#guerrila — Public Fediverse posts
Live and recent posts from across the Fediverse tagged #guerrila, aggregated by home.social.
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Current Battles in Catatumbo – ELN
Northeastern War Front
This July, fighting continues between ELN guerrillas and troops from the Army’s Vulcano Task Force, based in Tibú. These troops are also operating against the population of Catatumbo through the so-called “Band of 33.”
The “Band of 33” continues to serve the war plans of the state Army’s Vulcano Task Force, which has deployed it from Las Mercedes, Tibú, and between kilometers 19 and 25 of the road to La Gabarra. This is the area where fighting continues with the guerrillas of the ELN’s Northeastern War Front, Commander-in-Chief Manuel Pérez Martínez.
- 4: At 9:00 PM, in a commando operation against the finance chief of the 33rd Gang, alias Jhon Cabeza, he was seriously wounded and received assistance from troops of the Army’s Vulcano Task Force, who evacuated him by a military helicopter.
- 9: We bombed the administrative facilities of the Tibú airport with drones, leaving them partially destroyed. This airport terminal had been used as a logistical base for the movement, recruitment, and evacuation of casualties from the 33rd Gang, with the protection of the Army’s Vulcano Task Force.
- 10: At 10:30 AM, in the municipality of San Martín, in southern Cesar, we attacked a position held by the narcoparamilitaries known as the Conquistadores de la Sierra Nevada (Conquerors of the Sierra Nevada), where we captured a wounded paramilitary member.
- 12: At 7:00 a.m., in the Ligerones village of the municipality of La Playa de Belén, Norte de Santander, we attacked a position held by the 33rd Street gang, resulting in the capture of one paramilitary member. We recovered a motorcycle, a Glock pistol, and cash from him.
- 16: At 1:15 p.m., in Tibú, we conducted a ramp bombardment against the Army’s Vulcano Task Force headquarters. The base suffered severe damage to its facilities, and casualties are unknown.
- 16: At 9:00 p.m., we repelled a drone attack carried out by the Army and the 33rd Street gang against our units in the 20 de Julio village of the municipality of Tibú.
- 16: We conducted an aerial bombardment against the 33rd Street gang, targeting their positions in the 20 de Julio, Filo Paraco, and Filo Seco villages of the municipality of Tibú, destroying several of their bunkers.
- 16: During the night, we launched an aerial bombardment against the 33rd Battalion’s positions at Filo Paraco and Orú, in the municipality of Tibú.
- 17: At 6:00 a.m., we attacked the National Police station in the municipality of El Carmen, Norte de Santander, resulting in one death.
- 17: At 6:00 a.m., we attacked the National Police station in Guamalito, in the municipality of El Carmen. The results are unknown.
Source: https://eln-voces.net/2026/07/27/los-combates-actuales-en-el-catatumbo/
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=35602 #Catatumbo #colombia #eln #guerrila #southAmerica -
Current Battles in Catatumbo – ELN
Northeastern War Front
This July, fighting continues between ELN guerrillas and troops from the Army’s Vulcano Task Force, based in Tibú. These troops are also operating against the population of Catatumbo through the so-called “Band of 33.”
The “Band of 33” continues to serve the war plans of the state Army’s Vulcano Task Force, which has deployed it from Las Mercedes, Tibú, and between kilometers 19 and 25 of the road to La Gabarra. This is the area where fighting continues with the guerrillas of the ELN’s Northeastern War Front, Commander-in-Chief Manuel Pérez Martínez.
- 4: At 9:00 PM, in a commando operation against the finance chief of the 33rd Gang, alias Jhon Cabeza, he was seriously wounded and received assistance from troops of the Army’s Vulcano Task Force, who evacuated him by a military helicopter.
- 9: We bombed the administrative facilities of the Tibú airport with drones, leaving them partially destroyed. This airport terminal had been used as a logistical base for the movement, recruitment, and evacuation of casualties from the 33rd Gang, with the protection of the Army’s Vulcano Task Force.
- 10: At 10:30 AM, in the municipality of San Martín, in southern Cesar, we attacked a position held by the narcoparamilitaries known as the Conquistadores de la Sierra Nevada (Conquerors of the Sierra Nevada), where we captured a wounded paramilitary member.
- 12: At 7:00 a.m., in the Ligerones village of the municipality of La Playa de Belén, Norte de Santander, we attacked a position held by the 33rd Street gang, resulting in the capture of one paramilitary member. We recovered a motorcycle, a Glock pistol, and cash from him.
- 16: At 1:15 p.m., in Tibú, we conducted a ramp bombardment against the Army’s Vulcano Task Force headquarters. The base suffered severe damage to its facilities, and casualties are unknown.
- 16: At 9:00 p.m., we repelled a drone attack carried out by the Army and the 33rd Street gang against our units in the 20 de Julio village of the municipality of Tibú.
- 16: We conducted an aerial bombardment against the 33rd Street gang, targeting their positions in the 20 de Julio, Filo Paraco, and Filo Seco villages of the municipality of Tibú, destroying several of their bunkers.
- 16: During the night, we launched an aerial bombardment against the 33rd Battalion’s positions at Filo Paraco and Orú, in the municipality of Tibú.
- 17: At 6:00 a.m., we attacked the National Police station in the municipality of El Carmen, Norte de Santander, resulting in one death.
- 17: At 6:00 a.m., we attacked the National Police station in Guamalito, in the municipality of El Carmen. The results are unknown.
Source: https://eln-voces.net/2026/07/27/los-combates-actuales-en-el-catatumbo/
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=35602 #Catatumbo #colombia #eln #guerrila #southAmerica -
Tracking the History of the Colombian ELN. Interview with Comandante Nicoás Rodríguez (II)
June 15, 2026
Second part of Aureliano Carbonell’s interview with Commander Nicolás Rodríguez Bautista, one of the founders of the National Liberation Army in Colombia.
Aureliano: What happened to the military during the years of the crisis?
Nicolás: Military activity decreased substantially from 1974 to 1979. However, even though military action was scarce during the crisis, there were important events that justified its continuation:
In the mid-1970s, an urban commando unit killed General Ramón Arturo Rincón Quiñones, Inspector General of the Armed Forces.
In 1976, the police station in Santa Rosa del Sur, Bolívar Department, was attacked and subdued, and the weapons were recovered.
Also in 1976, a military base belonging to the Tarqui Battalion in Tarazá, Antioquia, was attacked, resulting in six casualties.
The Camilo Torres Front, which had been almost annihilated in 1967, re-established itself in the Eastern Cordillera, and in 1976 it seized the village of Sabana de Novillos in Cesar Department. At the end of 1978, the municipal capital of Convención, in Norte de Santander, was also taken, the police station was seized, its weapons recovered, and the population rallied.
Small-scale armed propaganda actions were carried out in the city.
EMERGING FROM THE CRISIS
When did the situation begin to change?
In 1978, we managed to hold the First Meeting of Leaders, which brought together the heads of the urban and rural structures. The first collective leadership was elected, a plan to restructure the Organization was drawn up, and Leninist principles of organization were adopted. On the military front, as already mentioned, the capture of the municipality of Convención at the end of that year was carried out with complete success, which had a very positive impact internally, on the morale of our people, and on the process of recovery and development.
However, difficulties were not without their challenges. During these efforts, a faction emerged calling itself the National Coordinating Commission, attempting a demobilization strategy. Thanks to our swift action, this faction failed to achieve its objectives. Its conduct was made clear to the rest of the organization, and those responsible fled.
The efforts to rebuild continued amidst severe economic hardship, communication problems, and enemy activity, but nothing could stop us.
In these significant efforts to connect with grassroots movements, establish a structure based on Leninist organizational principles, achieve collective leadership through democratic processes, and safeguard internal unity, the clear leadership of Comandante Manuel Pérez Martínez emerged.
THE CITY
What was the situation in urban areas during those years?
During the most difficult times, the ELN crisis was much more severe in rural areas than in the cities. During those years, we faced many difficulties in communication between urban and rural areas. However, urban groups managed to sustain themselves and grow, especially after 1976, developing urban structures in most cities. Their work centered around student struggles, the organization of workers’ unions, and working-class neighborhoods. They were crucial in overcoming the crisis.
A NEW MOMENT. EXPANSION AND DEVELOPMENT.
How long will this crisis last?
The following years, the late 1970s and early 1980s, have been referred to internally as the years of “overcoming the crisis.” From then until the beginning of the first decade of the 2000s, it was a time of expansion, of progress in all areas, and of greater political and mass influence in the country.
The presidents during those years were, in order: Turbay Ayala (1978–1982), Belisario Betancur (1982–1986), Virgilio Barco (1986–1990), César Gaviria (1990–1994), Ernesto Samper (1994–1998), and Andrés Pastrana (1998–2002).
From the “Meeting of Leaders,” December 1978-January 1979, we arrived in 1983 at the First National Meeting of Leaders, “Heroes and Martyrs of Anorí.” This meeting appointed a National Directorate of 9 members and Comandante Manuel Pérez as its political leader. From there, in 1986, we reached another, more representative, democratic space: the First National Assembly, “Camilo Torres Restrepo,” which we later referred to as the first Congress of the Organization. There, we considered that the crisis had been overcome.
That Assembly represents a development in internal political life. It establishes the obligation to operate with national, local, and sectoral work plans, reaffirms the Leninist principles of organization, and implements greater levels of internal democracy and collective leadership at all levels.
By that time, there was already a stable and active National Directorate, but the Assembly further strengthened that national leadership and the Central Executive Committee (COCE) as the permanent executive body. It reaffirmed political and organizational work, and therefore mass mobilization, as an integral part of our overall dynamic and as a basic component of organizational work. Likewise, military approaches and goals were strengthened, reaffirming political-military integration. The Assembly also succeeded in strengthening and enhancing internal unity; by then, we were a larger organization with greater territorial reach.
FROM 1986 ONWARD
What would you highlight as the most important development in the years following that first congress? That is, in the last 40 years, from 1986 onward—quite a long time?
I’ll be very brief, just a few highlights:
– We gained a national vision, and it is on this basis that we build and develop national work plans.
– We advanced in understanding Marxist-Leninist theory. It became firmly established as our ideological guide, and a greater and more conscious effort was made to apply it in practice.
– Ideologically, we achieved greater and more widespread training of cadres at various levels, aided by the systematic development of schools at different levels and on various topics, as well as other training spaces.
– We successfully held and developed the organization’s Congresses as democratic forums where the general line, the overall plan, and the National Directorate are defined, as well as the Plenary Sessions of the National Directorate.
– We achieved significant military developments, understanding that in warfare, there are advances and setbacks; it is never a linear process. There are moments of great progress, but also others of difficulties and setbacks, influenced by multiple external and internal factors. We also achieved, on several occasions, a good balance and complementarity between military activity and political needs.
– In general terms, we managed to address the financial needs for developing national plans and achieving the established goals using austerity measures.
– We established what we call War Fronts within the organizational structure. These fronts cover large regions and encompass the urban structures within them, the various guerrilla fronts, and the regular and irregular units directly attached to the overall command of the larger region—that is, the War Front Directorate. Within this structure, as at the national level, there is also a mass mobilization structure, a regional general staff, and an ideological department.
-In the cities, we moved from urban logistical support networks to proper urban structures, which, like their rural counterparts, carry out political and organizational work and military activity. They have their own leadership, no longer depending on a rural front, and like the rural fronts, are integrated into the War Front, along with the other structures.
-At the Fifth Congress, we formed a national mass leadership, which, like the General Staff and the Ideological Department, reports directly to the National Directorate and has its own structure.
-We created the International Front, giving concrete form to the principle of our internationalist identity, to interact with other revolutionaries and people who are friends of the revolutionary and/or socialist struggle around the world.
-The Third Congress of the ELN officially and unanimously decided to categorically disassociate itself from drug trafficking, and this decision has been ratified in subsequent congresses.
– Driven by political and ideological conviction and a love of unity, together with the leaders of the MIR-Patria Libre and the PRT, a historic merger took place, giving rise in 1987 to the Camilista Union ELN. Later, along with other insurgent forces, we joined the National Guerrilla Coordinating Committee and then the Simón Bolívar Coordinating Committee, in which the entire Colombian insurgency participated.
–We proposed to the country and to our adversary the “humanization of war,” and subsequently incorporated International Humanitarian Law into our domestic legislation, developing provisions concerning internal conflicts within countries.
–These political reflections led us, as with other guerrilla organizations, to establish spaces and dialogue tables with the governments in power, developing our own approach and conception of a “political solution,” including the participation of society and the necessary transformations.
– On the military front, in addition to the irregular guerrilla structures, we transitioned to the formation of regular Company and Battalion structures, without losing sight of the irregular nature of the strategic conception and its tactical application. We also moved from actions carried out by each War Front to national military campaigns.
– In 1986, we created the National Special Forces and Special Troops, which were integrated into the War Fronts.
MANUEL PÉREZ
Finally, knowing that Commander Manuel Pérez died in 1998, I would like to ask you about the role he played during those years of crisis and its overcoming?
The ELN carries within its political being the recognition of Commander-in-Chief Manuel Pérez Martínez for having exercised clear leadership both in the path to overcoming the crisis and in the developments achieved afterward. It is precisely because of his leadership and the role he played and continued to play that the First Congress assigned him political responsibility, which he exercised with exemplary integrity until his death in 1998.
He was a clear example in the various facets of the revolutionary cadre, and from there, his moral authority among other leaders and subordinates stemmed from this.
His leadership in achieving the first leadership events, from 1978 until the Third Congress, which he led, confirms his undeniable role as a leader and guide in the ELN.
If anyone in the ELN were looking for a prototype of an ELN cadre and militant, they would not hesitate to take Commander Manuel Pérez Martínez as their model.
By Aureliano Carbonell
Source: https://vocesenlucha.com/recorriendo-historia-eln-comandante-nicolas-rodriguez-ii/
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=35541 #colombia #eln #guerrila #southAmerica -
Tracking the History of the Colombian ELN. Interview with Comandante Nicoás Rodríguez (II)
June 15, 2026
Second part of Aureliano Carbonell’s interview with Commander Nicolás Rodríguez Bautista, one of the founders of the National Liberation Army in Colombia.
Aureliano: What happened to the military during the years of the crisis?
Nicolás: Military activity decreased substantially from 1974 to 1979. However, even though military action was scarce during the crisis, there were important events that justified its continuation:
In the mid-1970s, an urban commando unit killed General Ramón Arturo Rincón Quiñones, Inspector General of the Armed Forces.
In 1976, the police station in Santa Rosa del Sur, Bolívar Department, was attacked and subdued, and the weapons were recovered.
Also in 1976, a military base belonging to the Tarqui Battalion in Tarazá, Antioquia, was attacked, resulting in six casualties.
The Camilo Torres Front, which had been almost annihilated in 1967, re-established itself in the Eastern Cordillera, and in 1976 it seized the village of Sabana de Novillos in Cesar Department. At the end of 1978, the municipal capital of Convención, in Norte de Santander, was also taken, the police station was seized, its weapons recovered, and the population rallied.
Small-scale armed propaganda actions were carried out in the city.
EMERGING FROM THE CRISIS
When did the situation begin to change?
In 1978, we managed to hold the First Meeting of Leaders, which brought together the heads of the urban and rural structures. The first collective leadership was elected, a plan to restructure the Organization was drawn up, and Leninist principles of organization were adopted. On the military front, as already mentioned, the capture of the municipality of Convención at the end of that year was carried out with complete success, which had a very positive impact internally, on the morale of our people, and on the process of recovery and development.
However, difficulties were not without their challenges. During these efforts, a faction emerged calling itself the National Coordinating Commission, attempting a demobilization strategy. Thanks to our swift action, this faction failed to achieve its objectives. Its conduct was made clear to the rest of the organization, and those responsible fled.
The efforts to rebuild continued amidst severe economic hardship, communication problems, and enemy activity, but nothing could stop us.
In these significant efforts to connect with grassroots movements, establish a structure based on Leninist organizational principles, achieve collective leadership through democratic processes, and safeguard internal unity, the clear leadership of Comandante Manuel Pérez Martínez emerged.
THE CITY
What was the situation in urban areas during those years?
During the most difficult times, the ELN crisis was much more severe in rural areas than in the cities. During those years, we faced many difficulties in communication between urban and rural areas. However, urban groups managed to sustain themselves and grow, especially after 1976, developing urban structures in most cities. Their work centered around student struggles, the organization of workers’ unions, and working-class neighborhoods. They were crucial in overcoming the crisis.
A NEW MOMENT. EXPANSION AND DEVELOPMENT.
How long will this crisis last?
The following years, the late 1970s and early 1980s, have been referred to internally as the years of “overcoming the crisis.” From then until the beginning of the first decade of the 2000s, it was a time of expansion, of progress in all areas, and of greater political and mass influence in the country.
The presidents during those years were, in order: Turbay Ayala (1978–1982), Belisario Betancur (1982–1986), Virgilio Barco (1986–1990), César Gaviria (1990–1994), Ernesto Samper (1994–1998), and Andrés Pastrana (1998–2002).
From the “Meeting of Leaders,” December 1978-January 1979, we arrived in 1983 at the First National Meeting of Leaders, “Heroes and Martyrs of Anorí.” This meeting appointed a National Directorate of 9 members and Comandante Manuel Pérez as its political leader. From there, in 1986, we reached another, more representative, democratic space: the First National Assembly, “Camilo Torres Restrepo,” which we later referred to as the first Congress of the Organization. There, we considered that the crisis had been overcome.
That Assembly represents a development in internal political life. It establishes the obligation to operate with national, local, and sectoral work plans, reaffirms the Leninist principles of organization, and implements greater levels of internal democracy and collective leadership at all levels.
By that time, there was already a stable and active National Directorate, but the Assembly further strengthened that national leadership and the Central Executive Committee (COCE) as the permanent executive body. It reaffirmed political and organizational work, and therefore mass mobilization, as an integral part of our overall dynamic and as a basic component of organizational work. Likewise, military approaches and goals were strengthened, reaffirming political-military integration. The Assembly also succeeded in strengthening and enhancing internal unity; by then, we were a larger organization with greater territorial reach.
FROM 1986 ONWARD
What would you highlight as the most important development in the years following that first congress? That is, in the last 40 years, from 1986 onward—quite a long time?
I’ll be very brief, just a few highlights:
– We gained a national vision, and it is on this basis that we build and develop national work plans.
– We advanced in understanding Marxist-Leninist theory. It became firmly established as our ideological guide, and a greater and more conscious effort was made to apply it in practice.
– Ideologically, we achieved greater and more widespread training of cadres at various levels, aided by the systematic development of schools at different levels and on various topics, as well as other training spaces.
– We successfully held and developed the organization’s Congresses as democratic forums where the general line, the overall plan, and the National Directorate are defined, as well as the Plenary Sessions of the National Directorate.
– We achieved significant military developments, understanding that in warfare, there are advances and setbacks; it is never a linear process. There are moments of great progress, but also others of difficulties and setbacks, influenced by multiple external and internal factors. We also achieved, on several occasions, a good balance and complementarity between military activity and political needs.
– In general terms, we managed to address the financial needs for developing national plans and achieving the established goals using austerity measures.
– We established what we call War Fronts within the organizational structure. These fronts cover large regions and encompass the urban structures within them, the various guerrilla fronts, and the regular and irregular units directly attached to the overall command of the larger region—that is, the War Front Directorate. Within this structure, as at the national level, there is also a mass mobilization structure, a regional general staff, and an ideological department.
-In the cities, we moved from urban logistical support networks to proper urban structures, which, like their rural counterparts, carry out political and organizational work and military activity. They have their own leadership, no longer depending on a rural front, and like the rural fronts, are integrated into the War Front, along with the other structures.
-At the Fifth Congress, we formed a national mass leadership, which, like the General Staff and the Ideological Department, reports directly to the National Directorate and has its own structure.
-We created the International Front, giving concrete form to the principle of our internationalist identity, to interact with other revolutionaries and people who are friends of the revolutionary and/or socialist struggle around the world.
-The Third Congress of the ELN officially and unanimously decided to categorically disassociate itself from drug trafficking, and this decision has been ratified in subsequent congresses.
– Driven by political and ideological conviction and a love of unity, together with the leaders of the MIR-Patria Libre and the PRT, a historic merger took place, giving rise in 1987 to the Camilista Union ELN. Later, along with other insurgent forces, we joined the National Guerrilla Coordinating Committee and then the Simón Bolívar Coordinating Committee, in which the entire Colombian insurgency participated.
–We proposed to the country and to our adversary the “humanization of war,” and subsequently incorporated International Humanitarian Law into our domestic legislation, developing provisions concerning internal conflicts within countries.
–These political reflections led us, as with other guerrilla organizations, to establish spaces and dialogue tables with the governments in power, developing our own approach and conception of a “political solution,” including the participation of society and the necessary transformations.
– On the military front, in addition to the irregular guerrilla structures, we transitioned to the formation of regular Company and Battalion structures, without losing sight of the irregular nature of the strategic conception and its tactical application. We also moved from actions carried out by each War Front to national military campaigns.
– In 1986, we created the National Special Forces and Special Troops, which were integrated into the War Fronts.
MANUEL PÉREZ
Finally, knowing that Commander Manuel Pérez died in 1998, I would like to ask you about the role he played during those years of crisis and its overcoming?
The ELN carries within its political being the recognition of Commander-in-Chief Manuel Pérez Martínez for having exercised clear leadership both in the path to overcoming the crisis and in the developments achieved afterward. It is precisely because of his leadership and the role he played and continued to play that the First Congress assigned him political responsibility, which he exercised with exemplary integrity until his death in 1998.
He was a clear example in the various facets of the revolutionary cadre, and from there, his moral authority among other leaders and subordinates stemmed from this.
His leadership in achieving the first leadership events, from 1978 until the Third Congress, which he led, confirms his undeniable role as a leader and guide in the ELN.
If anyone in the ELN were looking for a prototype of an ELN cadre and militant, they would not hesitate to take Commander Manuel Pérez Martínez as their model.
By Aureliano Carbonell
Source: https://vocesenlucha.com/recorriendo-historia-eln-comandante-nicolas-rodriguez-ii/
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=35541 #colombia #eln #guerrila #southAmerica -
Fierce Clash Breaks Out Between Security Personnel And Alleged Maoists Along Bijapur-Dantewada Inter-District Border
Twelve persons believed to be cadres of the Maoist party and three personnel of the District Reserve Guard (DRG), a specialized unit of the state police, were killed in a fierce exchange of fire in the West Bastar division area along the Bijapur–Dantewada inter-district border on Wednesday, Inspector General of Police (Bastar Range) Sundarraj Pattilingam announced to the press today.
According to the IGP, two DRG personnel also sustained injuries in the skirmish and their conditions were stated to be out of danger. They have been admitted in a hospital for immediate medical attention.
As per the IGP’s report, the gun battle broke out in a forest along the border of Bijapur-Dantewada districts when a joint team of security personnel was out on an anti-Maoist operation. Personnel belonging to the DRG from Dantewada and Bijapur, and Special Task Force, both units of the state police, and CoBRA (Commando Battalion for Resolute Action- an elite unit of CRPF) were involved in the operation.
The operation was planned following intelligence inputs concerning the presence of Maoists operating in the area. Additional reinforcement has been rushed into the area and efforts are on to cordon off the region, as the forces have intensified the search operation in and around the encounter scene, the IGP told the press.
So far, the bodies of 12 individuals purported to be Maoists have been recovered from the encounter spot, but their identities have yet to be established, the IGP stated in his prepared remarks, adding that a large cache of weapons including AK-47 rifles, Self Loading Rifles, Light Machine Gun, INSAS assault rifles, .303 rifles, explosives and other items of use by the Maoists have also been seized from the site.
In conclusion, the IGP stated that detailed information will be shared after the combing operation is over, adding that the identification process of the recovered bodies of the alleged Maoists will be carried out after the operation concludes, and that there remains a possibility of recovering more bodies of persons suspected to be Maoists from the area of the encounter.
According to the police the area where the gunfight occurred is stated to be the epicenter of activity of the CPI (Maoist).
Source : https://telanganatoday.com/chhattisgarh-five-naxalites-one-drg-jawan-killed-in-encounter-in-bijapur
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Fierce Clash Breaks Out Between Security Personnel And Alleged Maoists Along Bijapur-Dantewada Inter-District Border
Twelve persons believed to be cadres of the Maoist party and three personnel of the District Reserve Guard (DRG), a specialized unit of the state police, were killed in a fierce exchange of fire in the West Bastar division area along the Bijapur–Dantewada inter-district border on Wednesday, Inspector General of Police (Bastar Range) Sundarraj Pattilingam announced to the press today.
According to the IGP, two DRG personnel also sustained injuries in the skirmish and their conditions were stated to be out of danger. They have been admitted in a hospital for immediate medical attention.
As per the IGP’s report, the gun battle broke out in a forest along the border of Bijapur-Dantewada districts when a joint team of security personnel was out on an anti-Maoist operation. Personnel belonging to the DRG from Dantewada and Bijapur, and Special Task Force, both units of the state police, and CoBRA (Commando Battalion for Resolute Action- an elite unit of CRPF) were involved in the operation.
The operation was planned following intelligence inputs concerning the presence of Maoists operating in the area. Additional reinforcement has been rushed into the area and efforts are on to cordon off the region, as the forces have intensified the search operation in and around the encounter scene, the IGP told the press.
So far, the bodies of 12 individuals purported to be Maoists have been recovered from the encounter spot, but their identities have yet to be established, the IGP stated in his prepared remarks, adding that a large cache of weapons including AK-47 rifles, Self Loading Rifles, Light Machine Gun, INSAS assault rifles, .303 rifles, explosives and other items of use by the Maoists have also been seized from the site.
In conclusion, the IGP stated that detailed information will be shared after the combing operation is over, adding that the identification process of the recovered bodies of the alleged Maoists will be carried out after the operation concludes, and that there remains a possibility of recovering more bodies of persons suspected to be Maoists from the area of the encounter.
According to the police the area where the gunfight occurred is stated to be the epicenter of activity of the CPI (Maoist).
Source : https://telanganatoday.com/chhattisgarh-five-naxalites-one-drg-jawan-killed-in-encounter-in-bijapur
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El Salvador. Commemoration of 55th Anniversary of the Popular Liberation Forces (FPL)
EL SALVADOR: IN “RADIOLA”, ON THE BANKS OF THE QUEZALAPA RIVER, A GUERRILLA ZONE DURING OUR UNFINISHED REVOLUTION IN THE EIGHTIES OF THE LAST CENTURY, WE CELEBRATED THE 55TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FARABUNDO MARTÍ FPL POPULAR LIBERATION FORCES.
And we celebrate it as the heroines and heroes of the twelve years of our armed popular uprising against the landlords and oligarchs in the service of the Yankee Empire deserve:
Remembering so many heroic gestures of peasants, workers, students and people in general, whose revolutionary thrust for the construction of an El Salvador and a world of socialist brotherhood and fraternity was unstoppable,…… until in the nineties the disastrous turn of the world situation led our leadership to sign some illusory “Peace Agreement” at the price of the dismantling and disarmament of the strongest guerrilla army on the Latin American continent.
And we express our internationalist solidarity with the peoples in resistance against the criminal imperialist aggression, with the peoples of Palestine, Yemen, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, Iran and so many peoples of Africa.
We express our solidarity with the heroic Cuban people in resistance against the criminal Yankee blockade against the socialist island.
We combatively reject the attempt of the current dictatorial and fascist regime of the Bukele Clan to reintroduce Metal Mining in El Salvador and we demand the immediate release of Venezuelan migrants captured without having committed crimes and without trials in the United States, mistreated and imprisoned in the scandalous and inhumane CECOT Anti-Terrorist Prison in El Salvador.
During our commemoration and revolutionary gathering we were able to read the letter sent to us by the Palestinian Union of Latin America UPAL on the current situation in their Palestinian Homeland:
UPAL Strongly Rejects President Donald Trump’s Proposal on the Gaza Strip.
“We, members of the Union of Palestinians in Latin America, originally from Palestine and Gaza, express our absolute rejection of the statements of the President of the United States, Donald Trump, in which he proposes that the United States “possess” the Gaza Strip, demolish it and rebuild it as the so-called “Riviera of the Middle East”, destined to be inhabited by “people from other countries of the world”.
Gaza is not for sale. We are not a wasteland or an investment project to satisfy colonial ambitions disguised as progress. This land is home to generations of Palestinians who have lived, resisted and dreamed here long before these words were spoken. Our history, our culture and our dignity cannot be demolished or replaced by luxury buildings or visions alien to our reality.
We firmly reject the idea that a foreign power can “own” Gaza. No one has the right to decide on our destiny except ourselves. Gaza does not need to be destroyed to be reborn; it needs an end to the siege, to the occupation, and for our fundamental rights to be respected: the right to live in freedom, peace and justice.
Our people have endured years of blockade, bombings and deprivation. What we need are not empty promises of reconstruction under imposed conditions, but an end to oppression, the recognition of our sovereignty and the restoration of our dignity.
Gaza is Palestine. Gaza is us: its inhabitants, its living history, its children, its elderly, its fertile land, its streets full of memory and resistance. No plan that ignores our humanity will have a place here.”
ONLY THE PEOPLES OF THE WORLD UNITED WILL BE ABLE TO DEFEAT THE NAZI-FASCIST AGGRESSION OF THE EMPIRES AND BUILD A WORLD OF FRATERNITY AND SOLIDARITY AMONG THE POOR AND AMONG THE PEOPLES!
Resumen Latinoamericano, April 15, 2025.
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=18405
#antiImperialist #centralAmerica #elSalvador #FPL #guerrila #palestineSolidarity
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El Salvador. Commemoration of 55th Anniversary of the Popular Liberation Forces (FPL)
EL SALVADOR: IN “RADIOLA”, ON THE BANKS OF THE QUEZALAPA RIVER, A GUERRILLA ZONE DURING OUR UNFINISHED REVOLUTION IN THE EIGHTIES OF THE LAST CENTURY, WE CELEBRATED THE 55TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FARABUNDO MARTÍ FPL POPULAR LIBERATION FORCES.
And we celebrate it as the heroines and heroes of the twelve years of our armed popular uprising against the landlords and oligarchs in the service of the Yankee Empire deserve:
Remembering so many heroic gestures of peasants, workers, students and people in general, whose revolutionary thrust for the construction of an El Salvador and a world of socialist brotherhood and fraternity was unstoppable,…… until in the nineties the disastrous turn of the world situation led our leadership to sign some illusory “Peace Agreement” at the price of the dismantling and disarmament of the strongest guerrilla army on the Latin American continent.
And we express our internationalist solidarity with the peoples in resistance against the criminal imperialist aggression, with the peoples of Palestine, Yemen, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, Iran and so many peoples of Africa.
We express our solidarity with the heroic Cuban people in resistance against the criminal Yankee blockade against the socialist island.
We combatively reject the attempt of the current dictatorial and fascist regime of the Bukele Clan to reintroduce Metal Mining in El Salvador and we demand the immediate release of Venezuelan migrants captured without having committed crimes and without trials in the United States, mistreated and imprisoned in the scandalous and inhumane CECOT Anti-Terrorist Prison in El Salvador.
During our commemoration and revolutionary gathering we were able to read the letter sent to us by the Palestinian Union of Latin America UPAL on the current situation in their Palestinian Homeland:
UPAL Strongly Rejects President Donald Trump’s Proposal on the Gaza Strip.
“We, members of the Union of Palestinians in Latin America, originally from Palestine and Gaza, express our absolute rejection of the statements of the President of the United States, Donald Trump, in which he proposes that the United States “possess” the Gaza Strip, demolish it and rebuild it as the so-called “Riviera of the Middle East”, destined to be inhabited by “people from other countries of the world”.
Gaza is not for sale. We are not a wasteland or an investment project to satisfy colonial ambitions disguised as progress. This land is home to generations of Palestinians who have lived, resisted and dreamed here long before these words were spoken. Our history, our culture and our dignity cannot be demolished or replaced by luxury buildings or visions alien to our reality.
We firmly reject the idea that a foreign power can “own” Gaza. No one has the right to decide on our destiny except ourselves. Gaza does not need to be destroyed to be reborn; it needs an end to the siege, to the occupation, and for our fundamental rights to be respected: the right to live in freedom, peace and justice.
Our people have endured years of blockade, bombings and deprivation. What we need are not empty promises of reconstruction under imposed conditions, but an end to oppression, the recognition of our sovereignty and the restoration of our dignity.
Gaza is Palestine. Gaza is us: its inhabitants, its living history, its children, its elderly, its fertile land, its streets full of memory and resistance. No plan that ignores our humanity will have a place here.”
ONLY THE PEOPLES OF THE WORLD UNITED WILL BE ABLE TO DEFEAT THE NAZI-FASCIST AGGRESSION OF THE EMPIRES AND BUILD A WORLD OF FRATERNITY AND SOLIDARITY AMONG THE POOR AND AMONG THE PEOPLES!
Resumen Latinoamericano, April 15, 2025.
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=18405
#antiImperialist #centralAmerica #elSalvador #FPL #guerrila #palestineSolidarity
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“Gaza Cries Out to You” – A Global Solidarity Week to Support Our People and Reject the zionist Genocidal War
“Gaza Cries Out to You” – A Global Solidarity Week to Support Our People and Reject the zionist Genocidal WarAmid the ongoing brutal zionist aggression on the Gaza Strip and the escalating horrific massacres against innocent civilians — with full American support and alarming international silence — we in the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) issue an urgent call to our Arab and Islamic nations and to all the free people of the world to actively participate in a global week under the slogan: “Gaza Cries Out to You.”
We call for the mobilization of all energies and means throughout the upcoming week in support of Gaza’s steadfastness, in condemnation of the aggression, and to demand an end to the genocide, through the escalation of all forms of solidarity action — including marches, sit-ins, and protests in capitals, cities, and public squares across the world.
We call for Friday, Saturday, and Sunday (April 18–19–20) to be designated as days of global rage against the occupation, in rejection of U.S. support and international complicity.
We in Hamas appreciate and support the global popular and union-led calls, and we encourage responding to them by designating Tuesday, April 22, as a Global Student and Labor Strike Day in universities, educational institutions, and labor unions worldwide — in solidarity with Gaza and in support of its besieged people’s resilience.
The cries of children, the moans of the wounded and sick, and the groans of the hungry and displaced call out to every living conscience and place upon all a humanitarian and historical responsibility to participate in this global week — to break the shameful silence until the aggression ends and the siege is lifted.
Islamic Resistance Movement – Hamas
Tuesday: 17 Shawwal 1446 AH
Corresponding to: April 15, 2025 AD -
“Gaza Cries Out to You” – A Global Solidarity Week to Support Our People and Reject the zionist Genocidal War
“Gaza Cries Out to You” – A Global Solidarity Week to Support Our People and Reject the zionist Genocidal WarAmid the ongoing brutal zionist aggression on the Gaza Strip and the escalating horrific massacres against innocent civilians — with full American support and alarming international silence — we in the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) issue an urgent call to our Arab and Islamic nations and to all the free people of the world to actively participate in a global week under the slogan: “Gaza Cries Out to You.”
We call for the mobilization of all energies and means throughout the upcoming week in support of Gaza’s steadfastness, in condemnation of the aggression, and to demand an end to the genocide, through the escalation of all forms of solidarity action — including marches, sit-ins, and protests in capitals, cities, and public squares across the world.
We call for Friday, Saturday, and Sunday (April 18–19–20) to be designated as days of global rage against the occupation, in rejection of U.S. support and international complicity.
We in Hamas appreciate and support the global popular and union-led calls, and we encourage responding to them by designating Tuesday, April 22, as a Global Student and Labor Strike Day in universities, educational institutions, and labor unions worldwide — in solidarity with Gaza and in support of its besieged people’s resilience.
The cries of children, the moans of the wounded and sick, and the groans of the hungry and displaced call out to every living conscience and place upon all a humanitarian and historical responsibility to participate in this global week — to break the shameful silence until the aggression ends and the siege is lifted.
Islamic Resistance Movement – Hamas
Tuesday: 17 Shawwal 1446 AH
Corresponding to: April 15, 2025 AD -
The People’s Defense Forces (HPG) Press Center issued a statement about the guerrillas’ resistance to the Turkish invasion of Southern Kurdistan and the recent attacks by the Turkish army on the Medya Defense Areas.
The following information was given in the statement:
“Guerrilla resistance in Heftanîn and Metîna
In the Heftanîn region, guerrillas observed the movements of the occupying forces in the Bektorya area on 28 August and struck with an act of sabotage. A soldier was seriously injured in the action. In the Golka resistance area in Metîna, guerrillas stopped an advance attempt by the Turkish army on the same day.
Western front in Zap
The Turkish invasion troops in the Girê Amêdî area have been attacked several times by guerrillas with heavy weapons in recent days. On Tuesday, the establishment of a Turkish position was prevented by targeted fire. When the Turkish army wanted to tow away a Toyota military vehicle that had been destroyed by the guerrillas the day before, the guerrillas intervened again with heavy weapons. On Friday, eight more attacks were carried out on the occupiers in the area.
In Girê Bahar, a Turkish position was attacked and damaged with semi-automatic weapons on 28 August. Last night, snipers destroyed a surveillance camera and a projector installed by the Turkish army in the Girê FM area.
Attacks by the Turkish army
The Turkish army has used prohibited explosives against guerrillas’ tunnel systems in the Girê FM and Girê Cûdî areas in the western Zap region four times since Tuesday.
In the period 27 to 31 August, the HPG recorded 49 air strikes by fighter jets. The bombed areas were Girê Şehîd Cihan in Qandîl, Girê Qele, Kendekola, Şehîd Şerîf, Sinînê, Lolan and Berbizinê in Xakurke, Şêlazê, Serê Metîna and Bêşîlî in Metîna, Girê Bahar in Zap as well as Mêranê, Mam Nêçîr, Heftebax, Girê Kun, Deşta Kafya, Yekmalê, Sêdarê, Dêrîk, Dêreşê, Girê Egîd and Kanî Sarkê in Gare. Further air strikes were carried out by attack helicopters in the Metîna and Xakurke regions.”
#guerrila #hpg #iraq #kurdistan #medya #pkk #turkey #westAsia
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The People’s Defense Forces (HPG) Press Center issued a statement about the guerrillas’ resistance to the Turkish invasion of Southern Kurdistan and the recent attacks by the Turkish army on the Medya Defense Areas.
The following information was given in the statement:
“Guerrilla resistance in Heftanîn and Metîna
In the Heftanîn region, guerrillas observed the movements of the occupying forces in the Bektorya area on 28 August and struck with an act of sabotage. A soldier was seriously injured in the action. In the Golka resistance area in Metîna, guerrillas stopped an advance attempt by the Turkish army on the same day.
Western front in Zap
The Turkish invasion troops in the Girê Amêdî area have been attacked several times by guerrillas with heavy weapons in recent days. On Tuesday, the establishment of a Turkish position was prevented by targeted fire. When the Turkish army wanted to tow away a Toyota military vehicle that had been destroyed by the guerrillas the day before, the guerrillas intervened again with heavy weapons. On Friday, eight more attacks were carried out on the occupiers in the area.
In Girê Bahar, a Turkish position was attacked and damaged with semi-automatic weapons on 28 August. Last night, snipers destroyed a surveillance camera and a projector installed by the Turkish army in the Girê FM area.
Attacks by the Turkish army
The Turkish army has used prohibited explosives against guerrillas’ tunnel systems in the Girê FM and Girê Cûdî areas in the western Zap region four times since Tuesday.
In the period 27 to 31 August, the HPG recorded 49 air strikes by fighter jets. The bombed areas were Girê Şehîd Cihan in Qandîl, Girê Qele, Kendekola, Şehîd Şerîf, Sinînê, Lolan and Berbizinê in Xakurke, Şêlazê, Serê Metîna and Bêşîlî in Metîna, Girê Bahar in Zap as well as Mêranê, Mam Nêçîr, Heftebax, Girê Kun, Deşta Kafya, Yekmalê, Sêdarê, Dêrîk, Dêreşê, Girê Egîd and Kanî Sarkê in Gare. Further air strikes were carried out by attack helicopters in the Metîna and Xakurke regions.”
#guerrila #hpg #iraq #kurdistan #medya #pkk #turkey #westAsia