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  1. The Gaff: the thread about Craigmillar’s picture houses

    Our previous thread explored the history of East Pilton’s Embassy cinema. Many of Edinburgh’s interwar picture houses followed a similar timeline: a briefly glamorous heyday, a long decline as a bingo hall and then being disappeared by the wrecker’s ball. There’s usually a fire in there somewhere for good measure too. Our subject for today are the pair of cinemas that served the districts of Niddrie and Craigmillar – the Rio and the County – and are no exception to this narrative. Outside of their own neighbourhood they are probably also the least weel-kent such establishments in the city.

    To your average Edinburgh citizen, equally mysterious probably is what the very words “Niddrie” and “Craigmillar” actually define. They might use them interchangeably to vaguely describe anything and everything in the great unknown east of Peffermill. Such is their reputation that the very mention will inevitably conjure up an inner sense of unease, fear, derision or pity. Many would confidently pronounce an opinion on the places in the same breath as telling you they’ve never actually been there for themselves. They might struggle to pinpoint them on a map but will definitely be able to tell you a dreadful tale or sobering statistic about them. When your author was growing up in the comfortable bubble of west Edinburgh in the 1990s, Niddrie was a word used to strike fear into the hearts of children from Corstorphine and Nidrons were a mythical terror to be avoided at all costs. In retrospect; slanderous nonsense, of course. Such is the shroud of mystery, misunderstanding and misinformation that cloaks this corner of southeast Edinburgh from much of its own city that it’s worth briefly bringing ourselves up to speed on the subject. (If you’d rather jump straight to the Rio cinema, you can click here, but you’ll be missing out!)

    In most people’s minds the probably imagine Niddrie or Craigmillar as one vast, contiguous council housing scheme: the reality there is a patchwork of schemes with different names built progressively throughout the 20th century. Up until 1920 the City of Edinburgh stopped where it met the Braid Burn (red and white line on the map below). Beyond this, from an administrative point of view, lay the Parish of Liberton in the County of Midlothian. Moving eastwards you would first have come to the community of Craigmillar – dominated by its industrial creamery, breweries and maltings – before passing through the fields of Niddrie Mains farm. Next, on your right would be the Policies of Niddrie Marischal, the rambling pile of the house of that name in the distance. Keep going and you would come to the pit villages of Niddrie Mill and Jewel before finally encountering the numerous collieries that took the name Niddrie and brought vast wealth to those in the aforementioned big hoose. This would all change after the Edinburgh Boundaries Extension and Tramways Act 1920, which subsumed the parish of Liberton (and others) into the city.

    Coloured aerial photograph showing the development of the principal housing areas in the Niddrie and Craigmillar schemes. The red and white dashes line is the pre-1920 municipal boundary. Niddrie Mains has been entirely demolished (With the exception of a single block) and rebuilt-upon, as has Greendykes (except its multi-storey flats). Parts of the original perimeter blocks of Craigmillar have been refurbished but the majority again has been demolished and rebuilt. The 1954 parts of Niddrie Marischal have been redeveloped. Niddrie House, the last major addition to Niddrie, was very poorly built and was given an early rebuilt and refurbishment. All except the small SSHA area of Niddrie Mill and the Thistle Foundation were originally built by Edinburgh Corporation. Not shown are the temporary housing areas, which were located around Craigmillar and at Greendykes from the late 1940s through to 1961.

    The city’s expansion brought vast new tracts of greenfield land within the Corporation’s reach and they soon began planning council housing upon it. Modern Niddrie began in 1928 when work started east of old Craigmillar on the Niddrie Mains housing scheme. This lay to the north of Niddrie Mains Road on the fields of the farm of that name. The first houses at Harewood Drive were ready for occupation in late 1930 and were formally inaugurated by HRH the Princess Mary, Countess of Harewood, for whom the street was named. Work progressed slowly eastwards and the last of some 2,000-odd houses were completed in 1935. After this came the Craigmillar housing scheme to the south of Niddrie Mains Road. Although it is “habitually lumped in” with Niddrie Mains, “the schemes were wholly different” writes Steven Robb in his history of “Ebenezer Macrae and Interwar Housing in Edinburgh“. Some of this confusion around placenames can be excused by the fact that both of these schemes were in the Craigmillar Ward for town council elections and given the postal address of Craigmillar. Historically however, Niddrie Mains was on the Niddrie estate and Craigmillar on the Craigmillar and Inch estate, two different landholdings.

    Newsprint photo of 11 Harewood Drive being prepared for inauguration by HRH Princess Mary, a small gazebo being erected for the ceremony. The black rectangle on the tenement wall is the memorial which read “This Tablet Commemorating the Opening of the Niddrie Mains Housing Scheme was Unveiled by HRH Princess Mary on 17th Sept. 1930″. What became of the tablet is unknown. Scotsman, 17th September 1930.

    Niddrie Mains was built to house families cleared from the worst of the slums of the Southside, with a mix of local pit workers added for good measure. Edinburgh’s city fathers considered that these classes of people could best be dealt with by forcing them into better housing, far from the overcrowding and disease of the city and also its temptations and vices. From the very beginning therefore the scheme was fundamentally a sink into which the city could decant its most disadvantaged citizens. Here they were quite literally hidden away, beyond the periphery and out of sight behind Arthur’s Seat. Although their new homes were a vast improvement on where they had come from, people found the scheme a bleak place to live from the outset. The streets were a monotonous grid composed entirely of utilitarian three-storey tenements offering little variation in design. People who were used to their entire worlds being contained in a few surrounding streets found themselves scattered far from their roots, their families and their places of work and entertainment. In case they were tempted to head back “home” and into the city, they were discouraged by the scant public transport and a long bus journey. The Corporation, aware that education was a lever that could be pulled in the name of bettering the populace’s lot, provided fine new schools. The churches too moved in, seeing an opportunity to shepherd what they considered to be their wayward flocks back into their fold. A handful of shops (which took some years to appear) were provided but other public facilities were almost entirely lacking and there was no provision by way of entertainment – and certainly no pubs!

    Come 1935 the scheme was nearing completion and had almost 8,000 residents, but there was still precious little for folk to do of an evening. That was all about to change however in the bold form of cinema proprietor Mary Elizabeth Broadhurst (neé Phillips). On July 12th that year her plans for a modern picture house at for 8 Wauchope1 Avenue, by Thomas Linton of Linton and Grierson, were approved by the Dean of Guild Court. With her husband (James Thomas Broadhurst) she had started in the world of the silver screen by taking on the lease of the silent Abbey picture house on North Richmond Street before moving on to the Tollcross on Lauriston Place. It is interesting to note that when Craigmillar finally got its pub (The White House, approved only because it was a “roadhouse”) in 1936 that it was also the enterprise of a woman.

    1. Wauchope, pronounced Wawcup, was named for the Wauchope family of Niddrie Marischal House, from whom the land for Niddrie Mains had been purchased by the Corporation ↩︎
    Post-war Ordnance Survey town plan showing the location of the Rio in the Niddie Mains housing estate (highlighted yellow) on Wauchope Avenue. As the building was at this time a burnt-out shell the mapmakers have not infilled the outline, denoting an un-roofed structure. Also shown are St Francis R.C. Primary School to the mid-left, Niddrie Marischal Junior Secondary School to the top left and Craigmillar Primary School to the top right. Reproduced with the permission of the National Library of Scotland.

    The Rio, as it came to be named, was the first picture house built for one of Edinburgh’s new housing estates. It was opened on February 6th 1936 by the Aberdonian stage comic Harry Gordon. The Evening News reported that “it compared favourably with those in Princes Street in so far as comfort, seating and central heating was concerned“. Introducing him, Councillor David Moir joked that the ticket prices (6d for the front stalls, 6d for the circle and 1s for the balcony) “were such that even an Aberdonian would not object to paying them.” Gordon replied he was proud to have been the first person to have gotten in without paying.

    Harry Gordon, the “Laird O’ Iversnecky”. 1940 Radio Times advert

    The opening show was a double-bill of Dick Powell and Roby Keeler in Flirtation Walk and Edward G. Robinson in Passport to Fame after which the usual programme was two pictures, plus newsreels and cartoons, changing twice weekly. The venture cost Mrs Broadhurst £15,000 (approximately £950 thousand in 2026) and had 1,135 seats – not too big but not too small. It had a pared-back moderne styling – fashionable but on a budget – sadly I cannot find a picture but it probably shared the same façade with the later County. The sound system was provided by Film Industries Equipment (FIE) and seems to have been a unique installation. Further details are hard to come many. However the 1937 trade journal Kinematograph Year Book gives the prices as being 4d to 9d and the number of seats as 1,235, from which we might surmise that it had been found necessary to reduce prices and increase the number of seats to make the place pay.

    Opening advert for the Rio, “Super Cinema”, 1st February 1936, Edinburgh Evening News

    A few further snippets in the short life of the Rio can be gleaned from the pages of the Evening News. Mrs Broadhurst was fined £3 in March 1938 at the Burgh Court for allowing overcrowding during children’s matinees and for failing to keep an attendant stationed at each exit door. The authorities took such a charge very seriously after the 1929 Glen cinema disaster in Glasgow in which 71 children had died as the result of a panic and subsequent crush in the overcrowded cinema. The City Prosecutor charged that this was a regular occurrence at the Rio and the police had followed up on complaints by sending plain clothes officers to investigate. On the afternoon of Saturday 26th February they found that there were more children in the auditorium than there were seats: in the front row alone there were 17 occupying 10 places! Mrs Broadhurst acknowledged that her house had been understaffed and overfilled but maintained that it had been a one-off, accidental oversight.

    There were no other public halls beyond church halls in the area, various community fund-raising events for the district were held at the cinema (“the use of which was readily granted by the proprietrix“) and Mrs Broadhurst would pay each Christmas for members of the Niddrie Mains and Craigmillar branch of the Old Age Pensioners Association to have their tea and a concert at the University Settlement. Like many cinemas, vandalism proved to be a problem, particularly so in the war years. In October 1944, Dennis Muldownie (19) of Craigmillar Castle Terrace was fined £2 for maliciously breaking the wooden back of a tip-up seat. The city prosecutor commented that this sort of offence was “becoming increasingly common” and Mrs Broadhurst told the court she had spent £60 on seat repairs in the past year alone.

    The short life of the Rio came to an abrupt end on October 5th 1946 when it was gutted by fire. The alarm was raised at 2:15AM that morning and by the time the fire brigade arrived from Lauriston Place fifteen minutes later they found a “raging inferno“; the whole auditorium was ablaze and the stalls, circle and gallery already totally consumed. The adjacent tenement had to be evacuated as a precaution and one hose was set on watering it down to prevent the fire spreading to it. Once the last embers were dampened down and the smoke cleared all that was left was the façade, the outside walls and the fire-proof projection box.

    The Rio after the fire, showing how total the destruction was. Anything flammable was consumed by the flames and all that remains inside is the steel structure of the balcony and the supports and springs of the seats. Daylight streams in through the collapsed roof structure. Edinburgh Evening News, October 5th 1946

    Mrs Broadhurst was determined to rebuild and within a month the Dean of Guild Court approved her application to reconstruct to plans by M. Cormie. It was not quite that simple however as final authority in the stringent post-war austerity regime had to come from the Ministries of Works and of Labour. The Town Council lent its support to a public petition organised by local social and welfare bodies in the Craigmillar area, declaring that having a cinema in the district was a social necessity. In the mean time the city magistrates granted the Craigmillar Community Association an entertainments licence to show 16mm films on Friday evenings to schoolchildren. The Ministry approvals were not forthcoming until February 1949 and by this time it was owned by Harry Paulo (known locally as Harry Polo) and Robert Scott, the Broadhursts appear to have retired to the Isle of Man instead. Paulo & Scott owned the County in Portobello and the New County in Haddington and perhaps took the place on after their own experience. The New County had burned down in 1933, leaving little more than a facade, and had been rebuilt and re-opened by them in had the reconstruction undertaken by none other than Thomas Bowhill Gibson. Unsurprisingly Paulo & Scott renamed their new venture the County: to locals however it was simply The Gaff. It re-opened in a low key ceremony on August 29th 1950 conducted by Bailie Jack Kane, later Lord Provost and after whom the Jack Kane Centre is named.

    An aerial photo of Niddrie Mains in 1960, with the rebuilt County Cinema highlighted in yellow. Along with Craigmillar School in the middle distance, it is one of a handful of buildings that added variety the austere ranks of tenements of Ebenezer J. Macrae’s housing scheme.

    Gibson is perhaps the most prominent interwar Scottish cinema architect and as well as Porty’s County designed the Dominion in Morningside and the Rutland at the West End. The austere, boxy lines of the rebuilt house are less than typical of his work and suggest that much of the original façade had been retained. The first screening was a double bill of Robert Paige in Red Stallion and Donald O’ Connor in Feudin, Fussin and a’ Fighting.

    The County (aka Terror Land), in 1971. Photo credit Kevin & Henry Wheelan via Edinburgh & Scottish Collection, Edinburgh City Libraries.

    Robert Scott died in 1953 and Harry Paulo sold the other cinemas; that in Portobello becoming The George. This left him in sole charge in Craigmillar where he was known as Harry Polo. He has the reputation of having been a very hands-on proprietor and would mingle with the queues of children for the Saturday morning shows, welcoming them. He was also something of a mystery. When Edinburgh’s original cinema and theatre historian, George Baird, visited the establishment in 1962 to catalogue it he was perplexed to find a Mr Butcher in charge who refused to talk to him and had forbidden any member of his family and staff to do so either. This confusion arose as “Mr Paulo” was a member of the extended Paulo family of circus and amusements promoters, whose principal family name was actually Butcher and many of whose sons were Christened Henry but known as Harry. Harry Paulo of the County was actually Francis Henry Butcher (1899-1978), also a member by marriage of the Codona family of Fun City.

    Mr Butcher was the only cinema owner who refused to give me any information. However, I got the ‘gen’ necessary to put it on the map. The intervention of the fire caused a four year gap, which took me three hours to track to its source.

    George Baird writing on the County and “Mr Paulo” in Edinburgh Theatres, Cinemas and Circuses 1820-1963.

    When Baird visited the County it had recently become a “dual purpose house”, showing films five nights a week and catering to the growing craze of bingo the other two. Such was the success of the latter venture that in late 1963 it went over to it exclusively and like many of its contemporaries would have a much longer career as a bingo hall than a picture house. The last films were shown without ceremony on October 18th; a double bill of Herhard Reidman in Arena of Fear and Don Borisenko in The Fast Ones. In 1970 a licence for County Bingo was granted to Thomas J. Paulo (I believe this was Harry’s son) who transferred it to his company County Properties and Developments Ltd. in 1977. Starting with in Craigmillar, this Paulo built up a chain of bingo halls across the Scottish Central Belt.

    A (probably) 1970s scene on Wauchope Avenue looking towards The County. Credit Edinburgh College of Art, via Scran DP579335

    Like its predecessor, the County remained one of the very few places of entertainment in Niddrie and Craigmillar. It survived the grim years of the 1980s as Niddrie Mains entered a decline from which it would never recover, the community being slowly crushed by unemployment, addiction, crime, social deprivation and official indifference. These are things with which its name has become (often unfairly) synonymous.

    The Rex launderette and the County Bingo in 1987 on a dreich day in Niddrie Mains. A little over 20 years later everything in this scene that hadn’t already been pulled down or fallen down would be swept away by the council’s wrecking ball. Photograph © Graham Macindoe, reproduced with kind permission.

    I have not been able to find out exactly when the County Bingo closed, however its licence was renewed as late as 1996 and it has a cameo appearance as a backdrop in the 1998 film adaptation of Irvine Welsh’s The Acid House. In the second chapter the character Johnny (Kevin McKidd) can twice be seen walking past the hall, cheerfully painted in a Neapolitan colour scheme of pastel pink, chocolate and vanilla. The graffiti plastered across the boarded up doors suggests it was abandoned by this time.

    Scene from chapter 2 (“A Soft Touch”) of the 1998 film adaptation of Irvine Welsh’s The Acid House. Johnny (played by Kevin McKidd) walks past the boarded up County Bingo.

    By this time the city of Edinburgh had decided that Niddrie Mains was unsalvageable and the best thing to do with the place would be to erase it entirely from the face of the earth and pretend that it had never existed. Demolition of some burnt-out properties had begun in the late 1970s and by the new millennium clearance started with some determination. This was despite the fact that for all the failings of the scheme, its houses were fundamentally well built and well designed: thousands of identical ones remain in use to this day and can be brought up to modern standards with the will and the investment. As the neighbourhoods blocks were depopulated and became vacant they were boarded up to await demolition. This resulted in many being heavily vandalised. As a result, life became worse for those who remained. Their number dwindled along with the housing stock, leaving behind houseless streets-to-nowhere to be slowly reclaimed by weeds.

    The Niddrie Mains ghost town, Looking along Wauchope Avenue in 2007. The County stood behind the Rex Launderette, the red building in the middle. By this time much of the Niddrie Mains estate had been demolished or was boarded up awaiting that fate, with the exception of a few hold-outs. Photo by Dave Henniker of Henniker.Scot, used with kind permission.

    A few determined residents held out until the end but by 2008 everything was gone, including the County. If you were to go looking for the it today, you will find a short stub of tarmac off of the access road around the back of Lidl where it once stood. A vast, multi-million pound transformation has taken place since then with new houses, streets and facilities as far as the eye can see. Of the entire Niddrie Mains estate, which once had over 2,000 houses, a few street names and only a single six-flat block remains at 65 Niddrie Mains Terrace. This survived only because it had been kept by the Council as a day service hub and was transferred to the LAR Housing Trust who restored it to residential use.

    If you go down to Wauchope Avenue today, you’ll be in for a big surprise. The street now finds itself the access for delivery lorries to the Lidl superstore on the left, the site of the County and the Rex are a small playpark. Beyond, all the old tenement housing has gone, replaced by modern blocks on new streets. The only constant is Craigmillar Primary School in the distance, the building having been retained as a community arts facility (despite the Council’s original intention to clear it away too). Original photo taken in 1987, © Graham Macindoe, reproduced with kind permission.

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  2. John Harris identifies the key issue.

    It’s crunch time for Starmer and Reeves: either build social housing or lose the next election | John Harris | The Guardian

    theguardian.com/commentisfree/

    #UKPolitics #Housing #CouncilHousing #SocialHousing #Labour

  3. I’m tempted to say ’s doing this because they haven’t built enough .

    Or because the homeless aren’t enough …

    Either way, I’m not surprised by this …

    inyourarea.co.uk/post/news/678

  4. Council housing should at the top of Labour's agenda.

    Labour’s big Farage problem has a simple solution: build, build, build | John Harris | The Guardian

    theguardian.com/commentisfree/

    #UKPolitics #Housing #Labour #Reform #CouncilHousing

  5. CW: "Right to Buy"

    I have a theory that "Right to Buy" was an underlying tipping point for Brexit. If people had still been able to get a council house, they'd have been a lot less antsy about immigration.

    If so, it's a great irony that Thatcher's big idea on housing reversed her big idea on Europe. She'd have hated that.

    Also, didn't realise it had already been abolished in Scotland & Wales! Good.

    theguardian.com/commentisfree/

    #RightToBuy #UK #CouncilHousing #housing #Brexit #MargaretThatcher

  6. The thread about the rise and fall of High Rise Edinburgh – a chronology of multi-storey, public housing in the city

    Between 1950 and 1973, Edinburgh built a total of 77 municipal, multi-storey1 housing blocks which contained 6,084 flats (give or take a few) across 968 storeys.

    Developers model of the Sighthill Neighbourhhod Centre by Crudens, from 1963. © Edinburgh City Libraries

    I’m interested in writing a few stories about some of these buildings, their histories, how and why they got built and attitudes to them at the time but wasn’t sure were to start. As a starting point I’ve made an inventory of them all; so let’s have a look at all of them in chronological order.

    1. For this exercise I have only counted freestanding blocks of 7 storeys or more. Edinburgh traditionally had tenement buildings of this height and higher (up to 11 or even 13 stories in parts of the Old Town), however these were both built into a steep gradient and were not free-standing blocks, but supported by adjacent buildings. ↩︎

    1950-51 saw the first such building that meets the above criteria in Edinburgh, the 8 storey Westfield Court with 88 flats (and a childrens’ nursery on the roof!) It was constructed by local builders Hepburn Bros., better known for construction of interwar bungalows, with a steel and concrete frame clad in pre-fabricated concrete panels and an inner skin of traditional brick. Its design and facilities were heavily inspired by London’s Kensal House by Maxwell Fry. Although it was a starting point for the block that followed, it remains something of a one-off and is a rather unique, evolutionary dead-end in the city. I have written up its fuller story on this thread.

    Westfield Court flats

    Hepburns built their second and last multistorey block for the city from 1953-56. It is the 7 storey, 42 flat block of Maidencraig Court at Blackhall. It was constructed at a time of acute national materials shortages, and compared to Westfield it had to have its ceilings lowered and room dimensions reduced, and as much steel as possible removed. This led to the first use of cross-wall construction in the city’s public housing. This method uses load-bearing internal wall panels of reinforced concrete and offers economies of time and materials compared to traditional load-bearing external walls or the sort of internal steel and concrete framework employed at Westfield.

    Maidencraig Court flats

    After Westfield and Maidencraig there followed a series of experimental mid-height multi-storey blocks, which were variations on a basic theme, as a rather conservative local administration (headed by the Progressive Party) tentatively tried to work out what it wanted to do regards high-rise housing post-war. While there was a post-war housing emergency in the city, the authorities had purchased large volumes of temporary and permanent prefabricated housing (they were the most enthusiastic adopter of the former in Scotland) to meet immediate demands and the Housing Committee Chairman, Councillor Matt A. Murray, was keen not to expand the city further on the outskirts but to focus on central redevelopments.

    The 10 storey, 60 flat Inchkeith Court followed in 1956-57, located on Spey Terrace, just off of Leith Walk. Billed by the local press as “Edinburgh’s First Skyscraper“, it was built adjacent to a slum clearance zone on Spey Street, atop 139 piles on an old sandpit; an experiment in building on a confined site. The contractor was the Scottish Construction Company – ScotCon. The city specified a pitched roof be added to the design and also settled on each flat having its own hot water and heating supply under the control of (and paid for by) the tenant. The experiments in communal supplies at Westfield and Maidencraig had stung the Corporation with unexpectedly dramatic fuel bills as residents made the full use of the provision.

    Inchkeith Court in 2023. Photo © Self

    A month later the identical pair of Inchcolm Court and Inchgarvie Court completed in West Pilton. These were by English contractors George Wimpey and were also of 10 storeys and 60 flats each and also had almost apologetic pitched roofs. They differed in having an offset H-plan with a central access and service core and were of a different construction method. As at Westfield and Maidencraig, each flat had its own private balcony, although these were removed in later refurbishments.

    Inchgarvie (r) and Inchcolm (l) Courts in 1982. Picture by Prof. Miles Glendinning, released under CC-by-4.0 licence through Tower Block archive

    The following year, 1958, a further pair of 10 storey, 60 flat blocks were completed; Moat House and Hutchison House at Moat Drive in the Slateford area of the city. These were by local contractors James Miller and Partners (a firm headed by the City’s former Lord Provost) and adopted another variation of a Y-plan. They are of reinforced concrete construction with this frame in-filled with brickwork and rendered over and have external balconies for most (but not all) flats. The pitched roof however was abandoned; it was an anachronistic design throwback that added unnecessary additional demands for materials and labour on buildings that were meant to be ultra-modern and simpler to construct.

    Moat House, with Hutchison House distant right

    The last of the 1950s experiments were the pair of Holyrood Court and Lochview Court at Dumbiedykes, which were also built by Millers. Construction was rather protracted and did not finally complete until August 1963. These are 11 storeys tall, with 95 flats arranged on an H-plan; regular flats in the side wings of the “H” but maisonettes and top-floor artists studios (with enlarged windows and heightened ceilings to improve natural daylight) in the central arm. Each block had communal laundries, reducing the size demands of flat kitchens and requirements for hot water provision, with the the ground floor containing lock-up garages. Construction is of reinforced concrete, faced in brick and rendered-over but with an unusual original feature (now lost behind re-cladding) of traditional sandstone masonry the whole height of the building in the staircase areas. The roofs are of an ultra-modern, inverted pitch and clad in green copper; to conceal the rooftop services and clothes drying spaces from the view of those gazing down from Salisbury Crags or up from Holyroodhouse Palace.

    Holyrood Court (r) and Lochview Court (l) in 1982. Picture by Prof. Miles Glendinning, released under CC-by-4.0 licence through Tower Block archive

    The 1960s saw a step-change in the volume of building, and also in scale. After the experiments of the 1950s, a lot of “bells and whistles” were trimmed off the specifications, use of traditional techniques abandoned and there was a move to taller blocks with industrialised construction in the name of building more and faster. After 1962, the city’s energetic housing commissioner, Labour’s Pat Rogan, adopted a policy of replacing the post-war, low-density, low-rise prefabricated housing estates around the city’s periphery with new high-rise, high-density schemes, again to built more and build faster.

    Between 1960-61, two different pairs of blocks were built at Muirhouse by Wimpey, in a scheme called Muirhouse Phase II. The first were the 9 storey “slab blocks” of Gunnet Court and May Court, with 48 flats apiece of reinforced concrete cross-wall construction with brick and pebble-dashed, pre-cast concrete panel infill. These blocks squeezed the build price down to c. £2,000 / flat from £2,800 of Westfield and all the flats were maisonettes; accessed from open “streets in the sky” decks to the rear. Such a layout, where the flats are all two storeys with their own internal staircases, did create initial engineering headaches, but meant that there only needed to be half the number of public passageways, lifts only had two stop at half the number of floors and sleeping and living areas of adjacent houses can be better spaced apart to reduce noise complaints.

    Gunnet Court in 2018, before subsequent modernisation and re-cladding. The identical May Court can be seen in the background to the left of the tower block of Fidra Court

    The other pair by Wimpey, at 15 storeys, were the city’s first real “point blocks” (i.e. buildings proportionally taller than they are wide or deep). These are Fidra Court and Birnies Court and have 56 flats each – however these proved to be 10% more expensive than the 9 storey slabs on account of the construction and engineering complexity of the extra height.

    Fidra Court (right) and Birnies Court (left, distant) in 2022

    The last multi-storey part of Muirhouse Phase II was a pair of 11 storey slab blocks by ScotCon; Inchmickery Court and Oxcars Court, with 76 flats apiece. The central part of the slab has deck-access maisonettes, with wings on each side of regular flats A flaw in the design of these blocks has the concrete load-bearing frames exposed, which forms cold bridges into the core of the building and resulted in endemic damp problems which are only now, 60 years later, due to be finally resolved in a renovation project.

    Inchmickery Court, with Oxcars Court poking out on the right. Notice the prominent vertical bands of the reinforced concrete crosswalls, which have caused cold and damp problems in the buildings

    Lastly in the 1960-61 construction programme were the point block trio of Allermuir Court, Caerketton Court and Capelaw Court at Oxgangs, a site known as the Comiston Scheme at the time. Their names reflected some of the nearby Pentland Hills, the preceding blocks in Leith and Muirhouse having used the names of islands in the Firth of Forth. These 15 storey blocks had 80 flats apiece, 20 of which were maisonettes (on floors 2, 5, 8, 11 and 14), and were constructed by London-based John Laing & Co. I have seen them referred to as the Comiston Luxury Flats but I suspect this may be because in the newspaper columns where their Dean of Guild Court approval was reported, the announcement was alongside approval for “luxury flats” at Ravelston, under the headline of “Permit for £3m Housing; Edinburgh to Clear More Prefabs; Luxury Flats“. The laundry rooms were on the ground floor, and there were novel outside drying greens arranged in a spoked wheel pattern from a single, large, central pole. The flats were initially very popular, but suffered from long-term lack of maintenance and run-down of facilities and were demolished between 2005-06 as an alternative to refurbishment after a community campaign.

    Allermuir and Caerketton Courts coming down in 2006. CC-by-SA 3.0 by 95469

    Another trio of point blocks were started in 1960 but did not complete until 1962 – Fala Court, Garvald Court and Soutra Court in the Gracemount housing scheme, a post-war, greenfield site development. These were named after hills and parishes in the Moorfoots; Garvald was originally to be Windlestraw, but the name was changed at the suggestion of housing chairman Pat Rogan who felt it was ambiguous in its pronunciation. These were constructed by the local firm Crudens and each had 14 storeys and 82 flats. They were not built with sufficient ties between the inner and outer wall skins and this had to be remedied at a cost of £100,000 in 1986. All three were demolished in 2009 as part of the wider redevelopment in area.

    Garvald Court with Fala Court beyond, emptied of life and stripped out in preparation for demolition. CC-by-ND 2.0 KaysGeog via Flickr

    Last of the 1960 starts did not complete until 1963 and marked a step change in scale and construction methods – the infamous pair of Cairngorm House and Grampian Houses in the Leith Fort Comprehensive Development Area (CDA). These 21 storey, 76 flat towers were built by Millers and designed by Shaw Stewart, Baikie & Perry (John Baikie was principal architect, and was assisted by Michael Shaw Stewart and Frank Perry, all were working for the firm of Rowand Anderson, Kininmonth & Paul). The whole building was made up of interlocking, 3-storey repeating units, with single-storey flats in the middle surrounded by maisonettes above and below. One assumes that the names were a double reference both to their heights (they were the tallest residential structures in Scotland when completed) and how far you could see from the top. The core of each building was poured, reinforced concrete cross-walls and floors, clad in a system of prefabricated concrete panel units. These storey-high panels, of three standard widths, had external ribs to improve their strength but this contributed to their spartan, blocky appearance with almost no redeeming features beyond the labour savings their construction offered; it was estimated by Millers that the 50 men and external scaffolding that they had needed for each storey at Dumbiedykes had been replaced by 4 men and a crane to lift the prefabricated concrete panels into place. They came down in 1997, having been largely empty of residents since 1991 after a long period of neglect and decline, with the local press referring to them as Terror Towers and Withering Heights.

    Grampian House (l) and Cairngorm House (r) in 1982. The rooftop “cages” contained drying “greens” and on the left is the brick and concrete block of Fort House (see below). Picture by Prof. Miles Glendinning, released under CC-by-4.0 licence through Tower Block archive

    The next phase of the Leith Fort CDA scheme was Fort House – a 7-storey deck access block of 157 mainly maisonette flats on a rambling, wonky X-plan built by J. Smart & Co to a design also by Shaw Stewart, Baikie & Perry. This block sat on 162 large diameter piles, 3 feet wide and 30 feet deep and its odd plan was to make the maximum use of the available space as it was confined within the historic but oppressively high walls of the old Leith Fort. It was a reinforced concrete frame infilled with brown bricks degenerated into some of the city’s most infamous housing in the 1980s. Despite a renovation which saw pitched roofs, awkward looking rooftop pediments and additional insulation added, it was demolished in 2012-13 and replaced by low rise “colonies style” housing, with those prison walls greatly reduced in height.

    Fort House, 1982. Picture by Prof. Miles Glendinning, released under CC-by-4.0 licence through Tower Block archive

    1962-64 saw another tall pair of point blocks erected by Millers in Leith as part of a redevelopment scheme variously known as Phase 1 of the Citadel or Couper Street area. These are the 20 storey, 76 flat John Russell Court and Thomas Fraser Court were designed by Robert Forbes Hutchison. Now known as Persevere Court and Citadel Court, respectively, John Russell was an antiquarian and author who wrote some of the first, comprehensive histories of Leith, and Thomas Fraser was his schoolmaster. Each block is comprised entirely of maisonette flats (except for four, top floor penthouses), with two separate wings joined by a service and access core, although neatly packaged to appear as a single, point block. Originally finished in concrete panels dashed with Norwegian quartz chips, 1980s makeovers had them insulated and clad in colourful blue and yellow corrugation at the same times as the names were changed and tenancies were restricted to those over the age of 35 and without children under the age of 16.

    Persevere (left) and Citadel (right) Courts in 2011. Notice that the arrangement of yellow and dark blue panels on each building is inverted. Cc-by-NC-SA 2.0 by me!

    The multi-storey flat peaked, literally, in Edinburgh in 1965 when Martello Court in Pennywell, Muirhouse completed. This 23 storey, 88 flat point block remains the tallest residential structure in Edinburgh and has unusual with wrap-around external balconies all the way up to the top. These served a dual purpose; as the building had only a single staircase, they were to assist escape in the event of a fire, however were unpopular with residents who wanted them gated off. Built by local contractor W. Arnott Mcleod to designs by Rowand Anderson, Kininmonth & Paul, it was intended to showcase local skills in the field of housing but was ultimately over-budget and delayed; the final project cost approximated £3,571/ flat, almost 60% more than neighbouring multis that had completed just 4 years before. Corporation Housing Architect Harry Corner branded the building “a disaster“. This was the first high-rise block to dispense with communal laundries since they had been introduced, with each flat having laundry facilities in the kitchen, and each floor having an external drying area. In a superstitious move, there is no thirteenth floor, the floors being number 1 to 12 and then 12A to 23.

    Martello Court, towering over the neighbouring high rise flats at Muirhouse. It now has a dark red external cladding. Picture by Prof. Miles Glendinning, released under CC-by-4.0 licence through Tower Block archive

    Also completing in 1965 was a large scheme on a greenfield plot at Sighthill, known as the Sighthill Neighbourhood Centre. This scheme was initially mooted in 1957 and in 1962 a scheme for two 23 storey point blocks and an 8 storey slab was approved, but was challenged successfully by the Civil Aviation Administration over the proximity to the flightpath of Edinurgh Airport. This resulted in a change to three lower 17 storey, 95 flat blocks – Glenalmond Court, Hermiston Court and Weir Court – and an increase in height of the slab block to 11 storeys; the 98 flat Broomview House. Construction was by Crudens. The entire scheme was demolished between 2008 and 2011, and replaced by a new estate of low and mid rise housing, which includes streets named after Glenalmond, Weir and Broomview (but not Hermiston; probably to avoid confusion with other nearby areas of that name.) These names were taken from the Robert Louis Stevenson novel Weir of Hermiston.

    Hermiston (l), Glenalmond (c) and Weir (r) Courts in 2011 just prior to demolition. Cc-by-NC 2.0, by me!

    Also in 1965, the well known “banana flats” of Cables Wynd House completed in Leith, officially Central Leith Phase 1 or Cables Wynd redevelopment scheme. The architect in charge was Robert Forbes Hutchison and the contractor was J. Smart & Co. This vast, 10 storey slab block of 212 largely maisonette flats has a distinctive curving plan to accommodate pre-existing roads and tenements and was designed to house up to 800 residents. The building has a concrete frame – a ground floor of columns and crosswalls above that – with a cladding of pre-cast concrete exterior panels covered in quartz chips. To reduce the number of lifts and stairwells, entry to the houses is deck access along three internal “streets in the sky“, which give access to the flats on floors above and below also. Bedrooms are arranged so that none are adjacent to the deck, to reduce noise disturbance. It was Category A listed in 2017.

    Cables Wynd House, cc-by-sa 2.0 Tom Parnell

    Cables Wynd was joined nearby in December 1966 by Linksview House, an 11-storey, 96-flat block by the same architect and contractor as the former. It sits at the northern end of the Kirkgate and was officially the Central Leith Phase 2 or Tolbooth Wynd redevelopment scheme. Although it is a regular, straight slab and is significantly smaller than its bendy neighbour, its construction and internal layout is fundamentally similar. It has reinforced concrete columns on the ground floor and crosswalls above that, similar precast cladding panels and again three access decks to maisonette flats.

    Linksview House, at the end of Leith’s historic Kirkgate, CC-by-ND 2.0 KaysGeog via Flickr

    Between 1965-66, at the Greendykes Temporary Housing Area, a pair of 15-storey, 86-flat point blocks was constructed by Crudens – Greendykes House and Wauchope House. These were part of Pat Rogan’s policy of quickly increasing completion of new housing by replacing the life-expired, low-density, low-rise estates of post-war prefab bungalows with mixed mid- and high-rise schemes. Population density in these areas was more than doubled, from 60 to 140 people per acre, meaning the sitting prefab tenants could re-homed and there were more new houses too. This facilitated the clearance of slum housing in the inner city – still a huge problem at the time.

    Wauchope House (l) and Greendykes House (r), 1985. Picture by Prof. Miles Glendinning, released under CC-by-4.0 licence through Tower Block archive

    February 1966 saw the completion of high-rise buildings in the north of the city, with Northview Court at West Pilton – again a prefab replacement build, officially Muirhouse Area 3. It was something of an afterthought, replacing a smaller block on the plans at a late stage. Its 16 storeys contain 61 flats and the contractor was Wimpey.

    Northview court in 1982. Picture by Prof. Miles Glendinning, released under CC-by-4.0 licence through Tower Block archive

    The Moredun Temporary Housing Area was next, where a row of four 16 storey blocks was constructed on the only thin strip of solid bedrock in an area othewise riddled by mining and subsidence. The contractor was Wimpey and the 91 flat blocks are called Castleview House, Marytree House, Little France House and Moredun House.

    Left-to-Right, Castleview, Marytree, Little France and Moredun Houses.

    The next phase here was two identical blocks to the previous four, which also completed in 1967. These are Moncrieffe House and Foreteviot House and are further up the hill and in a more exposed position than the first four. As a result of this exposure, and the way the wind swirls around and between the blocks, they have long suffered with windows blowing in (and out).

    Foreteviot (l) and Moncrieffe (r) houses. The first phase of towers at Moredun is in the right distance

    In 1967, to the west of Greendykes, a 15-storey pair of towers was completed at the site of the Craigmillar prefabs; the 57 flat Craigmillar Court and Peffermill Court. They were built by Concrete (Scotland) Ltd. on the prefabricated “Bison” large wall panel system – as a result they were 10% cheaper than Wimpey at Moredun

    Peffermill Court (r) and Craigmillar Court (l) in 1967. © Edinburgh City Libraries

    Between 1964-67, a pair of 13 storey blocks was completed at Restalrig Gardens; Lochend House and Restalrig House. Constructed by Millers, these 76 flat, T-plan point blocks are reinforced concrete construction with brick infill and external harling. They replaced the old Georgian villa of Restalrig House, which had been requisitioned during WW2 to act as a headquarters for the National Fire Service. It was acquired by the city in 1945 to act as a hostel for homeless families but was damaged by a fire in 1956 and evacuated, being used as a store for surplus council equipment thereafter.

    Restalrig (r) and Lochend (l) Houses.

    1965-67 proved to be a busy period, with 21 high-rise blocks completed in total, the fruits of Pat Rogan’s efforts as housing chairman. His successor – G. Adolf Theurer – was a Progressive (Liberal / Unionist / Conservative political grouping), but something of an ally and continued his basic policies.

    In 1968, the Kirkgate redevelopment scheme was completed by the 64 flat Kirkgate House, built by the Token Construction Co. This had been intended to be a 25 storey crowning monument, but ended up being behind schedule, overbudget and only 18 storeys tall.

    Kirkgate House as seen from South Leith Kirkyard in 2023. Photo © Self

    A 1968 outlier, in geographical terms, is the 11 storey, 41 flat Coillesdene House at Joppa by Wimpey. It sits within the red brick walls of the villa of the same name. Like Restalrig House, this had been requisitioned during WW2 by the National Fire Service and acquired and ultimately demolished afterwards by the Corporation for housing, with some of its undeveloped garden land having been used for temporary prefabs.

    Coillesdene House – the red brick walls of the villa are prominent in the foreground

    Just along the road from Joppa, on Portobello High Street, Portobello Court completed in 1968. This 8 storey, 60 flat, T-plan block is the centrepiece of a mixed-rise housing scheme which replace the old tramway depot. It was built by J. Best.

    South elevation of Portobello Court.

    A further phase of temporary housing replacement completed at Sighthill in 1968, a scheme known as The Calders. This was another mixed height development by Crudens. The high rise element was three 13 storey, 136 flat slab blocks built on the Skarne large panel system. These are named after locations in West Linton parish; Cobbinshaw House, Medwin House and Dunsyre House (like the Sighthill Neighbourhood Centre, there may be a Robert Louis Stevenson connection here). The Ronan Point Disaster, of May 1968, occured while they were completing. This fatal partial collapse of a brand new large panel system tower block prompted an immediate national review of such structures, and an immediate halt was called on moving new tenants in to Cobbinshaw House and final construction paused on the other pair. Structural surveys and improvements were made, and the domestic gas supply was removed from Cobbinshaw and replaced with electric, with the other pair completing as all electric before they could be occupied. The buildings were renovated and reclad in the early 1990s.

    Left-to-Right, Medwin House, Dunsyre House and Cobbinshaw House

    In 1968-69, two 15 storey, 85 flat blocks were completed at Hawkhill on the site of an old tallow melting works – Hawkhill Court and Nisbet Court. These used the “no-fines” poured concrete method – where there is no fine sand component in the aggregate, and therefore the end product is porous and has air pockets – to try and deal with the condensation and damp problems that plagued earlier concrete builds. The contractor was local firm J. Smart & Co. Nisbet is the name of an old local landowning family (Nisbet of Craigentinny), although not one that was ever specifically associated with Hawkhill.

    Nisbet Court (l) and Hawkhill Court (r). At this time, the Hawkhill Playing Fields in the foreground were still in use. © Edinburgh City Libraries

    The last pair of the blocks in the prefab replacement scheme, and the last residential point blocks built in Edinburgh were built between 1969-71 at Niddrie Marischal; the pleasant sounding Teviotbank House and Tweedsmuir House, names from the Scottish Borders. These were built by Hart Bros. and were 15 storey, 57 flat blocks using the Bison large panel system. As well as the last, they were some of the worst such houses Edinburgh ever built and they were devoid of residents by 1989 after only 18 years and were unceremoniously demolished in 1991. The blocks had the last laugh though and refused to collapse under controlled explosion, having to be carefully tipped over later by a giant hydraulic ram known as Big Willie.

    Tweedsmuir House (l) and Teviotbank House (r) in 1983. Picture by Prof. Miles Glendinning, released under CC-by-4.0 licence through Tower Block archive

    While Niddrie Marischal was still on the drawing board, Edinburgh’s public housing focus shifted away from the old Comprehensive Development Areas and Temporarh Housing Sites to a grand new edge-of-the-city scheme at Wester Hailes. This was meant to be a “New Town within the town” for up to 20,000 people. However, despite the best of intentions, the Corporation was caught between price inflaction and forced cost cutting by central government. As a result, it was forced to increase the housing density – putting multi-storey blocks back in favour again – and cut costs to balance the books. The cost cutting meant that construction quality was lacking, landscaping was bleak and that many of the facilities and public amenities that a growing community required were absent.

    The overall Wester Hailes scheme is comprimed of multiple, distinct neighbourhoods, within which there were mulitple development contracts. These included three big groups of “multis”, all of which suffered from bad design, bad engineering and bad workmanship. Group one, by Hart Bros, was at Hailesland, and was comprised of six 10 storey slab blocks using the Bison large panel system. These blocks contained between 67 and 107 flats and were finished in stark, pebbledashed concrete panels. They were also shoddily built, to the point of compromising their very structural integrity. In 1990, after a life of only 18 years and a long period of uncertainty and partial vacancy, three of the blocks were demolished. The remaining three were repaired and renovated as there were not funds to write off and demolish structures on which the construction debt had yet to be paid off; these were renamed Kilncroft, Midcairn and Drovers Bank and were given colourful, corrugated cladding and pitched roofs.

    Hailesland Bison flats. Picture by Prof. Miles Glendinning, released under CC-by-4.0 licence through Tower Block archive

    The two remaining high rise groups at Wester Hailes were all built by Crudens on a proprietary system using a concrete frame and floors, infilled with brick cladding and covered in harling. They were so badly built the render was falling off in huge chunks from the get go, and much of it had to be pre-emptively chipped off. Its application had been so lacking in control that the thickness varied between half and two and a half inches, as a result these nearly new flats were left looking decrepit and piebald. The Westburn Gardens group got no names, just the ominous sounding Blocks 1-7. They were built betweem 1970-72 and comprised seven slab blocks of 9 storeys with 55 flats each, except the last which got 112. They came down in 1993, aged just 22 years old.

    Westburn Gardens, 1982. Picture by Prof. Miles Glendinning, released under CC-by-4.0 licence through Tower Block archive

    The other Crudens Group was on the same system at Wester Hailes Drive and Wester Hailes Park. They at least got street numbers instead of block numbers, but were just as badly built as Westburn. Constructed from 1971-73, they came down in 1994 at the tender age of 21.

    Wester Hailes Park (l) and Drive (r) flats in 1982. Picture by Prof. Miles Glendinning, released under CC-by-4.0 licence through Tower Block archive

    The year 1972 was both therefore both the peak and the swansong of multi-storey housing in Edinburgh; 12 blocks were finished at Wester Hailes, pipping the 11 of 1967, and the final 5 completed the following year. Such was the fallout from the multitude of scandals at Wester Hailes (and wider elsewhere, both in the city and natiowide) and also the rapid and terminal reputational damage they suffered in the 1980s that Edinburgh has never again built residential multis.

    Of the seventy seven blocks in this inventory, some forty four are still standing and thirty three have been demolished. Twenty of the latter were 22 years old or younger and the average age at demolition has been 30.3 years. The oldest block to be demolished was Fort House, aged 50, and the youngest were the Hailesland Bison Blocks, at only 18.

    Graph of total number of residential multi-storey public housing blocks in Edinburgh

    If you’d like to look at all these housing blocks on the map instead, just follow this link or click on the thumbnail below. This map is colour-coded by the number of storeys.

    Google My Map – “High Rise Edinburgh”.

    I have made much use of the reference of the Tower Block Archive of Prof. Miles Glendinning and team, including facts and photos, and I recommend this resource to you if you have an interest in the subject. I can also recommend his publications “Rebuilding Scotland, The Postwar Vision 1945-1975” and “The Home Builders. Mactaggart & Mickel and the Scottish Housebuilding Industry” by Miles Glendinning and Diane M. Watters, amongst others, for further reading.I am also much obliged to Miles for letting me read his interview notes with key movers and shakers in local authority housing in Edinburgh in the 1950s and 60s, which are full of invaluable details and insights.

    If you have found this useful, informative or amusing, perhaps you would like to help contribute towards the running costs of this site – including keeping it ad-free and my book-buying budget to find further stories to bring you – by supporting me on ko-fi. Or please do just share this post on social media or amongst friends.

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    #architecture #CouncilHousing #Craigmillar #Dumbiedykes #Gracemount #Greendykes #Houses #Housing #Leith #Moredun #Muirhouse #Niddrie #Oxgangs #Pilton #PostWar #publicHousing #Sighthill #Slateford #SlumClearance

  7. The thread about the other bits of Wester Hailes; how the dream of a suburban New Town went sour

    Wester Hailes is a name often used (from outwith) to describe the whole area, but really it’s a set of discreet neighbourhoods, each with their own name with its own derivation. We covered Clovenstone in our last thread, so let’s look at some of the others in turn.

    “Wester Hailes Centre”, Kevin Walsh, 1992. Local resident Jack McNeil stands infront of the shopping centre that was later rebranded “Westside Plaza”

    Wester Hailes

    Let’s start with Wester Hailes itself. Hailes is a really ancient name, almost 1,000 years old, first recorded in the area in 1095 when Ethelred, son of Malcolm Canmore, gave land in this area called Halas to Dunfermline Abbey. It likely refers to land by, or between, river(s). The estate of Hailes was split into three main parts by the 15th century

    1. Over or Easter Hailes – of which some was later incorporated into Redhall
    2. Kirkland of Hailes – which refers to Colinton Kirk, in which parish it lay
    3. Nether or Wester Hailes.

    Blaeu’s map of 1654 shows the East and West Hales between the two watercourses which may give the area its name; the Murray Burn to the north and the Water of Leith to the south. Fast forward to an Ordnance Survey 6 inch map of 1852 and we see a farm of Wester Hailes (where Clovenstone housing scheme is now centred), a quarry village at Hailes, just south of Kingsknowe – where Hailes Quarry Park now is, and Hailes House, which is still hiding there off the Lanark Road surrounded by streets of its name, if you look for it.

    Blaeu’s map of Lothian and Linlithgow, 1654, showing West and East Hales. Reproduced with the permission of the National Library of Scotland

    It was Wester Hailes Farm and Hailes Quarry (which had been reclaimed by backfilling with landfill) that the Corporation would purchase in the 1960s for its new housing scheme and from where the overall name was taken. The Wester Hailes Road though was first built and so-named over 30 years before in 1931, to connect Lanark and Calder Road.

    Dumbryden

    But it was the name of Dumbryden which was applied to the first part of the scheme to be built, in the northeast corner on a mix of land formerly occupied by quarry cottages and also the Wester Hailes Smallholdings. Dumbeg and Dumbryden are old Gaelic-derived names in this area. Dumbryden itself (or Dumbredin, Dumbraiden , Dumbrydon etc.) probably means the same thing as Dumbarton – township or fort of Britons. A farm of this name is recorded in 18th century maps. As such, it’s an ancient name and a remarkable survivor in the streets of a 20th century council scheme.

    Dumbryden neighbourhood outlined on Google Earth aerial photo.

    That building that you know and love as Lothian Buses’ Longstone Depot? It was actually built in 1949 as the administrative block for the Dumbryden Works of John Wight & Co., building contractors. The Corporation didn’t acquire it for conversion to a bus garage until 1954.

    Longstone Bus Depot, cc-by-SA 2.0 Kim Traynor via Geograph

    Murrayburn

    Next along from Dumbryden is Murrayburn, built from 1969-72. It takes its name from the Murray Burn, the stream that once flowed through this area and which, ironically, was buried in a conduit to make way for the housing scheme!

    Murrayburn neighbourhood outlined on Google Earth aerial photo.

    You can catch sight of the Murray Burn at Sighthill, where it passes under the Union Canal below you, before entering its culvert under the district which it lends its name to. The name is a corruption of the Scots Muiryburn, a burn that drains a muir (moor). Confusingly, much like Wester Hailes Primary School was actually in Sighthill, so is Murrayburn Primary School! It was built there in 1938, 30 years before the neighbourhood that shares its name.

    Murray Burn culvert under the Union Canal, 2016. Cc-by-NC-SA 4.0 Stuart Laidlaw, via Edinburgh Collected

    Hailesland

    Immediately adjacent to Murrayburn and Dumbryden sits Hailesland, with the union canal running through its centre. It was a name coined by the council planners back in 1967 on an area of Wester Hailes Farm that had been known as the Dryburn Park.

    Hailesland neighbourhood outlined on Google Earth aerial photo.

    The northern part of Hailesland is a mix of low and mid-rise properties, the part south of the Canal was built as high rise, using the Bison Wall Frame System. These were condemned as structurally unsafe in 1983 and demolition was recommended then. Six such blocks were built at Hailesland and they were never fully occupied. They became the centre of a 20 year local (and occasionally national) housing scandal that was not resolved until 1989. After years of wrangling, the eventual outcome saw three of the blocks refurbished (and clad in distinctive, corrugated, coloured exteriors) and have their structural defects remedied and the remaining three blocks sold to the Wester Hailes Housing Association for a token £1 and demolished.

    Evening News, “The Hailesland Saga”, 15 November 1989

    In 1989, the value of these three blocks, standing empty at the time, was assessed. It was found to be negative £500,000; such were the costs faced in disposing or repairing them, the council would have to pay the housing association to take them of fits hands. All six blocks would likely have been demolished if it wasn’t for the fact they were so new (less than 17 years since final completion) that they hadn’t yet been paid off and the council still owed £1.5 million of debt taken on to finance their construction. Writing that off would have resulted in the sum having been added to city-wide council housing rents. 

    Demolition started on June 11th 1990; three blocks consisting of 339 flats, were brought down to be replaced by 98 low-rise housing association properties. The plunger was pressed by Scottish Secretary Malcolm Rifkind and Tommy Smith, a saxophonist and jazz composer who grew up in the area

    Scotsman, 12 June 1990. Malcolm Rifkind and Tommy Smith with the demolition plunger for the Hailesland blocks

    Westburn

    The westernmost area of Wester Hailes is appropriately enough known as Westburn . The name for this area was historically Baberton Mains, after a farm, with the old Baberton Quarry at its centre. But the name Baberton had been taken by a private housing estate built on neighbouring Fernieflat Farm, so a new name was conjured up by the council for their project. Westburn refers of course to land to the west of the Murray Burn. Again it was a mix of low, mid and seven blocks comprising of 400 high-rise flats. These multis weren’t Bison System, but had actually been built to an even worse quality than those at Hailesland. Not long after completion, the external roughcasting started to fall off, and huge sections had to be pre-emptively removed as a safety concern, leaving the relatively new flats “piebald“; looking like they had been abandoned for decades.

    Evening News photo of missing render on Westburn multi-storey flats, 8th September 1987

    £300,000 was spent on render repairs at Westburn in 1987, but the end was nigh for them. Its seven blocks came down in March 1993, when they were just over 20 years old, to be replaced by the Westburn Village of the Wester Hailes Housing Association.

    Westburn multi-storey flats prior to demolition, Evening News, 24 December 1992

    The Drive, Park and Barn Park

    The last neighbourhood of Wester Hailes is the bit you might get away with calling just that – although it was built in three distinct parts; Wester Hailes Drive (tower blocks), Wester Hailes Park and Barn Park.

    Hailesland neighbourhood outlined on Google Earth aerial photo.

    These multis were demolished in 1994 to make way for low-rise housing. At the same time the opportunity was taken to create new, pastoral-sounding streetnames to recall the vanished farm; Harvesters Way, Winterburn Place, Ashcroft Lane etc. Another of the rehabilitated areas was renamed Dumbeg Park, bringing back into use another of the ancient Gaelic placenames (one meaning a little fort or settlement – dun beag) The various demolition and replacement schemes were remarkably successful, and won various awards at the time including “most improved street” in the country for the part of Wester Hailes Drive renamed Walkers Rigg. . This was in no part due to the community involvement in planning.

    Wester Hailes Drive “multis”, 1983. Photograph by J. H. Millar. © Edinburgh City Libraries

    The more you read about Wester Hailes, the more you realise just how badly people were let down by the authorities. In 1978, the area had a single GP “surgery” serving c. 20,000 people – in reality it was a few rooms in a converted tower block flat in Hailesland; the Health Secretary allowed it to be closed. Damp, condensation and mould as a result of design and construction flaws and poor workmanship was endemic from new. When residents protested at a meeting of the Housing Committee in the City Chambers in 1977, the Chairman, Councillor Cornelius Waugh (“Corny“), had officers eject them.

    Damp in a Wester Hailes flat, 1985. © Edinburgh City Libraries

    George Younger, Scottish Secretary, turned down demands for a public enquiry. Eventually in 1981 the Edinburgh District Council commissioned a report into construction problems in the scheme from Paisley College of Technology, known as the “MacData Report“, after the research unit which produced it. This was a technical report and went through the estate forensically examining construction and engineering standards. It found a litany of errors and clear evidence of shoddy workmanship and a lack of supervision. But locals felt it didn’t go far enough – it was authored by building surveyors and civil engineers and overlooked the people themselves. In response, the local tenants groups set up their own “People’s Survey” through the Wester Hailes Sentinel newspaper. The Sentinel’s surveys were sent to each of the 5,941 houses that comprised the entire scheme. 80% of the respondents complained of draughts; 54% complained of damp. Houses had cracks in floors, walls and ceilings, doors and windows jammed or were improperly sealed.

    Mother and baby in a kitchen, Wester Hailes, 1980. A house that was not even 10 years old at this time. © Edinburgh City Libraries

    As a result, the wind and rain got in. Two thirds of respondents complained of the noise of the wind in their houses. Skimping on insulation to cut costs meant 3/4 struggled to keep houses heated in winter. Water vapour condensed on cold walls the walls and ran down it. The survey also found:

    • 472 complaints of noise from up or downstairs neighbours due to inadequate soundproofing
    • 412 complaints of noise from the common stairs and 342 of banging internal doors
    • 466 cracks in floors or ceilings
    • 307 leaks and plumbing defects

    But what little was done didn’t touch the sides. You’ll find the same complaints in the newspapers in 1985 and 1986 and 1988 as you did in 1978. The application of fungicidal paint by Council workmen, the typical response to complaints, did nothing.

    Evening News headlines about Wester Hailes from 1982-1987

    If you have found this useful, informative or amusing, perhaps you would like to help contribute towards the running costs of this site – including keeping it ad-free and my book-buying budget to find further stories to bring you – by supporting me on ko-fi. Or please do just share this post on social media or amongst friends.

    These threads © 2017-2025, Andy Arthur.

    NO AI TRAINING: Any use of the contents of this website to “train” generative artificial intelligence (AI) technologies to generate text is expressly prohibited. The author reserves all rights to license uses of this work for generative AI training and development of machine learning language models.

    #1960s #1970s #Clovenstone #CouncilHousing #Dumbryden #hailesland #Housing #Multistorey #politics #prefabrication #PublicHealth #publicHousing #Scandal #Suburbs #TownPlanning #wesbutn #WesterHailes

  8. The thread about Clovenstone (so much more than just a bus destination!) and the Wester Hailes housing scheme

    This thread was originally written and published in December 2023.

    I’ve previously jested that Clovenstone is a placename that only exists on bus timetables. This is of course silly. But is there anything more to say about Clovenstone than its where more than one bus route starts and finishes? Of course there is. Let’s go find out

    Number 3 bus to Clovenstone. CC-by-ND 2.0, Kieran / V267 ESX via Twitter

    First up – if Clovenstone actually exists, where is it and what is it? Well, it’s the southeast most neighbourhood of the vast Wester Hailes housing scheme that was built on the outskirts of west Edinburgh between 1968-75 and it was the last part of the overall scheme to be built.

    Wester Hailes Housing Scheme, general overview of the neighbourhoods and construction phases.

    The Clovenstone neighbourhood is a mix of low and mid-rise housing, centred around Clovenstone
    Primary School
    . When built, each of the neighbourhood districts of Wester Hailes had a primary school at their centre, although some were intentionally temporary, planned to cope with the initial population boom as new families moved to the area and had children, growth which would taper off as the population aged and require fewer schools. Somewhat confusingly, the temporary wooden prefab school that had been built in 1957 in The Calders scheme (part of Sighthill) had been called Wester Hailes, so there was no Wester Hailes Primary School in Wester Hailes itself!

    Clovenstone (creative commons, via Wester Hailes Digital Sentinel)

    The scheme name – Clovenstone – is a fanciful one and is actually a bit of a misnomer. The Clovenstone, as its name suggests, was a split stone that formed a landmark. However it was over 1km away from the housing scheme, and was lost by quarrying at Redhall in the 1860s. The stone stood in what is now Dovecot Park off the Lanark Road. This was greatly quarried out for the prized Redhall stone (proprietor one James Gowans of Rockville fame), before being worked out by the 1890s. The hole that was left behind was backfilled with the city’s refuse in the 1930s-50s and later landscaped as a park.

    OS 6 inch map, 1855, showing distance from Clovenstone housing scheme – which is centred on the old farm of Wester Hailes – to the Clovenstone standing stone itself. Reproduced with the permission of the National Library of Scotland

    Quite how the name of a distant, long-gone and probably forgotten standing stone came to be applied to a 1970s council housing scheme is anyone’s guess. It is never mentioned in any of the usual sources for Edinburgh local history; newspapers, antiquarian books, the Books of the Old Edinburgh Club, etc. One wonders if it was the diligent work of Charles Boog Watson, semi-official custodian of the city’s place name heritage from 1908-47, that had anything to do with the name still being remembered in some City Chambers filing cabinet when it came to naming the housing in the 1970s. Edinburgh Corporation Transport, as it was, launched the Number 30 bus to Clovenstone in January 1972, and for the last 51 years that bus (and the number 3) have shown this intriguing name on their westbound destination blinds.

    The Clovenstone neighbourhood actually sits almost slap bang on top of the old Wester Hailes Farm, 287 acres of which were acquired by the Edinburgh Corporation way back in 1963 for the purposes of building a new housing scheme. This was controversial at the time as it was already designated as green belt land. But Edinburgh was desperate for new housing at the time (sound familiar?). The city was trying to cope with an energetic new wave of slum clearance in the wake of the collapse of the Penny Tenement, coupled with the life-expiry of thousands of the temporary post-war prefabs which had been rapidly built in a short period of time and so all needed replaced in short order. But it would take years of political wrangling within the council and with the Scottish Development Department to get the project going. The Wester Hailes scheme was controversial enough that Midlothian County Council opposed it – they did not want development on green belt land, they felt it was too close to the proposed outer ring road (what would become the City Bypass) and they worried it would swamp nearby villages like Juniper Green, which at that time were not within the jurisdiction of the City of Edinburgh. The residents of Juniper Green agitated against it, as did the Wester Hailes Smallholders – there were many smallholdings in the area as part of a post-WW1 scheme set up in the 1930s under the terms of the Agricultural Smallholdings (Scotland) Act, 1923.

    Wester Hailes farm, possibly 1960 – source unknown.

    The scheme got going in 1968 finally at Dumbryden but its scope had grown by this time. It was initially intended to be of 3,500 houses but was expanded after the Corporation lost a long and bitter local and national political fight – which culminated in a public enquiry – to build 4,000 houses at Alnwickhill. As a result, it had to get more out of the Wester Hailes scheme and increase the density to try and provide dwellings for 17,000 persons. As such it was one of the biggest schemes in all of Scotland.

    Aerial photo from the Scotsman, December 29th 1969, showing progress at Wester Hailes. Drag the slider to overlay the neighbourhood boundaries on top.

    It was said by its opponents, before it was even built, that nobody would want to live in Wester Hailes; the peripheral housing schemes built by the council in the 1920s, 30s and postwar had proved unpopular on account of their distance from the city centre and employment and on account of the lack of facilities provided in them. But the scheme’s problems did not end with its difficult gestation and it faced a swathe of planning and construction issues from the offset. Costs vastly increased due to inflation – by 31% in a few years. At the same time, the Scottish Development Department (the same department that specified the housing standards) refused to increase its yardsticks for calculating funding – the local authority found itself squeezed financially by having to meet a specification that the specifier would not pay for, and so cost-cutting was needed everywhere. Oversight, workmanship and construction quality suffered as a result.

    Boys playing at Clovenstone in 1985, with the primary school behind them. Where are they now, I wonder? They would be pushing 50 years old by now. Photo by Kevin Walsh, © Edinburgh City Libraries

    Other classic mistakes of peripheral council housing schemes were repeated. Neighbourhoods were carved up and cut off by dual carriageways in an area with low car ownership, with many of the few crossing points being unwelcoming underpasses. The shopping facilities were concentrated almost entirely in a central mall – this wasn’t completed until 1973, after most of the housing was built and a whole 5 years after houses started completing. A railway line ran through the middle of the scheme, which would provide quick transport to employment centres in Edinburgh, West Lothian and Glasgow, but no station was opened until 19 years after the first houses went up. Although primary schooling had been well provided for, high schooling had not. Wester Hailes Education Centre did not open until 1978, by which time neighbouring Forrester High was overcapacity, with almost twice as many students as it was designed to cope with and was bursting at the seams. To compound matters WHEC (as it is universally called) was built too small. As early as 1974, before the scheme was even complete, it was highlighted as “an area of potential deprivation” on account of the lack of public and commercial facilities and services and public transport

    Wester Hailes Education Centre (Creative Commons, via digital Wester Hailes Sentinel)

    To increase the housing density of the scheme, many multi-storey flats were planned at Westburn, Wester Hailes Drive and Hailesland. These were criticised as unlettable – something which proved to be partially true. The Ronan Point Disaster disaster of 1968 highlighted the structural flaws of the Large Panel System multi-storey flats and well and truly put the public off them. Many of the multi-storey flats planned for Wester Hailes were to be built on the Bison System and the Corporation had just completed new Skarne System flats nearby at Sighthill. Build quality in these flats was so poor that they were plagued with damp, walls ran with condensation and mould was endemic. An unskilled workforce, under pressure to deliver, was found to have simply cut off the fixing points of the poorly-fabricated wall modules when they couldn’t get them to fit; many were being held up simply by gravity and their own weight! Obsolete before they were even built, they were literally falling apart and fundamentally condemned within 10 years, when repairs were estimated at over £10 million. Nearly all were demolished within 20 years of construction.

    Bison System multistorey flats at Hailesland, demolished in the 1990s

    As a result of the failures of the multis, Clovenstone was respecified while under construction and was built entirely of mid and low rise stock, from 2 to 5 storeys. Reducing the density pushed up construction costs further and also the rents, but the housing was at least more attractive to tenants and so it slowly filled up.

    Scotsman, 25th October 1972, reporting on the reduction in the height of the blocks at Clovenstone

    But I don’t want to make this thread all too negative though – the faults and problems of the scheme in construction and design are not a reflection on its residents, who have found themselves fighting against the failure of the authorities since the get go. They have amply demonstrated a resilient ability for local organisation and self-improvement in the face of official indifference. Much of the estate has been rebuilt or renovated in the last 20 years, through no small part of local activism. It is testament to that, that when the multis started coming down at Westburn in 1993, they were replaced by low rise, lower density housing provided by the Wester Hailes Community Housing Association, a local organisation set up as an alternative to the Council as a housing provider, and which now controls nearly 900 homes in the area.

    Demolition at Westburn in 1993, from the Wester Hailes Sentinel no. 228. Creative Commons.

    It might seem like the unlikely setting for a movie, but Wester Hailes is the backdrop to the excellent 1985 coming-of-age adventure film “Restless Natives“, where Ronnie and Will break free from their monotonous lives on a housing scheme by becoming modern-day highwaymen. Many of the scenes are shot around the wider estate, including in Clovenstone. I recommend you watch it, if you haven’t already

    A still from “Restless Natives”. Ronnie and Will on their motorbike distribute their proceeds to the needy, having robbed from the rich.They are riding through Clovenstone, towards the Primary School, with the flats on Clovenstone Park in the distance

    You can read more about the other bits of the Wester Hailes housing schemes, where they got their names and just how bad much of the building quality was over at this thread.

    If you have found this useful, informative or amusing, perhaps you would like to help contribute towards the running costs of this site – including keeping it ad-free and my book-buying budget to find further stories to bring you – by supporting me on ko-fi. Or please do just share this post on social media or amongst friends.

    These threads © 2017-2025, Andy Arthur.

    NO AI TRAINING: Any use of the contents of this website to “train” generative artificial intelligence (AI) technologies to generate text is expressly prohibited. The author reserves all rights to license uses of this work for generative AI training and development of machine learning language models.

    #1960s #1970s #Clovenstone #CouncilHousing #Dumbryden #Edinburgh #Houses #Housing #Multistorey #Murrayburn #Planning #politics #publicHousing #Sighthill #Suburbs #Toponymy #TownPlanning #Westburn #WesterHailes
  9. Great news item from #channel4news

    Social housing as a tool to encourage social mixing between classes and ethnic groups and build a more socialist society built on foundations of common ownership and solidarity.

    channel4.com/news/how-to-build

    #socialhousing #councilhousing #socialism #ukpolitics

  10. The thread about Smokey Brae; how it got its name and how it made a showpiece public housing scheme “unfit for human occupation”

    This thread was originally written and published in April 2023.

    Smokey Brae. An evocative name which conjures up all sorts of nostalgia, commemorating a time gone by when Auld Reekie lived up to her nickname – but also a major public health saga that took 30 years to resolve. So why was Smokey Brae so smoky? And how did it come to be such an issue at a time when the smoke and soot from a hundred thousand open fires was an accepted part of everyday life?

    Smokey Brae street sign in 2023. Photo © Self

    The answer to that first question is simple. Smokey Brae is immediately adjacent to and downwind of what was Scotland’s largest railway motive power depot – St. Margarets (64A for a certain type of anorak!) – where over 220 steam locomotives were based for over 100 years on a very cramped site.

    The eastern end of St. Margaret’s Depot, with the houses of Smokey Brae in the background.

    But it wasn’t always known as Smokey Brae, formally it was – and remains – Restalrig Road South – and it wasn’t always such an issue. It wasn’t until the Corporation built its showpiece Piershill Housing Scheme next door from 1936-38 that the problems began to be noticed.

    Piershill Housing, Edinburgh, John Harper Campbell, 1951. © Edinburgh City Libraries

    Before the City purchased this site in 1935, it was the site of Piershill Cavalry Barracks, and the relatively low buildings and open site seemed not to suffer from its railway neighbour, St. Margaret’s Depot. The 1893 OS Town Plan shows just how close the two were.

    1893 OS Town Plan. Reproduced with the permission of the National Library of Scotland

    On this site the City Architect, Ebenezer James Macrae, was balancing a client brief that desired the latest, modern, European, urban planning ideas with his own penchant for the best traditions and concepts of Scottish tenement buildings.

    1944 OS Town Plan showing the Piershill Housing Scheme next to St. Margaret’s Depot. Reproduced with the permission of the National Library of Scotland

    As such, the site plan was heavily influenced by contemporary European design, but the form and finish was unmistakably Scottish vernacular in style. Macrae successfully lobbied to use traditional 3 and 4 storey tenements against a reluctant Department for Health (who oversaw such schemes). This allowed 342 modern flats to be incorporated onto the plot of the barracks, but retain a lot of open space and not be overly packed together. But it also meant that the tall, U-shaped blocks of Piershill Square East and West form something of a wall and obstacle to the prevailing winds. Somewhat ironically, despite being the last word in municipal housing in Scotland at the time, heating and hot water still came from coal fires and back boilers, the forest of chimney stacks required further adding to the traditional appearance of such modern houses.

    Ebenezer J. Macrae’s “Masterpiece” – Piershill Square West. CC-by-SA 2.0, Tom Parnell

    As early as 1937, the Musselburgh News reported the Lord Dean of Guild (the head of what was akin to a council planning committee in those days) as saying “the houses at Piershill had only been up a year, but one could imagine that they had been erected for the last 50 years“. The development was not even complete then, and already the pollution from St. Margaret’s Depot was posing a problem requiring official remark.

    https://www.flickr.com/photos/holycorner/8097886334/

    In May 1938, as the scheme was barely completed, the Public Health Committee of the Town Council discussed the question of the smoke emitted from St. Margaret’s with respect to Piershill. The committee heard from the Town Clerk that 40 of the houses at Piershill closest to the depot had been “rendered unfit for human occupation” on account of the soot and smoke plaguing them. A deputation was therefore sent to the London & North Eastern Railway. It was found that at the cramped, overpopulated and antiquated depot there were sheds sufficient for barely 50% of the 220+ engines stabled there: as such there was no way to contain much of the smoke and soot while the boilers were lit and it blew straight across the road to the adjacent new houses.

    The Town Clerk told the committee, “I think your hands will be forced in this matter. You will have to do something“. Answering a question from the committee, he told them that the Smoke Abatement Act could force the railway to “take the best practical means” to curtail emissions. If the means weren’t practical, the railway didn’t have to take them. So nothing was done and less than a year later the Evening News and Scotsman both reported – in May 1939 – that the Public Health Committee would once again ask the railway to provide sheds for all engines. The Committee was now being directly lobbied by residents; mothers from Piershill had joined the Women’s Section of the East Edinburgh Labour Party to complain about the issue.

    The problem rumbled on in 1939. The Public Health Committee again discussed it in July, and the outbreak of war saw the metaphor of a the blackout being used by the housewives lobby group. They claimed that their health was being “seriously affected” by the smoke and soot. They wrote: “We do not know what it is to have fresh air because as soon as the windows are opened, they have to be closed again to keep out the smoke and soot. Clothing hung out to dry is black when taken in.” A reporter was shown the houses closest to the depot, barely 18 months old, which were stained black, in sharp contrast to those at the other end of the scheme.

    “Black-out” at Piershill. Housewives and the Soot Menace. Evening News, 23/10/39

    Another resident showed the reporter her house. She drew her finger over the window sill. “Look at that!” as she demonstrated a filthy finger tip. She showed the kitchen walls, the paint scrubbed back to the plaster from trying to keep the walls clean. “The soot is actually into the walls” she said: the Council had told her not to paper the walls for this reason. The smoke “ruins everything, even the blankets on the bed. You can wash them as often as you like but you cannot get the smell off them“. The reporter took a picture from her window, showing the depot breakdown crane barely yards away across Smokey Brae.

    Picture from Piershill flats towards St. Margaret’s Depot from the Evening News, 23/10/39

    Another neighbour – who suffered from asthma – complained she was tired of scrubbing the woodwork clean and that her curtains were washed barely days before and already soot stained. Referring to the back green, “If the shrubs were to be green, they would have to be painted“. Another neighbour complained that her little girl was having trouble with her chest, causing doctors bills. The doctor had said they would have to move away but they could not get another house. This was October 1939 however, and when the realities of the war hit, people were expected to keep calm, carry on, to make do and just grin and bear it. “There’s a war on, don’t you know.”

    So what were the specific problems that made St. Margaret’s so bad for smoke and soot? The obvious ones – alluded to already – were its cramped size, its huge allocation of engines, the topography and prevailing winds and also the lack of cover for engines.

    https://www.flickr.com/photos/holycorner/8097877667/

    But there were other issues. A kiln used for drying the sand for the locomotive’s adhesion sand boxes was coal fired. The travelling crane? Coal fired. Steam around the site was provided by condemned locos, with the fires left running as static boilers, burning anything that was handy and perpetually belching out thick black smoke.

    https://www.flickr.com/photos/paulkearley/51880896786/

    In winter, the water columns, water tanks and boiler injectors of locomotives were prone to icing up, so endless braziers of coal were lit in the sidings to prevent this happening. Every shift, some 50-60 locomotives would come in to have their fireboxes and smokeboxes cleared. This was a filthy task, where the hot ash and clinker was dropped or scraped and shovelled out the firebox into a pit between the tracks, where it cooled and smouldered. At St. Margaret’s, the ash pit sidings were as close to the Piershill houses as it was possible to get. The wind whipped up the dropped soot and ash, blowing it across the road to the houses. Firebox cleaning scraped tarry “char” out the front end. It was black and abrasive.

    B1 61404 at the St. Marharet’s ash pits, 27/3/65 . Brian J. Dickson, Steam Finale Scotland

    With the fireboxes and smokeboxes scraped clean, the fires were re-stoked and left smouldering to keep the boilers simmering, burning inefficiently and producing a lot of smoke (a steam engine running at speed and burning efficiently produces relatively little visible smoke). Worse still was that St. Margarets was the parent shed to a myriad network of 14 stabling points and 20 shunting yards and sidings around the district. At the end of the week, all these locos came back to the shed in a filthy condition to have their innards emptied and cleaned. Worst of all was Sundays, when the “firing up” process took place for the week. 40 engines at a time would have their fireboxes lit, using the hot embers from that smoky sand kiln. These fires too burned inefficiently, until the locos left in groups of five to wait for shifts at Craigentinny sidings. This cycle of clearing and re-firing the 220+ locos, not to mention the countless visiting engines coming up from the north east of England went on week in, week out, all of it in the open, and most of it as close to the Piershill Houses as possible.

    It was the Great Smog of 1952 that kindled a widespread public awareness and alarm at the health hazards of the smoke that had hitherto just been accepted by most as a part of city life.

    Nelson’s Column in December. Foggy Day in December 1952. CC-by-SA 2.0 N. T. Stobbs.

    Government Committees now sat up and began to take action, and in April 1954 they arrived in Edinburgh on their fact-finding mission, and the City’s Public Health Committee marched them straight down to Piershill to see for themselves.

    “To Take the Reek from Auld Reekie”. Scotsman 22/4/54

    The Evening News report of this visit is the first written reference to “Smoky Brae“. The residents had spotted the committee – headed by Sir Hugh Beaver (no sniggering at the back) – arriving and had sought out the following reporters to make their voices heard. The residents told the reporters the same stories they had done 15 years ago, they showed them the same soot and smoke stained walls, furniture, curtains and windows, and heard the same complaints of perpetually smelling of smoke, difficulty washing clothes and health worries. Mrs Jane Gray, who resided on the ground floor at no. 2, said:

    I see that they’re going to take a mobile mass X-ray machine round Pilton. They want to bring it here and X-ray every man, woman and child. What bairn can be healthy living down here? And we can’t open our windows at night

    Edinburgh Evening News, 23rd September 1954

    The Public Health Committee once again agreed to lobby the railway authorities. But by this time of course, the railway was nationalised, so it was the British Transport Commission’s Railway Executive to whom they went. The BTC was quick to point the blame at another nationalised industry – the National Coal Board. It was the low quality of post-war coal that was the problem they said, not the depot itself or its practices. There is a grain of truth that the crisis that the coal industry found itself in – and tried to dig itself out of before long term projects could start producing – caused the quality of coal to drop, but to suggest that was the problem at St. Margaret’s was pure buck passing and Mr George Hardie of New Restalrig Church was quick to denounce the BTC’s reply.

    Edinburgh Evening News, 23rd September 1954

    It was accepted that the solution Smokey Brae needed was long term, to totally phase out steam on the railways altogether. Diesel or electric were the future – and indeed the Railway’s own Modernisation Plan intended this. Mr Jamieson, of the Scottish National Congress (a socialist splinter party of the SNP) wrote to the papers to say the problem was that Scotland was getting an unfair allocation of the diesel locomotives which had already been produced by British Railways. He had calculated a Goschen Ratio (a government formula for allocating spending in Scotland compared to other parts of the UK) himself, he said, and Scotland could claim 37 diesel locomotives already, and Edinburgh at least 10 of those, and that this would improve the atmosphere at St. Margarets.

    “PROGRESS”. A poster optimistically heralding the ultimately badly flawed Modernisation Plan, with a bold new diesel locomotive replacing a rust steam engine alongside.

    The modernisation plan actually made things at St. Margaret’s worse – not better. This is because the depot was so antiquated and run down, it could not seriously handle any new diesel locomotives or multiple units, so all steam in the district was concentrated there. Haymarket would become the primary diesel depot, and Leith Central would become the depot for diesel multiple units, and the former’s steam allocation and those from other smaller sheds began to concentrate at St. Margarets. The latter’s workload concentrated on the remaining local steam services: large numbers of 0-6-0 J-type tank engines to work the docks, still plentiful traffic of the Lothians coalfields, and the steam for Waverley Route goods services.

    St Margarets Locomotive Depot, Dock Tank 8334, 13 August 1948. CC-by-SA 2.0 Ben Brooksbank

    The writing was on the wall for the depot: as its engines were replaced with diesels they would go to either Haymarket, Leith Central or the new yard at Millerhill. But the residents of Piershill had to suffer a further 13 years of smoke, soot, ash and grime. By 1965 only a handful of steam locos remained, but it was not until May 1st 1967, some 30 years after Piershill residents first started experiencing the effects of living on “Smoky Brae” that St. Margarets finally drew out the last firebox and shut its doors for good.

    J36 0-6-0 No. 65234 at St Margaret’s shed, Easter 1967 CC-by-SA 3.0 8474tim

    And in all that time, despite all the representations to the City authorities, and by them to the Railway authorities, what had actually been done about it? Nothing. It was purely the inevitability of modernisation that posed a solution.

    The houses of Smokey Brae had the carbonation sandblasted off of them in the late 1980s or early 1990s, and at some point around this time, somebody thought it would be good to informally rename the road in a manner reminiscent of an Oor Wullie cartoon. Nostalgic, yes, but also a reminder that the residents of this street probably had years shaved off their lives as a result of their proximity to unrestricted emissions of coal smoke, soot and ash.

    Stoorie Brae, a common place in the Oor Wullie universe.

    If you have found this useful, informative or amusing, perhaps you would like to help contribute towards the running costs of this site – including keeping it ad-free and my book-buying budget to find further stories to bring you – by supporting me on ko-fi. Or please do just share this post on social media or amongst friends.

    These threads © 2017-2025, Andy Arthur.

    NO AI TRAINING: Any use of the contents of this website to “train” generative artificial intelligence (AI) technologies to generate text is expressly prohibited. The author reserves all rights to license uses of this work for generative AI training and development of machine learning language models.

    #CouncilHousing #Health #Houses #Housing #JockSLodge #Meadowbank #pollution #PublicHealth #publicHousing #Railway #Railways #Restalrig #StMargaretsDepot #Toponymy
  11. This thread was originally written and published in April 2023.

    The Category-A listed Cables Wynd House. Leith’s answer to Le Corbusier’s Unité d’Habitation. Unmistakably the Banana Flats on account of their bendy plan. But did you know they are neither the only nor the original Banana Flats in Edinburgh?

    Cables Wynd House, CC-by-SA 2.0 Tom Parnell

    Because there’s another Banana Flats in town and they precede Cables Wynd by over a decade, and (controversially for Banana Flats purists) they are in Gorgie. I’m talking of course about the equally bendy (but rather less iconic) Westfield Court.

    Westfield Court

    So why is Westfield Court interesting and why is it important? Let’s make the case for it.

    Westfield Court started life before WW2, the brainchild of local property developer Alexander Glass who had acquired a substantial plot of land around the old village of Gorgie Mills. It is for Glass that the street Alexander Drive, on which Westfield Court sits, is named and it was Glass who had recently changed the face of – and modernised and expanded – Gorgie by building expansive new flats and shops along the western length of Gorgie Road. He had sold a plot to the Poole family who built the Roxy cinema.

    One of Glass’s 1930s development blocks along Gorgie Road, notice Westfield Court peeping out on the left distance.

    His next venture was to be an even more modern structure, a concrete and steel high rise that mixed modernist living and community facilities, directly inspired by Maxwell Fry’s equally bendy Kensal House in Ladbroke Grove. This was the first modernist municipal housing block in the UK and as well as thoroughly cutting edge flats, included a community centre, laundry, canteen and nursery.

    Kensal House, Ladbroke Grove. CC-by-SA 2.0 Julian Osley

    Inspired by London (as his shopping parades along Gorgie Road and also St. John’s Road in Corstorphine obviously were), Glass’s new flats at Westfield would have been his working class answer to Edinburgh’s first modernist flats, those of Ravelston Garden (the “Jenners Flats”).

    Ravelston Garden, picture © self

    But this of course never happened because the war intervened. Glass’s modernist dream remained just that. Post-war, the economic and strict regulatory environment prohibited private speculative building. But permits to build – and financial compensation – could be gained by private developers if they handed their plans and land over to the municipal authorities to progress. And that’s exactly what Glass did; the land and plans for Westfield Court were offered to the Edinburgh Corporation, who jumped at the chance to kick-start their post-war reconstruction of the city with ready-made plans for ultra modern housing.

    As early as 1946, the housing committee approved the idea. There was some resistance to the idea, as the “Civic Survey and Plan for Edinburgh” (aka the Abercrombie Report) made it known that the land between Haymarket and Dalry was intended for industry. The idea eventually won through against the report however, and final plans were approved in May 1949 to the designs of architects Henry Hubbard and William Williamson.

    Page from the Civic Survey and Plan for Edinburgh, as published in 1949

    There had been big changes from the original design however, to befit its new use as municipal housing. The basic building was a steel and concrete frame and floors, the exterior walls being pre-cast panels by the notorious Orlit company, with the inner face of the walls in brick and internal partitions of newly-patented “Eecon” blocks. At 8 storeys tall, it was the tallest (for its time) 20th century housing block not just in Edinburgh, but in Scotland. Rather than later “streets in the sky” ideas, with lateral access corridors along certain floors, it was a single 445 feet long block with 6 traditional “tenement” access stairs, each with the modern convenience of a lift.

    Plans of Westfield Court, from The Architect journal, 1952

    The total accommodation was 88 flats, with every flat above the ground floor had its own south-facing balcony for the “airing of children“, and on the ground floors there were 14 “special” bedsit flats and two smaller flats for “spinsters and ageing persons“. All the other 72 flats had 4 rooms. The entire building had had no fireplaces or coal fuel. There was a central domestic boiler for hot water and heating, which also circulated around a drying cupboard in each flat. Each kitchenette had gas cookers and its own “gas incinerator cupboard” where rubbish could be burned, before being disposed of down ash chutes on the north face of the building.

    Westfield Court, north façade showing rubbish/dust chutes

    Each flat had its own bathroom and toilet, and wooden floors overlaid the concrete (except on the ground floors, where they were laid with mastic). Sound deadening around the lift shafts was with wood wool. But Westfield Court’s most unusual feature (and possibly unique in Scotland) was on its 8th storey, where the entire floor was given over to a 3-class nursery school for 80 children, complete with a penned-in rooftop playground.

    Floor Plans for Westfield Court Nursery School

    There’s a wonderful picture on Scran, which I cannot share here but can only link to, showing a forlorn looking child rattling the bars of the playground, looking down on the world below from 8 storeys up. Sound insulation around the nursery was a constant problem in its years of operation; the builders had given attention to the noise from the lift shafts but seemingly not from the noise of the feet of 80 children on the ceilings of 7th storey flats. Staff and children reputedly went around the place in their slippers.

    The builders of Westfield Court were Hepburn Brothers of Dunfermline and Edinburgh, and this was a big departure for a company who were one of the primary constructors of the city’s sprawling interwar Bungalow Belt. The consulting engineers were Kinnear & Gordon and they had their work cut out for them: construction wasn’t simple as Westfield is a flood plain of the Water of Leith and was cut through by old mill lades, with the water table just 7 feet below the surface. Extensive piling work had to be undertaken to provide secure foundations.

    Advert from the Architect journal, 1953, showing construction of Westfield Court

    The completed structure was not the distinctive orange, cream and brown paint of today (that is from a later modernisation) but bright white concrete

    Westfield Court. The Architect journal, 1952

    The first phase of work completed in June 1951, and Lord Provost James “Miller Homes” Miller proudly unveiled the new flats to an assembled audience of workers.

    Edinburgh Evening News- Friday 29 June 1951, Lord Provost James Miller at the opening ceremony of the first phase of Westfield Court

    Little over a month later, on July 27th 1951, the first residents – the Mcaslan family – were handed over the keys to their new house by Councillors P. J. Robson and D. Wilkie.

    Edinburgh Evening News- Friday 27 July 1951. The Mcaslan family receive the keys to their new flat.

    The “Super Flats” as the press called them had cost the city around quarter of a million pounds, about 10 million in 2023 money, and rents for the 4-room flats were set at 38s 7d per week, including 21s rent, 5s 7d for rates and 12s for the heating and water. The communal heating system was very effective – too effective – and the houses gained an envious reputation as the warmest in the city. The daily consumption of hot water was found to be 60 gallons /house, and the charges covered only 5% of the council’s bills for the system. For that reason alone, all the subsequent multi-storey flats built at this time had individual gas fires or electric heaters / immersion systems as the city was unwilling to take on such a financial burden again. Communal heating in Edinburgh was finished before it ever got going.

    Children outside Westfield Court, 1954. Unknown credit. © Edinburgh City Libraries

    Over the door of the main pend is a carving by Hew Lorimer ARSA, with the city’s motto (Nisi Dominus Frustra) and a diorama of Scottish workers and industry around a mother and children, perhaps symbolising the optimism of post-war rebirth and reconstruction.

    Hew Martin Lorimer Sculpture Westfield Court (Above Central Pend on South Side), embedded from the Flickr of Margaret Ferguson Burns.

    By the 1980s, the once bright banana block was now a rather grim soot and pollution stained one, so Edinburgh District Council took the fateful decision in 1991 to bring the block “up to date” with a coating of multicoloured carbonation-resistant “Mulsicoat” acrylic.

    Rear elevation of Westfield Court, 1982

    The council chose a palette of “caramel, chocolate, beige and white”, and a pattern on the rear elevation reputedly based on the Baths of Carcalla, and covered the whole block in it

    Rear elevation of Westfield Court

    The rooftop nursery remained until 2010, specialising in helping children with additional needs, when the council took the decision to close it, ostensibly over health and safety fears for fire evacuation of children down 8 storeys of stairs, but it was part of a wider cuts programme.

    Former Lord Provost Eric Milligan, who had been one of the nursery’s pupils back in the 1950s, spoke up in its defence (in a letter to Michael MacLeod at the Guardian), saying it was “distinctive and quirky” and “one of the most imaginative uses of space in Europe.” The nursery was converted into 5 flats, and appropriately for the story of modern Edinburgh, one is now being run as a Short Term Let, the council having been unable to take action against it as it found it had already given it permission to operate as a Bed and Breakfast…

    So now you know that Westfield Court is much more important than it looks. It has a formative position in the story of post-war Scottish council housing, was for a short time the tallest “multi” in the land, pioneered the idea of mixing housing with other social facilities* and pre-dates the “other” banana flats by some 12 years.

    * = One feature that had originally been proposed for Westfield Court – but was not included in the final designs – was a mortuary and chapel of rest. There was a genuine concern over lack of such facilities for the working classes, and some Labour councillors hoped to include them

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    These threads © 2017-2024, Andy Arthur

    https://threadinburgh.scot/2023/04/23/9511/

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