#constitutional-law — Public Fediverse posts

9/11: 25 Years of American Fear, War, Surveillance and Permanent Emergency.

Article republished by Jerry Alatalo | September 10, 2026

[Editor’s note: I believe this is John and Nisha Whitehead’s most important and powerful writing to date. Please share the information far and wide. Please feel free to share your honest, mature, rational thoughts in the comments. Thank you very much. Peace.]

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America After 9/11: 25 Years of American Fear, War, Surveillance and Permanent Emergency

By John & Nisha Whitehead
The Rutherford Institute

September 10, 2026

“I tell you, freedom and human rights in America are doomed. The U.S. government will lead the American people in — and the West in general — into an unbearable hell and a choking life.”—Osama bin Laden (October 2001)

“GIVE THEM NIGHTMARES.”—President Donald Trump (September 2026)

Days before the 25th anniversary of 9/11, President Trump flooded his Truth Social account with AI-generated fantasies of himself commanding armies of giant, red-eyed robots.

In one, Trump strides through a darkened Washington surrounded by robotic soldiers beneath the words, “THEY WILL NEVER SLEEP AGAIN.” Another declares, “THEY WILL DREAM OF US FOREVER.” A third depicts Trump seated on a mechanical throne, surrounded by an army of robots and the presidential seal, beneath the warning: “GIVE THEM NIGHTMARES.”

Twenty-five years after 9/11, one has to ask: has the nightmare ever really ended?

For a quarter-century, Americans have been governed by fear: fear of terrorists and foreign enemies, fear of domestic extremists and political opponents, fear of the next attack, the next crisis, the next emergency.

That fear has given us endless war, mass surveillance, militarized police, secret courts, indefinite detention, government watchlists, domestic military deployments and an imperial presidency armed with powers that would have been unthinkable before 9/11.

Now the man entrusted with the imperial powers of the modern-day presidency is publicly imagining himself enthroned over robotic armies, raining destruction on his enemies and promising nightmares.

The imagery may be unhinged from reality, but the powers of the presidency are not.

Neither are the questions raised by Trump’s increasingly unhinged public behavior about whether any president—especially one armed with the accumulated powers of the post-9/11 national-security state—is mentally and temperamentally fit to wield them.

That is where America’s two great anniversaries of 2026 collide.

On July 4, America celebrated 250 years since the Declaration of Independence, born from a revolt against King George III and a system in which too much power rested in the hands of one ruler. At its heart was the radical proposition that government derives its just powers from the consent of the people.

On September 11, we mark 25 years since the terrorist attacks that killed nearly 3,000 people, shattered the nation’s sense of security, and set in motion a massive expansion of presidential, military and national-security power.

America began by rebelling against a king.

Two hundred and fifty years later, we have created a presidency with increasingly king-like powers.

And now we must confront an uncomfortable question the Founders understood all too well: what happens when immense power is placed in the hands of someone whose fitness to wield it is itself in question?

To understand how we arrived at this dangerous moment, we have to go back to the moment when fear gave the government permission to begin dismantling the restraints on its power.

That trail leads inevitably back to 9/11.

A quarter-century later, serious questions and suspicions persist about what government officials knew before the attacks, what warnings were ignored, whether more could have been done to prevent them, and whether the American people have ever been given the full story of 9/11.

Those questions deserve scrutiny, but they should not obscure what we know happened next.

Whatever the truth about what the government knew before 9/11, there can be little dispute about what the government did afterward. It used the attacks and the fear they generated to radically expand its powers over the American people.

Twenty-five years after 9/11, the “war on terror” has become a war without end, the emergency has become permanent, the surveillance state has become omnipresent, the police have become militarized, and the presidency has accumulated powers that would have horrified the revolutionaries of 1776.

This is the bitter irony of America at 250.

We declared our independence from a government that subjected its people to standing armies, arbitrary searches, taxation without meaningful representation and the dictates of a ruler who considered himself above the law.

Yet over the course of the past 25 years, in the name of national security, we have resurrected many of those same evils and wrapped them in the American flag.

What did 25 years of surrendering liberty in exchange for security actually buy us?

Not peace. Not security. Not fiscal stability. Not a less intrusive government.

Instead, we got the Patriot Act and mass surveillance; secret courts and government watchlists; indefinite detention and torture; militarized police; endless wars and trillions in debt; and a presidency increasingly untethered from Congress, the courts and constitutional restraint.

And still the government insists it needs more power to keep us safe.

That is the trap.

Twenty-five years later, the emergency never ended—it became the government.

The USA Patriot Act, rushed through Congress just 45 days after the 9/11 attacks, drove a stake through the heart of the Bill of Rights. It dramatically expanded the government’s powers, weakened safeguards against government overreach, and opened the door to far-reaching surveillance of the American people.

What was sold to us as a temporary response to terrorism became the foundation for something much larger.

The lesson we still haven’t learned: mammoth legislation that expands the government’s powers at the citizenry’s expense will not make anyone safer.

Every president since has inherited the machinery of the post-9/11 national-security state. Every president has found new ways to use it. And almost none of the powers claimed in the name of emergency have ever been willingly surrendered.

George W. Bush gave us the Patriot Act, warrantless surveillance, torture, indefinite detention and preemptive war. Barack Obama expanded the drone wars, normalized targeted killings and presided over an increasingly sophisticated surveillance apparatus. Successive administrations embraced secret watchlists, warrantless data collection and sweeping executive authority.

Donald Trump did not create this machinery.

He inherited it.

What makes this moment so dangerous is his willingness to use that machinery aggressively, openly and with little patience for the constitutional restraints that are supposed to prevent presidents from becoming kings.

Nowhere is that more apparent than in the return to preemptive war.

Not content to wage war against Afghanistan after 9/11, the United States invaded Iraq under a preemptive war doctrine that embraced striking threats before they were fully formed.

The consequences were catastrophic: lives lost, trillions squandered, regions destabilized, terrorist movements radicalized, and the constitutional power to decide when the nation goes to war steadily transferred from Congress to the president.

Twenty-five years after 9/11 plunged the United States into a cycle of preemptive war, blowback and permanent emergency, President Trump has launched another preemptive war against Iran without a declaration of war by Congress.

The circle is complete.

9/11 gave us the War on Terror. The War on Terror gave us permanent emergency. Permanent emergency gave us the imperial presidency. And the imperial presidency has given us another war.

The lesson we still haven’t learned: preemptive strikes do not make us safer. They create more enemies, more instability and more blowback.

War has become the permanent business of the American empire.

The military-industrial complex profits. Defense contractors prosper. Politicians posture. Presidents accumulate power.

The American people get the bill.

The post-9/11 wars have cost trillions, killed or displaced millions, and scarred generations of servicemen and women. Every new conflict creates the justification for still more military spending, secrecy, emergency powers and government control.

War abroad has a way of coming home.

After 9/11, the government embraced torture in the name of national security. Abu Ghraib demonstrated what happens when human beings are reduced to enemy combatants and government agents are told the normal rules no longer apply.

That battlefield mindset did not remain overseas.

Local police departments acquired armored vehicles, military weapons, tactical gear and battlefield training. SWAT teams became routine instruments of law enforcement. Military surveillance tools became tools for monitoring ordinary Americans.

Today, ICE increasingly operates like a domestic paramilitary force, carrying out raids, detentions and enforcement operations under a cloak of secrecy and impunity while being equipped with ever more aggressive technologies, from robot dogs to electric shock weapons.

National Guard troops are being normalized as a domestic law-enforcement presence, further eroding the barrier between military and civilian government that laws such as the Posse Comitatus Act were intended to preserve.

The language changed, too.

Citizens became “suspects.” Communities became “threat environments.” Protesters became potential extremists. The homeland became a battlefield.

The lesson we still haven’t learned: the tactics and weapons of war, once deployed abroad, will eventually be used against the citizenry at home.

This is precisely what the Founders feared. James Madison warned that “the means of defence against foreign danger have been always the instruments of tyranny at home.”

We ignored him.

The result is a country in which the dividing line between soldier and police officer, battlefield and neighborhood, foreign enemy and domestic suspect has become dangerously blurred.

The same vicious cycle has played out with surveillance.

The Patriot Act normalized mass surveillance. Technology has since made the machinery exponentially more powerful.

Today, government agencies no longer need someone following you in an unmarked car to create detailed records of where Americans travel, whom they visit and how they live. Your phone tells them. Your car tells them. FLOCK license plate readers tell them. Facial recognition cameras tell them. Your purchases, internet searches, social-media activity, location history and digital communications fill in the rest.

Allowing the government to spy on the citizenry will not eliminate terrorism. It will create a watched, tracked and increasingly submissive society.

Yet the deeper problem is that we stopped insisting that government obey the same laws it imposes on us. Once “national security” became an acceptable excuse for warrantless surveillance, torture, indefinite detention, secret courts and undeclared wars, the exception began swallowing the rule.

Congress surrendered authority. Presidents seized it. Courts deferred. The public became accustomed to government officials acting first and answering questions later.

Now we see the consequences everywhere.

The Supreme Court increasingly arrives too late to stop executive abuses before the damage is done, if it intervenes at all. The president bulldozes through legal and constitutional restraints, creates a crisis or a spectacle, and leaves Congress, the courts and the American people to deal with the wreckage.

The lesson we still haven’t learned: if we stop holding the government accountable to the rule of law, the only laws it will respect will be the ones it can use against us.

This failure transcends political parties.

Republicans cheered executive power under Republican presidents. Democrats cheered it under Democratic presidents. Then both sides expressed shock when those powers were turned against them.

Powers do not remain partisan.

Surveillance powers created to catch terrorists are used against Americans. Emergency powers become tools of ordinary government. Military powers migrate into domestic policing. Executive powers tolerated under one president become precedents for the next.

And once government acquires a weapon, it rarely gives it back.

Trump is merely the latest president to demonstrate the danger of giving any one person such enormous power. He has inherited the machinery of the post-9/11 state and shown how readily it can be turned to the purposes of an increasingly imperial presidency.

We are not merely repeating the mistakes of the past 25 years. We have institutionalized them.

A national-security apparatus powerful enough to track a terrorist can track a political opponent. A president empowered to wage war without Congress can invoke “national security” to bypass constitutional limits at home. A military normalized on American streets can be turned against Americans.

The police state does not care which party controls it.

And therein lies the madness of giving any president such enormous power.

The Founders did not assume that every president would be wise, rational, restrained or benevolent. They divided power precisely because human beings cannot be trusted with too much of it.

A free people cannot make their liberties dependent upon the judgment, temperament or sanity of a single ruler.

Yet for 25 years, under presidents of both parties, we have systematically weakened those restraints while strengthening the presidency.

Now the reckoning has arrived.

Trump’s fitness to exercise the immense powers of his office cannot be separated from the larger question of why any president should possess so much unilateral power in the first place.

The lesson we still haven’t learned: the more power we give the presidency, the more dangerous the presidency becomes when the person occupying it proves unwilling—or unable—to exercise that power with restraint.

That brings us back to the nightmare.

Fear has always been the fuel of the police state.

Keep people frightened enough, divided enough and distrustful enough of one another, and they will beg the government to protect them—even when the price of that protection is their freedom.

That bargain has defined post-9/11 America.

Benjamin Franklin famously warned against trading essential liberty for temporary safety.

We made the trade anyway.

The government seized our freedoms, but the assurance of safety never materialized. Instead, the emergencies multiplied: Terrorism. War. Pandemic. Immigration. Crime. Civil unrest. Political extremism.

Each crisis becomes another justification for government power. Each new power establishes another precedent. Each precedent becomes another weapon waiting for the next president to wield it.

That is what makes the convergence of these two anniversaries so important.

The Declaration of Independence was an indictment of a despot who obstructed the laws, manipulated institutions, maintained standing armies among the people, placed military power above civilian authority and repeatedly violated the rights of those he governed.

Two hundred and fifty years later, those grievances sound uncomfortably familiar.

The uniforms have changed. The technology has changed. The vocabulary has changed. The greed for money and power have not.

Nor have the duties of the citizenry to oppose such tyranny.

If constitutional government is to survive, Congress must reclaim the powers it has surrendered. The courts must stop treating “national security” as a magic phrase capable of making constitutional violations disappear. The machinery of mass surveillance must be dismantled. Domestic militarization must be rolled back. Emergency powers must be temporary, narrow and subject to meaningful oversight.

And the American people must stop allowing fear to dictate the boundaries of their freedom.

Twenty-five years ago, Osama bin Laden predicted that the American government would lead its own people into “an unbearable hell and a choking life.”

Bin Laden did not defeat America. He did not destroy the Constitution.

We are doing that ourselves.

Every time we accept another surveillance program because we’re afraid, the Fourth Amendment dies a little more. Every time we tolerate another war because we’re told it will make us safe, constitutional restraints on war-making die a little more. Every time Congress surrenders power and the courts defer to “national security,” the rule of law dies a little more. Every time we allow the government to turn another American community into a battlefield, the barrier between military force and civilian government dies a little more.

Every time we shrug and tell ourselves that the latest encroachment on liberty is temporary, necessary or would only be used against someone else, the Constitution dies a little more.

As we make clear in Battlefield America: The War on the American People and its fictional counterpart The Erik Blair Diaries, this is how freedom dies in a country that still calls itself free.

Twenty-five years after 9/11, the question is no longer whether terrorism poses the greatest threat to our freedoms. The question is whether the American Police State itself has become the greater threat.

America has spent 250 years proclaiming its freedom and the past 25 years building the machinery with which to extinguish it.

Two anniversaries. One reckoning.

America must decide what it intends to be: a republic governed by the rule of law or an empire governed by permanent war, permanent surveillance and permanent emergency.

We cannot be both.

The choice we make will determine nothing less than the survival of the American experiment in freedom.

This article was originally published on The Rutherford Institute.

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(Source/credit: LewRockwell.com)

BGOV Bill Analysis: H.R. 4795, Block University Israel Boycotts

Higher education institutions couldn’t receive federal student aid if they participate in certain boycotts of Israel under H.R.…
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https://www.newsbeep.com/714150/

Trump 2028? Even Trump has begun hinting it may not happen

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump has frequently suggested he wants to seek a third term, posti…
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https://www.newsbeep.com/712618/

DATE: August 28, 2026 at 12:13PM
SOURCE: SOCIALPSYCHOLOGY.ORG

TITLE: Pentagon Asks Supreme Court to Allow Ban on Trangender Troops

URL: http://www.socialpsychology.org/client/redirect.php?from=rss_feed&id=191227&url=https://www.upi.com/Top_News/US/2026/08/28/pentagon-transgender-ban-military/6241787953634/

Source: United Press International - Health News

A federal court ruled in June that the U.S. military's attempts to remove transgender Americans were "arbitrary and based upon animus." Yet the Trump administration pushed back on Friday, asking the Supreme Court to allow the Pentagon to ban transgender people from the military. Donald Trump has targeted transgender service members since 2025 and signed an executive order saying transgender troops' health needs are "inconsistent" with military...

URL: http://www.socialpsychology.org/client/redirect.php?from=rss_feed&id=191227&url=https://www.upi.com/Top_News/US/2026/08/28/pentagon-transgender-ban-military/6241787953634/

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Hello #Fediverse! 👋 #Introduction

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US Aims to Revive Civil War-Era Court to Claim Iran Oil as Prize

The Justice Department is preparing to activate a long-dormant maritime war court to streamline military capture of Iranian…
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https://www.newsbeep.com/706912/

Ralph Nader Presents Extensive List of Legitimate Grounds for Donald Trump’s Impeachment.

Posted by Jerry Alatalo | August 14, 2026

[Editor’s note: Please share this important, timely and relevant information far and wide. Please feel free to share your thoughts in the comments. Thank you very much. Peace.]

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This special pre-recorded remote panel from Ralph Nader’s Capitol Hill Impeachment Symposium focuses on constitutional accountability, the rule of law, ethics, and grassroots strategies for congressional action.

Moderated by attorney Theresa Amato (Principal, Amato PLLC), this session features an exceptional lineup of legal scholars, advocates, and public figures breaking down the mechanisms to constrain executive overreach and corruption.

Featured Speakers:

Ralph Nader – Consumer advocate, lawyer, and author

Erwin Chemerinsky (Dean, UC Berkeley Law School)

Richard Painter (Former Chief White House Ethics Lawyer under G.W. Bush)

Mark Green (Former New York City Public Advocate)

Jessica Denson (Founder, The Removal Coalition)

Doug Bandow (Senior Fellow, Cato Institute)

Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Dennis Laich – Major General, U.S. Army (Ret.)

This symposium was co-sponsored by Free Speech For People, RootsAction, and Essential Information. Subscribe for more updates, expert panels, and discussions on the rule of law and constitutional accountability.

https://youtu.be/oEoXNiOq3vU?si=tPQczK_sF5e_kgRY

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Poland’s top court rejects recognising EU same-sex marriages.

Poland’s constitutional court has overturned plans to recognise same-sex marriages that took place in other EU member states.

This defies an order from the EU’s top court and could set up a clash on the matter.

https://mediafaro.org/article/20260728-polands-top-court-rejects-recognising-eu-same-sex-marriages?mf_channel=mastodon&action=forward

#Poland #SameSexMarriage #ConstitutionalLaw #LGBTQ #EU #Court #EULaw

Heather Cox Richardson explains how President Trump and his administration are acting like the Constitution doesn't exist. She details how emergency powers, tariffs, and even wars are being used to bypass congressional authority. Discover the full analysis here: https://heathercoxrichardson.substack.com/p/july-26-2026 #ConstitutionalLaw #ChecksAndBalances #USPolitics

Supreme Court's strategic legal moves overshadow Trump's political setbacks

📰 Original title: Supreme Court quietly winning its own war as Trump's losses make headlines: expert

🤖 IA: It's clickbait ⚠️
👥 Users: It's clickbait ⚠️

View full AI summary https://en.killbait.com/supreme-court-s-strategic-legal-moves-overshadow-trump-s-political-setbacks.html?utm_source=mastodon_world&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=killbait.mastodon_world

#politics #supremecourt #trump #constitutionallaw

U.S. Supreme Court’s Recent Decisions – What They Mean for You

The U.S. Supreme Court has wrapped up another historic term, issuing several decisions that could affect millions of Americans. From digital privacy and voting rules to presidential authority and gun rights, the Court’s rulings have implications that reach far beyond Washington, D.C.

Whether you live in Raleigh, North Carolina, or anywhere else in the country, here’s a straightforward look at some of the Court’s most significant recent decisions and how they may impact your daily life.

Digital Privacy: Geofence Warrants Face New Constitutional Limits

One of the term’s biggest technology and privacy decisions involved geofence warrants—court orders that require companies like Google to provide location information for devices near a crime scene.

The Supreme Court ruled that accessing this type of location history is considered a search under the Fourth Amendment and must receive constitutional protections. The case was returned to lower courts for additional review rather than creating a blanket rule for every geofence warrant. (Reuters⁠)

What This Means for You

• Stronger recognition of digital privacy rights.
• Law enforcement may face stricter legal standards before obtaining broad location data.
• Smartphone users could receive greater constitutional protection over their location history.

Presidential Power Over Federal Agencies

In another closely watched case, the Court expanded presidential authority by allowing the President greater power to remove members of certain independent federal agencies, including the Federal Trade Commission (FTC). The ruling overturned a major precedent that had been in place since 1935. (Reuters⁠)

What This Means for You

Potential long-term effects could include:

• Changes in how independent federal agencies operate.
• Different approaches to consumer protection and business regulation depending on the administration in power.
• Increased presidential influence over parts of the federal government.

Mail-In Ballots

The Supreme Court upheld laws allowing states to count mail-in ballots that arrive after Election Day as long as they were postmarked on or before Election Day. The decision affects voting procedures in multiple states that already use similar rules. (The Guardian⁠)

What This Means for You

• Voters in states with these laws may continue to have mailed ballots counted if they meet state deadlines.
• Election officials will continue following their state’s existing ballot-counting rules unless state legislatures change them.

Gun Rights Continue to Expand

The Court issued decisions that broaden protections under the Second Amendment, including striking down certain restrictions on carrying firearms on private property open to the public and limiting enforcement of one federal firearm prohibition. The rulings also signal that the Court may hear additional firearm-related cases in future terms. (Reuters⁠)

What This Means for You

• Some state and local firearm restrictions may face additional legal challenges.
• Future Supreme Court decisions could further shape gun laws nationwide.
• State firearm regulations may continue evolving through litigation.

Why These Decisions Matter

Supreme Court decisions often become the law of the land, influencing:

• Personal privacy
• Voting and elections
• Consumer protections
• Government authority
• Criminal investigations
• Constitutional rights

Many of these rulings will continue to be interpreted by lower courts, meaning their full impact may not be known for months or even years.

How Could North Carolina Residents Be Affected?

For people across Raleigh and North Carolina, these decisions may influence:

• Privacy protections involving smartphones and digital technology.
• Future election procedures and voting policies.
• Consumer protections enforced by federal agencies.
• Firearm regulations challenged in federal courts.
• Future legal cases involving constitutional rights.

While some rulings take effect immediately, others simply establish legal standards that lower courts and lawmakers will apply over time.

Staying Informed

Supreme Court decisions often shape American life in ways that aren’t immediately obvious. From the apps you use on your phone to how elections are conducted and how federal agencies operate, the Court’s opinions can have lasting consequences for individuals, businesses, and local communities.

DoRaleigh.com will continue covering major legal, government, and public policy developments that matter to residents throughout Raleigh, Wake County, and the Triangle, helping explain what national decisions mean at the local level.

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https://www.tkhunt.com/2408672/ Laura Ingraham: Trump’s BIG immigration wins #(Media #AmericanSovereignty #BorderSecurity #BREAKINGNEWS #ConstitutionalLaw #ExecutiveAuthority #FoxNewsChannel #Immigration #LauraIngraham #LegalAnalysis #MigrantPolicy #SupremeCourt #TheIngrahamAngleYoutube #TRUMP #USA #ローラ

Federal Judge Blocks Trump Voting Order in Major Election Authority Ruling

https://thedemocracyadvocate.com/news-to-know/elections/federal-judge-blocks-trump-voting-order/

Trump Threatens DC Home Rule Over Election Outcome

https://thedemocracyadvocate.com/news-to-know/trump-watch/trump-threatens-dc-home-rule/

📕 Buddhism and Comparative Constitutional Law (A free, 344-page book from 2022)

Tags: #ConstitutionalLaw #Asia
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📑 Japanese Buddhists and Constitutional Law (A free, 31-page paper from 2022)

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ProBono: New Database of Constitutional Rights Cases – 1994 – 2026. “The Public Interest Practice has published a free online book, Key Judgments Advancing Constitutional Rights in South Africa: A Curated Database, April 1994 – March 2026 by Erica Emdon. Available on the SAFLII website, this resource brings together more than 180 judgments that have shaped and strengthened constitutional […]

Trump prison agenda is collapsing badly as broader failures drag his approval down

https://thedemocracyadvocate.com/news-to-know/u-s-politics/trump-prison-agenda/

https://www.fogolf.com/1227545/tiger-woods-attorney-fights-subpoena-for-drug-records-after-arrest/ Tiger Woods’ attorney fights subpoena for drug records after arrest #APTopNews #ConstitutionalLaw #DougDuncan #FLStateWire #florida #GeneralNews #HumanRights #LewisPharmacy #MikeSchneider #PrescriptionDrugs #privacy #sports #Subpoenas #TigerWoods #USNews

@CNN

Those convictions were the result of a jury and the evidence was overwhelming regarding their guilt in committing the crime. To have their convictions overturned is MORALLY wrong and Trump is lecturing the Pope regarding morality?

Plus while Trump can pardon them, overturning their convictions is the duty of the Judicial Branch. I am not so sure that the DOJ would not be violating the separation of powers" by doing so.

#law
#constitutionalLaw