulneracion-del-secreto-profesional-por-publicacion-de-radio-biobio/

#elciudadano #héctorllaitul #josefabarraza #monicagonzalez #radiobiobio

El Ciudadano acusa “sesgo” y “vulneración del secreto profesional” por publicación de Radio Biobío | #UChileRadio

https://radio.uchile.cl/2024/05/29/el-ciudadano-acusa-sesgo-y-vulneracion-del-secreto-profesional-por-publicacion-de-radio-biobio/

#elciudadano #héctorllaitul #josefabarraza #monicagonzalez #radiobiobio

Richard Curinao, editor of Mapuche news site Werken Noticias, has released a statement accusing harassment from the Chilean Investigative Police. This is because of an interview with CAM leader Héctor Llaitul, who is now arrested.

https://chiletoday.cl/editor-werken-noticias-accuses-harassment-from-the-pdi/

Fuente: https://nitter.pussthecat.org/ChileTodayNews/status/1570154240664018944#m

#chile #mapuche #mapuches #cam #news #pdi #HéctorLlaitul #werkennoticias #RichardCurinao

Fue detenido Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca, vocero político de la Coordinadora Arauco Malleco, organización mapuche que ha recuperado tierras usurpadas por empresas forestales y agrícolas en la Araucanía

👉https://avispa.org/?p=89246 🐝

#mapuche #HéctorLlaitul #Llaitul #LlaitulDetenido #Mapuche #JeanetteVega #Politica #Boric #Chile #boric #mapuche

Fue detenido Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca, vocero político de la Coordinadora Arauco Malleco, organización mapuche que ha recuperado tierras usurpadas por empresas forestales y agrícolas en la Araucanía

👉https://avispa.org/?p=89246 🐝

#mapuche #HéctorLlaitul #Llaitul #LlaitulDetenido #Mapuche #JeanetteVega #Politica #Boric #Chile #boric #mapuche

Fue detenido Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca, vocero político de la Coordinadora Arauco Malleco, organización mapuche que ha recuperado tierras usurpadas por empresas forestales y agrícolas en la Araucanía

👉https://avispa.org/?p=89246 🐝

#mapuche #HéctorLlaitul #Llaitul #LlaitulDetenido #Mapuche #JeanetteVega #Politica #Boric #Chile #boric #mapuche